Academic literature on the topic 'Lithuanian partisan'
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Journal articles on the topic "Lithuanian partisan"
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Juodis, D. "CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE UNIFICATION OF LITHUANIAN ANTI-SOVIET PARTISANS DURING 1946-1949." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.10.
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In 2019 comes the 70th anniversary of the founding of LLKS – the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters (Lietuvos Laisvės Kovos Sąjūdi). This underground organization had been founded in February of 1949. It united the people, who had been fighting against the Soviet power in Lithuania. Heads of the LLKS were active partisans and they called themselves freedom fighters. In the same time, other people called partisans ‘forest men’, ‘greens’ etc. The main purpose of this article – to consider the process of unification of the forces of Lithuanian partisans under unified command and to highlight the main circumstances of this process. The article is based on the archival materials and modern research writings. So far, very few research papers about Lithuanian anti-Soviet struggle have been published outside Lithuania. That’s why one of the goals of the author – to provide the information about this episode of the modern history of Lithuania to Ukrainian readers. Perhaps, the similarity with Ukrainian national insurgent movement during the 2nd World War will be found. The final ambition of the armed struggle of Lithuanian partisans was the creation of free democratic Lithuania. Partisans considered the mistakes of Lithuanian state-building during the interwar period, such as authoritarian regime and weak social politics. Freedom fighters hoped to get help from the West countries – Great Britain of the USA – through the mediation of Lithuanian emigrants. The unification of partisans was difficult because of the activity of infiltrated Soviet security agents. The chronological framework of the article covers the period of 1946-1949, when where held the main events of the unification of partisans. Active partisan struggle against the Soviet in Lithuania power lasted to 1953.
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Indrišionis, Darius. "“Imitating Bandits”: The Mimesis of Criminal Groups in Soviet Lithuania (1945–1957)." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 43 (August 8, 2019): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2019.43.4.
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During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel). This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term bandit was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers – any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term – the banditry. An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves – all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one.
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Ozacky-Stern, Daniela. "Executions of Jewish Partisans in the Lithuanian Forests: The Case of Natan Ring." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 40, no. 2 (October 22, 2021): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-bja10001.
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Jews joined the Soviet partisan movement spontaneously, after escaping from various ghettos in Lithuania and Belarus. Most of them had no military background, but they were eager to take part in fighting and revenge. They had to adjust to harsh living conditions in the forests and suffered hostility and antisemitism on the part of locals and non-Jewish fellow partisans. Internal relations amongst different political and ideological groups were often problematic as well. This article focuses on specific violent events which occurred in the Rudniki forests near Vilnius, Lithuania, and specifically on one controversial case study: the execution of the partisan commander Natan Ring in early November 1943, by his brothers in arms. Ring was suspected of collaboration with the Germans while he served as a Jewish policeman in the Vilnius ghetto. Based on the testimonies and memories of former partisans, recorded at different times between the end of the war until the present, the article rethinks morals and behaviour in that unique space and time and how the event has been perceived over the years which followed.
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Pocius, Mindaugas. "Partizanų nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vizija." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/1 (December 1, 2020): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202001006.
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The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.
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Vaičenonis, Jonas. "Rifleman‘s sign on the uniform: the members of Lithuanian Riflemen‘s Union in the lithuanian partisan war (1944–1953)." Europa Orientalis. Studia z Dziejów Europy Wschodniej i Państw Bałtyckich, no. 6 (July 6, 2016): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eo.2015.008.
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Vyšniūnas, Algis. "LUKIŠKIŲ AIKŠTĖ – SOCIALINIO UŽSAKYMO EVOLIUCIJA. PAMINKLAS LAISVĖS KOVŲ DALYVIAMS AR SIMBOLIS „LAISVĖ“?/LUKIŠKĖS SQUARE – EVOLUTION OF A SOCIAL ORDER. A MONUMENT TO FIGHTERS FOR FREEDOM OR A SYMBOL „FREEDOM“?" JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 32, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13921630.2008.32.201-220.
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This paper is about public spirit, national monuments and a sign system in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius. Such a system is a part of national Policy, therefore, one should keep distinct the pure artistical and national identity ideas. Nowadays a sense of national pride is very important and at the same time a real problem in Lithuania. A nation always has an essential place, a system of symbols or an extraordinary monument. Lithuania is only getting ready to consider the issue of monuments and signs in all its aspects. That is why, according to the rules of Lukiškės Square architectural competition, it is demanded to solve this problem. A representative function is required. „The memory of an unknown partisan and fighter for Lithuania’s freedom will be memorialized“ a slogan incused on a stone panel proclaims in Lukiškės Square. But there are still no results. The conception of public space is unidentified, so an urban space and ordinary functional aspects are always muddled up. West European public space practice indicates that Renaissance squares are the most popular, multifunctional public spaces. The space system and nominal space hierarchy are very complicated and indefinite, therefore, the final result is under diferent interpretations. Memorialization of dedication to fighters for Lithuania’s freedom is of great importance, but practical square formation aspects, such as parking, fountain construction, etc., are also important. The Lithuanian Parliament adopted a resolution on Lukiškės Square functions (11 Feb. 1999), but pursuancee belongs to the Municipality. That is a mistake and a real problem because the Municipality’s activities are not transparent. Such problems must be solved by a Steering Committee which must be formed. Otherwise a qualitative result is impossible. In 2008 Lukiškės Square architectural competition was proclaimed. The format of the main task is double – urban and artistical aspects are declared. The result of this competition is an abstract artistical accent, but not a real representative memorial. The purpose of this work is to reveal the formation process of Lukiškės Square as the main square of Lithuania. The basic principles of the Square formation and those of erecting a monument to the Lithuanian freedom fighters are presented. Santrauka 2008 m. paskelbtas Lukiškių aikštės sutvarkymo ir simbolio „Laisvė“ projekto sukūrimo konkursas. Vertinimo komisija išrinko 7 geriausius konkursinius projektus. Šie rezultatai sukėlė daug diskusijų, nes neaišku, ar tikrai pasiektas pagrindinis konkurso tikslas – įprasminti Laisvės kovas ir pagerbti tų kovų dalyvių atminimą? Nors yra labai konkretus LR Seimo nutarimas „Dėl Lukiškių aikštės funkcijų“, vis tiek lieka neaiškus Lukiškių aikštės statusas: ar ji yra valstybinio rango aikštė, ar paprasta vieša savivaldybės erdvė? Kai neaiškus aikštės statusas, neaiškus ir tikslo realizavimo mechanizmas bei priemonės. Straispnyje apžvelgiami pagrindiniai Lukiškių aikštės urbanistinės plėtros etapai, įvertinant ne tik realizacijas, bet ir visas idėjas, profesines koncepcijas. Pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti Lukiškių aikštės formavimo mechanizmus, bet ne komentuoti atskirus meninius pasiūlymus. Straipsnyje nekomentuojami atskirų suinteresuotų socialinių ir politinių grupių pareiškimai, taip pat tariamai moksliniai pranešimai viešųjų ryšių renginiuose ir akcijose. Taip pat nediskutuojama apie grynojo meno paskirtį ir santykį su mokslu ir politika. Išvadose pateikiami Lukiškių aikštės urbanistinio formavimo ir paminklo Laisvės kovotojams statymo principai.
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Čiočytė, Dalia. "The Literary Experience of God in Death’s Vicinity in the Works of Freedom Fighter Bronius Krivickas." Literatūra 62, no. 1 (December 28, 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.1.5.
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Bronius Krivickas (1919–1952), a Lithuanian poet and fiction writer, a fighter against the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, reflects carefully the main ideas of existentialism: Søren Kierkegaard’s concept of individual freedom, Martin Heidegger’s notion of being-toward-death, the concept of a limiting situation developed by Karl Jaspers. In the worldview of B. Krivickas’s literary works, these ideas are associated with the context of Catholic philosophy and theology.This article investigates the notion of God within the existential limiting situation (especially the situation of death) in the literary works by B. Krivickas. The main critical perspective is the theology of literature.
In the context of the dramatic experience of World War II, B. Krivickas’s short stories, a symbolist play A Tale About a Princess, and poetical prose works interpret God as being perceived through human conscience and a human longing for spiritual harmony. God is being thought of as the ultimate metaphysical mystery.In the period of Lithuanian fights for freedom, B. Krivickas’s poetry reveals an intense partisan self-consciousness. The poetry interprets the fight against the Soviet aggressor as a sacrifice for the nation’s freedom and compares it indirectly with the ultimate sacrifice of Jesus Christ. According to the logic of existentialism, B Krivickas’s poetry claims that a human being is absolutely free, even if this means to choose freedom at the cost of life.God becomes the personal you for the fighter seen in B. Krivickas’s poetry. The main theme of the fighter’s dialogue with God is an existential complaint. The fighter experiences deep theodic dilemmas. He has no doubts about the righteousness of the war against the Soviet occupation, but he has deep doubts about the divine permission for evil to exist in the world. The faith of the poetic fighter is just his will to believe, his desire to believe. Thus the poetic figure of the fighter acquires both patriotic and religious heroism.
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Čiočytė, Dalia. "The Literary Experience of God in Death’s Vicinity in the Works of Freedom Fighter Bronius Krivickas." Literatūra 62, no. 1 (December 28, 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.1.5.
Full textAbstract:
Bronius Krivickas (1919–1952), a Lithuanian poet and fiction writer, a fighter against the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, reflects carefully the main ideas of existentialism: Søren Kierkegaard’s concept of individual freedom, Martin Heidegger’s notion of being-toward-death, the concept of a limiting situation developed by Karl Jaspers. In the worldview of B. Krivickas’s literary works, these ideas are associated with the context of Catholic philosophy and theology.This article investigates the notion of God within the existential limiting situation (especially the situation of death) in the literary works by B. Krivickas. The main critical perspective is the theology of literature.
In the context of the dramatic experience of World War II, B. Krivickas’s short stories, a symbolist play A Tale About a Princess, and poetical prose works interpret God as being perceived through human conscience and a human longing for spiritual harmony. God is being thought of as the ultimate metaphysical mystery.In the period of Lithuanian fights for freedom, B. Krivickas’s poetry reveals an intense partisan self-consciousness. The poetry interprets the fight against the Soviet aggressor as a sacrifice for the nation’s freedom and compares it indirectly with the ultimate sacrifice of Jesus Christ. According to the logic of existentialism, B Krivickas’s poetry claims that a human being is absolutely free, even if this means to choose freedom at the cost of life.God becomes the personal you for the fighter seen in B. Krivickas’s poetry. The main theme of the fighter’s dialogue with God is an existential complaint. The fighter experiences deep theodic dilemmas. He has no doubts about the righteousness of the war against the Soviet occupation, but he has deep doubts about the divine permission for evil to exist in the world. The faith of the poetic fighter is just his will to believe, his desire to believe. Thus the poetic figure of the fighter acquires both patriotic and religious heroism.
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Božerocki, Tomaš. "The Significance of the Bernardine Fund in the Study of Historiographical Narratives on Kmicic’s Armia Krajowa Brigade." Knygotyra 74 (July 9, 2020): 96–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.74.47.
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During World War II, in 1939–1944, there was a Polish armed resistance movement in Eastern Lithuania, which was called Armia Krajowa (Home Army) in the abstract. In researching the activities of Armia Krajowa (AK) in Eastern Lithuania, not only historiography is valuable, but also surviving documents and memoirs, as well as the Bernardine Fund preserved in the Lithuanian Central State Archives. So far, this Fund does not seem to receive much attention from scientists researching the activities of AK in Lithuania, as well as archives compiled by Poles residing in other countries.
Based on the concept of storage medium, the article analyzes the case of the Bernardine Fund in the context of archival research of the Polish diaspora. During the analysis of the documents kept in the Bernardine Fund, it was observed that the said Fund held significant documents that could supplement / replace the existing narrative about Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade. Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade is noteworthy, as it is the first armed AK unit to launch a consistent armed resistance, but so far there are no separate studies dedicated to the activities of this brigade.
The storage medium is the basis of memory communication that gives authenticity to the constructed memory narrative. The Bernardine Fund is a storage medium that originated in the past and reached the present unchanged / slightly changed, and that contains a certain memory narrative about AK. The Bernardine Fund and the documents contained in it are valuable storage media that can help reveal the situation of the residents of Eastern Lithuania during World War II and shed new light on the military activities of AK. In the context of research and preservation of the written heritage of the Polish diaspora, this medium has not yet received the attention of scientists, although the example of the Kmicic’s AK brigade proved that this Fund contains documents that reveal hitherto unknown aspects of AK activities.
A fact turns into an event only when certain groups draw their attention to it, when they give meaning to it and start talking and writing about it, and it begins to be remembered. All significant events are just someone’s creations, created just to justify the present in a way that is convenient for the collective, the political elite, or the heads of state. The case of Kmicic’s brigade has proven that no fact is completely lost. If a fact is not currently updated and used, it does not mean that it will be the case all the time. The documents kept in the Fund reflect that during the formation of the historiographical narrative, the collective memory of the said brigade, part of the events was deliberately omitted in order to give integrity to the narrative being formed.
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Szymanowicz, Adam. "Cossacks in the service of the Third Reich." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 195, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0263.
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The origins of Cossacs probably date back to the 15th and 16th centuries. Cossacks appeared both in the south-eastern areas under the authority of the Commonwealth and in the south-west of Moscow. They played a significant role in the history of our country, fighting together with the Crown and Lithuanian armies in the wars against the Tatars, Turks, Moscow and Sweden. However, they also caused uprisings which seriously weakened the Commonwealth. In the 16th century, Cossack troops in the service of the rulers of Moscow were formed, used for conquests made by this country. Cossacks also suppressed uprisings and rebellions against tsarist authorities. During the civil war in Russia, a significant part of them sympathized with the Whites. After the Bolshevik occupation of the Cossack territories, there was repression compared by Lenin to the Vendée genocide during the French Revolution. Persecution also took place there during the collectivization and the Great Terror. Many Cossacks emigrated. Some of them in Germany, where they later began cooperation with the Nazis, especially after the Third Reich’s aggression against the USSR. After occupying the Cossack territories, the German authorities created local Cossack self-government structures. The first Cossack formations fighting on the Wehrmacht side also began to appear. During the war, tens of thousands of Cossacks who fought in German uniforms in the USSR, occupied Poland, Yugoslavia and northern Italy. They were used primarily to conduct anti-partisan activities. At the end of the war, the Cossacks tried to avoid Soviet captivity and surrender to the Western Allies’ troops. However, as a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were handed over to the Soviet authorities, which condemned them to a tragic fate.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lithuanian partisan"
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Voverytė, Aistė. ""Neužmirštuolės"." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140703_134011-68179.
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1944 m Lietuvoje prasidėjo partizaninis karas. Daugelis vyrų išejo į miškus kovoti su okupantais. Šioje kovoje neliko nuošalyje ir moterys, jų vaidmuo buvo labai svarbus. Prireikus jos, petys petin kovojo su vyrais prieš enkavedistų būrius, slaugė sužeistuosius, palaikė ryšius tarp skirtingų partizanų apygardų. Ryšininkės perduodavo svarbę slaptą informaciją: apie susitikimo vietas, slaptažodžius, naujai įsikūrusius bunkerius – slėptuves, perduodavo slaptus dokumentus. Kad jų nesuciuptų ir neperimtų slaptos informacijos, moterys perduodamus laiškelius slepdavo. Jos buvo išradingos. Lankydamasi druskininkų rezistencijos ir tremties muziejuje sužinojau, jog laiškeliai buvo slepiami ir plaukuose. Ši istorija mane sužavejo, tad nusprendžiau šią idėją perteikti magistro baigiamajame darbe. Savo kūrinyje vaizduoju 9 lietuvaitėms būdingas ilgų plaukų šukuosenas, kuriose paslepiu savają žinutę. Mano perduodamoje žinutėje įrašyti žodžiai iš „Tauro“ apygardos ryšininkės žvalgės Julijos Čepaitytės – Simanaitienės slapyvardžiu Undinė sukurtos baladės apie partizano likimą. Ši baladė skirta partizanui „Kovui“ Jonukui Stačiokui atminti. Po balade autorė parašė.
„ Šias eilutes sukūriau 1950 m. liepos 10-11 d., pati būdama be namų ir laisvės, netekusi savo pirmosios tikrosios meilės ir karštai mylinčio tikro draugo, kuris buvo tarsi švyturys pavergtoje tėvynėje. Tavęs aš niekad nepamiršiu.“
Manau baladė puikiai atskleidžia priežastis dėl ko Lietuvos moterys taip pat išėjo į miškus kariauti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]In 1944 the partisan war in Lithuania began. The most of the men went to woods to fight against occupants. In this fight the woman’s role was also very important. They were fighting against NKVD the same strong as men do; they also were nursing injured people, keeping connection between different partisans’ counties as postal workers (signallers). Signallers were transmitting very important confidential information: about meeting places, passwords, newly constructed hiding places – bunkers, transferring secret documents. In fact that women could be caught and secret information taken, they were hiding all mails. And women were very resourceful. Visiting ‘’Resistance and Deportation Museum’’ in Druskininkai I’ve got news that secret mails were hiding in women hair. This history improved me so much so I decided to convey this idea in my Master's thesis. In my work you can see nine different long hairdressings what characteristic of Lithuanian women. In all these hairdressings I hide my secret message. In my transmitting message there are words from ballad about partisan’s destiny which was created by signaller Julija Cepaityte – Simantiene (known as Undine) from “Tauras” county. This ballad is dedicated to partisan Jonukas Staciokas “Kovas”. After the ballad writer wrote: “These lines I created in 1950, July 10-11. itself being without a home and freedom, lost my first true love and real hot loving friend who was like a beacon subjugated homeland. I will never forget you." In... [to full text]
Books on the topic "Lithuanian partisan"
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The diary of a partisan: A year in the life of the postwar Lithuanian resistance fighter Dzūkas. Vilnius: Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania, 2008.
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Daumantas, Juozas. Fighters for freedom: Lithuanian partisans versus the U.S.S.R. (1944-1947). 2nd ed. Toronto, Ontario: Lithuanian Canadian Committee for Human Rights, 1988.
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(Lithuania), Nepriklausomybės partija. Nepriklausomybės partija: Bendroji programa ir įstatai. [Vilnius: Nepriklausomybės partija, 1994.
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departamentas, Lithuania Archyvų. Komunistinių organizacijų fondų žinynas. Vilnius: Lietuvos Archyvų departamentas, 1996.
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Paleckis, Justas. Pergalės saliutas: Karo metų užrašai. Vilnius: "Mintis", 1985.
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Tininis, Vytautas. Sovietų Sąjungos politinės struktūros Lietuvoje ir jų nusikalstama veiklas: Antroji sovietinė okupacija (1944-1953) = Political bodies of the Soviet Union in Lithuania and their criminal activities : the second Soviet occupation (1944-1953). Vilnius: Margi raštai, 2008.
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Liekis, Algimantas. LKP agonijos kronika: Dokumentinė apybraiža. Vilnius: Lietuvos Mokslas, 1996.
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Korpiola, Mia. Customary Law and the Influence of the Ius Commune in High and Late Medieval East Central Europe. Edited by Heikki Pihlajamäki, Markus D. Dubber, and Mark Godfrey. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198785521.013.50.
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Secular law remained largely customary and uncodified in east central Europe. While much of south-eastern Europe had remained Christian ever since Roman times, most of east central Europe was Christianized during the high Middle Ages. The Baltic region came later, Lithuania only being converted after 1387. South-eastern Europe was influenced first by Byzantine and then Italian law. In much of east central Europe secular law was based on Slavic customs, later influenced by canon law and German law. The Sachsenspiegel, Schwabenspiegel, and German town law spread to the whole region alongside the German colonization of east central Europe. Towns functioned as conduits of German and learned law. Certain territorial rulers actively promoted Roman law and (partial) codification, while the local nobility preferred uncodified customary law. In addition to foreign university studies, the fourteenth-century universities of Prague and Krakow, cathedral chapters, and notaries helped disseminate the ius commune into the region.
Book chapters on the topic "Lithuanian partisan"
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Petrauskas, Gediminas, and Aistė Petrauskienė. "Archaeology of the Lithuanian Partisan War: Case of the Partisan Bunker in Daugėliškiai Forest." In Archaeologies of Totalitarianism, Authoritarianism, and Repression, 149–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46683-1_8.
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"A History of the Lithuanian Partisan Underground State (1944–1953)." In Violent Resistance, 52–71. Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/9783657703043_005.
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Vest, Hans. "Völkermord durch Tötung zweier litauischer Partisanen? Besprechung von EGMR (GC), Urt. v. 20.10.2015 – 35343/05 (Vasiliauskas v. Lithuania)." In Zehn Jahre ZIS - Zeitschrift für Internationale Strafrechtsdogmatik, 1133–54. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845288932-1133.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Lithuanian partisan"
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KALINOWSKI, Sławomir, and Barbara KIEŁBASA. "RISK OF POVERTY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONTEXT OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.044.
Full textAbstract:
This paper addresses the poverty risk issues in the context of sustainable development of rural areas. Empirical materials included in this paper are based on EU-SILC (European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions) partial studies, and provide a reference point for comparing the EU income distribution and social integration statistics. Poverty reduction and counteracting social exclusion are among the key Millennium Development Goals. According to studies, one in four inhabitants of EU rural areas is at risk of poverty or social exclusion. While the highest shares of at-risk population are recorded in Bulgaria (54.8%) and Romania (50.8%), the levels reported by Poland and Lithuania are also above the EU average (by 4.5 and 9.2 percentage points, respectively). At the other end of the spectrum, the risk rate in the Netherlands and Czech Republic is 12.8%. For the households, income is a factor underpinning their economic safety and, thus, their confidence. The amount of incomes affects the objective poverty levels measured with a parametric method. In the EU, persons earning no more than 60% of the national median income are assumed to be at risk of poverty. Therefore, the risk of poverty affects nearly every fifth inhabitant of EU rural areas. Poverty and social exclusion are multidimensional aspects which result in unmet needs in multiple areas: healthcare, education, housing, culture and leisure. While triggering some kind of feedback loop, insufficient incomes are both the cause and the effect of deprivation of needs. Also, they provide favorable conditions for an unsustainable development of rural areas.