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Journal articles on the topic 'Lithuanian partisan'
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1
Juodis, D. "CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE UNIFICATION OF LITHUANIAN ANTI-SOVIET PARTISANS DURING 1946-1949." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.10.
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In 2019 comes the 70th anniversary of the founding of LLKS – the Union of Lithuanian Freedom Fighters (Lietuvos Laisvės Kovos Sąjūdi). This underground organization had been founded in February of 1949. It united the people, who had been fighting against the Soviet power in Lithuania. Heads of the LLKS were active partisans and they called themselves freedom fighters. In the same time, other people called partisans ‘forest men’, ‘greens’ etc. The main purpose of this article – to consider the process of unification of the forces of Lithuanian partisans under unified command and to highlight the main circumstances of this process. The article is based on the archival materials and modern research writings. So far, very few research papers about Lithuanian anti-Soviet struggle have been published outside Lithuania. That’s why one of the goals of the author – to provide the information about this episode of the modern history of Lithuania to Ukrainian readers. Perhaps, the similarity with Ukrainian national insurgent movement during the 2nd World War will be found. The final ambition of the armed struggle of Lithuanian partisans was the creation of free democratic Lithuania. Partisans considered the mistakes of Lithuanian state-building during the interwar period, such as authoritarian regime and weak social politics. Freedom fighters hoped to get help from the West countries – Great Britain of the USA – through the mediation of Lithuanian emigrants. The unification of partisans was difficult because of the activity of infiltrated Soviet security agents. The chronological framework of the article covers the period of 1946-1949, when where held the main events of the unification of partisans. Active partisan struggle against the Soviet in Lithuania power lasted to 1953.
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Indrišionis, Darius. "“Imitating Bandits”: The Mimesis of Criminal Groups in Soviet Lithuania (1945–1957)." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 43 (August 8, 2019): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2019.43.4.
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During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel). This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term bandit was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers – any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term – the banditry. An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves – all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one.
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Ozacky-Stern, Daniela. "Executions of Jewish Partisans in the Lithuanian Forests: The Case of Natan Ring." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 40, no. 2 (October 22, 2021): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-bja10001.
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Jews joined the Soviet partisan movement spontaneously, after escaping from various ghettos in Lithuania and Belarus. Most of them had no military background, but they were eager to take part in fighting and revenge. They had to adjust to harsh living conditions in the forests and suffered hostility and antisemitism on the part of locals and non-Jewish fellow partisans. Internal relations amongst different political and ideological groups were often problematic as well. This article focuses on specific violent events which occurred in the Rudniki forests near Vilnius, Lithuania, and specifically on one controversial case study: the execution of the partisan commander Natan Ring in early November 1943, by his brothers in arms. Ring was suspected of collaboration with the Germans while he served as a Jewish policeman in the Vilnius ghetto. Based on the testimonies and memories of former partisans, recorded at different times between the end of the war until the present, the article rethinks morals and behaviour in that unique space and time and how the event has been perceived over the years which followed.
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Pocius, Mindaugas. "Partizanų nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vizija." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/1 (December 1, 2020): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202001006.
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The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.
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Vaičenonis, Jonas. "Rifleman‘s sign on the uniform: the members of Lithuanian Riflemen‘s Union in the lithuanian partisan war (1944–1953)." Europa Orientalis. Studia z Dziejów Europy Wschodniej i Państw Bałtyckich, no. 6 (July 6, 2016): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eo.2015.008.
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Vyšniūnas, Algis. "LUKIŠKIŲ AIKŠTĖ – SOCIALINIO UŽSAKYMO EVOLIUCIJA. PAMINKLAS LAISVĖS KOVŲ DALYVIAMS AR SIMBOLIS „LAISVĖ“?/LUKIŠKĖS SQUARE – EVOLUTION OF A SOCIAL ORDER. A MONUMENT TO FIGHTERS FOR FREEDOM OR A SYMBOL „FREEDOM“?" JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 32, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13921630.2008.32.201-220.
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This paper is about public spirit, national monuments and a sign system in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius. Such a system is a part of national Policy, therefore, one should keep distinct the pure artistical and national identity ideas. Nowadays a sense of national pride is very important and at the same time a real problem in Lithuania. A nation always has an essential place, a system of symbols or an extraordinary monument. Lithuania is only getting ready to consider the issue of monuments and signs in all its aspects. That is why, according to the rules of Lukiškės Square architectural competition, it is demanded to solve this problem. A representative function is required. „The memory of an unknown partisan and fighter for Lithuania’s freedom will be memorialized“ a slogan incused on a stone panel proclaims in Lukiškės Square. But there are still no results. The conception of public space is unidentified, so an urban space and ordinary functional aspects are always muddled up. West European public space practice indicates that Renaissance squares are the most popular, multifunctional public spaces. The space system and nominal space hierarchy are very complicated and indefinite, therefore, the final result is under diferent interpretations. Memorialization of dedication to fighters for Lithuania’s freedom is of great importance, but practical square formation aspects, such as parking, fountain construction, etc., are also important. The Lithuanian Parliament adopted a resolution on Lukiškės Square functions (11 Feb. 1999), but pursuancee belongs to the Municipality. That is a mistake and a real problem because the Municipality’s activities are not transparent. Such problems must be solved by a Steering Committee which must be formed. Otherwise a qualitative result is impossible. In 2008 Lukiškės Square architectural competition was proclaimed. The format of the main task is double – urban and artistical aspects are declared. The result of this competition is an abstract artistical accent, but not a real representative memorial. The purpose of this work is to reveal the formation process of Lukiškės Square as the main square of Lithuania. The basic principles of the Square formation and those of erecting a monument to the Lithuanian freedom fighters are presented. Santrauka 2008 m. paskelbtas Lukiškių aikštės sutvarkymo ir simbolio „Laisvė“ projekto sukūrimo konkursas. Vertinimo komisija išrinko 7 geriausius konkursinius projektus. Šie rezultatai sukėlė daug diskusijų, nes neaišku, ar tikrai pasiektas pagrindinis konkurso tikslas – įprasminti Laisvės kovas ir pagerbti tų kovų dalyvių atminimą? Nors yra labai konkretus LR Seimo nutarimas „Dėl Lukiškių aikštės funkcijų“, vis tiek lieka neaiškus Lukiškių aikštės statusas: ar ji yra valstybinio rango aikštė, ar paprasta vieša savivaldybės erdvė? Kai neaiškus aikštės statusas, neaiškus ir tikslo realizavimo mechanizmas bei priemonės. Straispnyje apžvelgiami pagrindiniai Lukiškių aikštės urbanistinės plėtros etapai, įvertinant ne tik realizacijas, bet ir visas idėjas, profesines koncepcijas. Pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti Lukiškių aikštės formavimo mechanizmus, bet ne komentuoti atskirus meninius pasiūlymus. Straipsnyje nekomentuojami atskirų suinteresuotų socialinių ir politinių grupių pareiškimai, taip pat tariamai moksliniai pranešimai viešųjų ryšių renginiuose ir akcijose. Taip pat nediskutuojama apie grynojo meno paskirtį ir santykį su mokslu ir politika. Išvadose pateikiami Lukiškių aikštės urbanistinio formavimo ir paminklo Laisvės kovotojams statymo principai.
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Čiočytė, Dalia. "The Literary Experience of God in Death’s Vicinity in the Works of Freedom Fighter Bronius Krivickas." Literatūra 62, no. 1 (December 28, 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.1.5.
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Bronius Krivickas (1919–1952), a Lithuanian poet and fiction writer, a fighter against the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, reflects carefully the main ideas of existentialism: Søren Kierkegaard’s concept of individual freedom, Martin Heidegger’s notion of being-toward-death, the concept of a limiting situation developed by Karl Jaspers. In the worldview of B. Krivickas’s literary works, these ideas are associated with the context of Catholic philosophy and theology.This article investigates the notion of God within the existential limiting situation (especially the situation of death) in the literary works by B. Krivickas. The main critical perspective is the theology of literature.
In the context of the dramatic experience of World War II, B. Krivickas’s short stories, a symbolist play A Tale About a Princess, and poetical prose works interpret God as being perceived through human conscience and a human longing for spiritual harmony. God is being thought of as the ultimate metaphysical mystery.In the period of Lithuanian fights for freedom, B. Krivickas’s poetry reveals an intense partisan self-consciousness. The poetry interprets the fight against the Soviet aggressor as a sacrifice for the nation’s freedom and compares it indirectly with the ultimate sacrifice of Jesus Christ. According to the logic of existentialism, B Krivickas’s poetry claims that a human being is absolutely free, even if this means to choose freedom at the cost of life.God becomes the personal you for the fighter seen in B. Krivickas’s poetry. The main theme of the fighter’s dialogue with God is an existential complaint. The fighter experiences deep theodic dilemmas. He has no doubts about the righteousness of the war against the Soviet occupation, but he has deep doubts about the divine permission for evil to exist in the world. The faith of the poetic fighter is just his will to believe, his desire to believe. Thus the poetic figure of the fighter acquires both patriotic and religious heroism.
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Čiočytė, Dalia. "The Literary Experience of God in Death’s Vicinity in the Works of Freedom Fighter Bronius Krivickas." Literatūra 62, no. 1 (December 28, 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.1.5.
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Bronius Krivickas (1919–1952), a Lithuanian poet and fiction writer, a fighter against the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, reflects carefully the main ideas of existentialism: Søren Kierkegaard’s concept of individual freedom, Martin Heidegger’s notion of being-toward-death, the concept of a limiting situation developed by Karl Jaspers. In the worldview of B. Krivickas’s literary works, these ideas are associated with the context of Catholic philosophy and theology.This article investigates the notion of God within the existential limiting situation (especially the situation of death) in the literary works by B. Krivickas. The main critical perspective is the theology of literature.
In the context of the dramatic experience of World War II, B. Krivickas’s short stories, a symbolist play A Tale About a Princess, and poetical prose works interpret God as being perceived through human conscience and a human longing for spiritual harmony. God is being thought of as the ultimate metaphysical mystery.In the period of Lithuanian fights for freedom, B. Krivickas’s poetry reveals an intense partisan self-consciousness. The poetry interprets the fight against the Soviet aggressor as a sacrifice for the nation’s freedom and compares it indirectly with the ultimate sacrifice of Jesus Christ. According to the logic of existentialism, B Krivickas’s poetry claims that a human being is absolutely free, even if this means to choose freedom at the cost of life.God becomes the personal you for the fighter seen in B. Krivickas’s poetry. The main theme of the fighter’s dialogue with God is an existential complaint. The fighter experiences deep theodic dilemmas. He has no doubts about the righteousness of the war against the Soviet occupation, but he has deep doubts about the divine permission for evil to exist in the world. The faith of the poetic fighter is just his will to believe, his desire to believe. Thus the poetic figure of the fighter acquires both patriotic and religious heroism.
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Božerocki, Tomaš. "The Significance of the Bernardine Fund in the Study of Historiographical Narratives on Kmicic’s Armia Krajowa Brigade." Knygotyra 74 (July 9, 2020): 96–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.74.47.
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During World War II, in 1939–1944, there was a Polish armed resistance movement in Eastern Lithuania, which was called Armia Krajowa (Home Army) in the abstract. In researching the activities of Armia Krajowa (AK) in Eastern Lithuania, not only historiography is valuable, but also surviving documents and memoirs, as well as the Bernardine Fund preserved in the Lithuanian Central State Archives. So far, this Fund does not seem to receive much attention from scientists researching the activities of AK in Lithuania, as well as archives compiled by Poles residing in other countries.
Based on the concept of storage medium, the article analyzes the case of the Bernardine Fund in the context of archival research of the Polish diaspora. During the analysis of the documents kept in the Bernardine Fund, it was observed that the said Fund held significant documents that could supplement / replace the existing narrative about Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade. Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade is noteworthy, as it is the first armed AK unit to launch a consistent armed resistance, but so far there are no separate studies dedicated to the activities of this brigade.
The storage medium is the basis of memory communication that gives authenticity to the constructed memory narrative. The Bernardine Fund is a storage medium that originated in the past and reached the present unchanged / slightly changed, and that contains a certain memory narrative about AK. The Bernardine Fund and the documents contained in it are valuable storage media that can help reveal the situation of the residents of Eastern Lithuania during World War II and shed new light on the military activities of AK. In the context of research and preservation of the written heritage of the Polish diaspora, this medium has not yet received the attention of scientists, although the example of the Kmicic’s AK brigade proved that this Fund contains documents that reveal hitherto unknown aspects of AK activities.
A fact turns into an event only when certain groups draw their attention to it, when they give meaning to it and start talking and writing about it, and it begins to be remembered. All significant events are just someone’s creations, created just to justify the present in a way that is convenient for the collective, the political elite, or the heads of state. The case of Kmicic’s brigade has proven that no fact is completely lost. If a fact is not currently updated and used, it does not mean that it will be the case all the time. The documents kept in the Fund reflect that during the formation of the historiographical narrative, the collective memory of the said brigade, part of the events was deliberately omitted in order to give integrity to the narrative being formed.
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Szymanowicz, Adam. "Cossacks in the service of the Third Reich." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 195, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0263.
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The origins of Cossacs probably date back to the 15th and 16th centuries. Cossacks appeared both in the south-eastern areas under the authority of the Commonwealth and in the south-west of Moscow. They played a significant role in the history of our country, fighting together with the Crown and Lithuanian armies in the wars against the Tatars, Turks, Moscow and Sweden. However, they also caused uprisings which seriously weakened the Commonwealth. In the 16th century, Cossack troops in the service of the rulers of Moscow were formed, used for conquests made by this country. Cossacks also suppressed uprisings and rebellions against tsarist authorities. During the civil war in Russia, a significant part of them sympathized with the Whites. After the Bolshevik occupation of the Cossack territories, there was repression compared by Lenin to the Vendée genocide during the French Revolution. Persecution also took place there during the collectivization and the Great Terror. Many Cossacks emigrated. Some of them in Germany, where they later began cooperation with the Nazis, especially after the Third Reich’s aggression against the USSR. After occupying the Cossack territories, the German authorities created local Cossack self-government structures. The first Cossack formations fighting on the Wehrmacht side also began to appear. During the war, tens of thousands of Cossacks who fought in German uniforms in the USSR, occupied Poland, Yugoslavia and northern Italy. They were used primarily to conduct anti-partisan activities. At the end of the war, the Cossacks tried to avoid Soviet captivity and surrender to the Western Allies’ troops. However, as a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were handed over to the Soviet authorities, which condemned them to a tragic fate.
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Filippov, Sergey. "Conditions of the National Elites Loyalty towards the Central Government in the Soviet Period of Russian History." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-1 (December 23, 2020): 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-230-248.
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The article deals with the analysis of the Soviet national policy from a historical perspective with a focus on investigating into conditions of the loyalty of national elites towards the central government in the last period of the USSR existence. The indicators of the low level loyalty are as follows: supporting the ideas of national sovereignty and independence, participating in the national movement by ruling cadres, influential intellectuals and population. The author shows low sympathy of both groups of representatives: elites and broad population to nationalist ideas. The analysis is based on comparing contrastive cases – the Soviet elites of the Baltic republics (Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia) and Belorussia in their interactions with the central government as well as local population in the period from 1945 to 1991. These republics, their population and elites were similar regarding some important aspects such as historical and cultural as well as demographic characteristics in the case of Belorussia and Lithuania; some important features of the industry (big export-oriented enterprises) regarding Estonia, Latvia and Belorussia. At the same time, these cases showed a different level of the loyalty towards the Union center, namely, relatively high among the Belorussian Soviet ruling cadres and population and relatively low in the Baltic republics by the end of 1980s. The important aspect of the Soviet national policy was establishing new national elites, educational and cultural institutions preserving their native languages as well as the promotion of native cadres into the positions of power in the regional administration. In some respects, this policy was similar to the “indirect rule” implemented in the imperial period of Russian history and consisted in the cooperation between the central government and local elites as the main approach to administrating a multinational state. However, in comparison with the previous practice tending to include national elites in the imperial nobility, the post revolutionary approach considered the creation of national elites through promoting local cultural and educational institutions that offer quite prestigious but specific positions occupied mostly by representatives of the respective ethnic group. Creating local elites reduced the competition for “universal” positions since socialization and career of “national staff” were oriented towards national institutes. However, increasing numbers of “national staff” with limited positions for them had negative social consequences (elite overproduction). Intra-elite tension increased due to the migration from other regions (in the case of Latvia and Estonia). The other reason of this phenomenon was pursuing socialization strategies oriented to the places of origin (in the case of Lithuania). The attractiveness of the Baltic republics both for local population and migrants from other regions of the USSR was caused by a relatively high level of living standards in these union republics. Location of big export-oriented enterprises in the territory of Belorussia created conditions for preferring socialization strategies oriented towards integration with the Soviet Union economy and, therefore, enhanced loyalty towards the USSR center from both elites and population. Besides, the administrative apparatus of the Soviet Belorussia was recruited extensively among participants of the Soviet partisan movement 1941–1944 what explains the devotion of the Belorussian elite to the Soviet symbols and values. At the same time, the base of the legitimization of the Soviet Lithuanian elite was its ability to control the anti-Soviet (nationalist) movement as well supporting national culture and language.
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Jokubauskas, Vytautas. "Territorial Defence and Partisan Resistance (Lithuania’s Experience)." Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review 16, no. 1 (December 9, 2018): 331–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lasr-2018-0012.
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Brazauskas, Nerijus. "Lithuanian Partisans in a Contemporary Lithuanian Novel: Collective Memory and Interpretation of History." Žmogus ir žodis 17, no. 2 (December 22, 2015): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/zz.2015.22.
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Masnevaitė, Elena. "Politinių partijų finansavimo modeliai Lietuvos kontekste." Teisė 67 (January 1, 2008): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2008.0.356.
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Politinių partijų finansavimas – vienas iš labiausiai dinamiškų ir problemiškų viešosios teisės institutų, kuriame susipina įvairūs „tarpdalykiniai“ klausimai, t. y. konstitucinės, administracinės, mokesčių ar baudžiamosios teisės aspektai. 1999 m. M. Bložė teigė, kad Lietuvoje politinių partijų finansavimas ir jo tyrimo problemos išgyvena tik embrioninį laikotarpį [23, p. 23]. Antruoju aspektu padėtis mažai tepasikeitė, nes iki šiol mokslinių tyrimų šiuo klausimu beveik nėra, o tuose, kurie buvo paskelbti, nėra išsamios Lietuvos situacijos analizės. Tai stebina, nes pastarųjų metų Lietuvos tikrovėje kaip niekada daug praktinių politinių partijų finansavimo neaiškumų ir „skandalų“, kurie gali būti atitinkamai vertinami ir sprendžiami teoriniu (konceptualiu) požiūriu. Šis straipsnis – tai bandymas bent iš dalies užpildyti Lietuvos konstitucinės teisės mokslo spragą.Straipsnyje analizuojama, kokie subjektai ir kokiomis formomis turi teisę finansuoti Lietuvos politines partijas ir kokią tai turi įtaką jų nepriklausomumui. Autorė, atsižvelgdama į kitų Europos valstybių patirtį šioje srityje, atskleidžia Lietuvos politinių partijų finansavimo teisinio reguliavimo trūkumus ir pranašumus bei pateikia siūlytinų korekcijų rekomendacijas. Financing of political parties is one of the most dinamic and problematic institutes of public law. It contais variuos „interdisciplinary“ issues, i. e. aspects of constitutional, administrative, tax or criminal law. In 1999 M. Bložė maintained that financing of political parties and its research problems were in the seminal state in Lithuania [23, p. 23]. At second dimension the situation changed only a little, because there are practically no scientific researches on this issue and the published ones do not carry comprehensive analysis of Lithuanian situation. This fact surprises a lot since recently have occurred a number of practical party finance obscurities and „scandals“ in the reality of Lithuania. They could be respectively evaluated and adjudicated from a theoretical (conceptual) viewpoint. This article is an attempt to fill (at least – partly) the gap originated in the jurisprudence of Lithuanian constitutional law.The subjects possessing a right to contribute towards Lithuanian political parties, the forms of such contributions and in view of that the impact on the independence of political parties are analyzed in this article. The author, considering the practise of other European countries in this scope, reveals the advantages and disadvantages of Lithuanian legal reguliation on finansing of political parties and introduces recommendations for suggested corrections.
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Petrauskas, Gediminas. "Investigating Bunkers: Lithuanian Partisans, Archaeology and Excavation in Pagrenda Forest." Europa Orientalis. Studia z Dziejów Europy Wschodniej i Państw Bałtyckich, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eo.2019.07.
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Jurkynas, Mindaugas. "Populist Parties in Lithuania: Curious Case of Party Order and Justice and its Leadership." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0008.
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AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.
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Redzepagic, Srdjan, and Matthieu Llorca. "Does politics matter in the conduct of fiscal policy? Political determinants of the fiscal sustainability: Evidence from seven individual Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC)." Panoeconomicus 54, no. 4 (2007): 489–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0704489r.
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This paper aims at assessing the fiscal sustainability and its political determinants in seven Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), namely Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovenia, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. First, using the recent sustainability approach of Bohn (1998) based on fiscal reaction function, econometric findings using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) reveal a positive response of the primary surplus to changes in debt in several countries. In other words, fiscal policy is sustainable in Baltic countries, Slovenia and Slovakia, but not in Poland and in the Czech Republic. Second, by introducing political dummy variables, we test the electoral budget cycle and the partisan cycle theories. We find the presence of electoral and partisan cycle in Poland but not in the rest of our countries.
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Budrytė, Dovilė. "From Masculine Heroism to Everyday Violence? A Gendered Perspective on the Partisan War in Lithuania." Ethnologie française 170, no. 2 (2018): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.182.0243.
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Vorotnikov, V. V. "BALTIC ETHNOCRACIES BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE EU: IN SEARCH OF CONSENSUS UNDER CONDITIONS OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-25-33.
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The economic crisis fueled contradictions among the parties and weakened public support of internal and external policies of the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia). Natural necessity to abandon previous one-sided Euro-Atlantic foreign political and foreign economic orientation in favor of more balanced approach towards relations with Eastern neighbours (primarily with Russia) has become the issue of key importance that turned out to be a stumbling block for main political parties (ruling parties, opposition, so called ‚Russian‘ parties) in the Baltic states. The attitude to this problem became crucial during recent political crisis in Latvia, whereas in Lithuania and Estonia it led to changing rhetoric on foreign political issues by opposition parties. It is possible to nominally define the political situation in Lithuania as partisan consensus, whereas in Latvia and Estonia foreign political strategies complicated by unresolved domestic ethnic and language minorities problems are a battlegroud for ruling right-wing conservative coalitions and social-democratic oppositions. So, main social and political forces in the Baltic states faced the task to find a new consensus on foreign political issues in order to efficiently develop national economies under the conditions of financial economic turbulence in the EU and worldwide as well as to support social unity.
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Budrytė, Dovilė. "From Partisan Warfare to Memory Battlefields: Two Women's Stories about the Second World War and Its Aftermath in Lithuania." Gender & History 28, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 754–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12248.
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Žilinskas, Justinas. "Status of Members of Anti-Soviet Armed Resistance (Partisans’ War) of 1944–1953 in Lithuania under International Law." Baltic Yearbook of International Law Online 11, no. 1 (2011): 31–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115897-90000066.
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Zima, Veniamin F. "Collected Documents on the History of the Pskov Orthodox Mission: A Recent Publication." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 306–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-306-312.
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The reviewed work is devoted to a significant, and yet little-studied in both national and foreign scholarship, issue of the clergy interactions with German occupational authorities on the territory of the USSR in the days of the Great Patriotic War. It introduces into scientific use historically significant complex of documents (1941-1945) from the archive of the Office of the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) of Vilnius and Lithuania, patriarchal exarch in Latvia and Estonia, and also records from the investigatory records on charges against clergy and employees concerned in the activities of the Pskov Orthodox Mission (1944-1990). Documents included in the publication are stored in the archives of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Estonia, Lithuania, Leningrad, Novgorod, and Pskov regions. They allow some insight into nature, forms, and methods of the Nazi occupational regime policies in the conquered territories (including policies towards the Church). The documents capture religious policies of the Nazis and inner life of the exarchate, describe actual situation of population and clergy, management activities and counterinsurgency on the occupied territories. The documents bring to light connections between the exarchate and German counterintelligence and reveal the nature of political police work with informants. They capture the political mood of population and prisoners of war. There is information on participants of partisan movement and underground resistance, on communication net between the patriarchal exarchate in the Baltic states and the German counterintelligence. Reports and dispatches of the clergy in the pay of the Nazis addressed to the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) contain detailed activity reports. Investigatory records contain important biographical information and personal data on the collaborators. Most of the documents, being classified, have never been published before.
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Noreika, Alvydas. "Vytautas Kavolis: Liberalism and Metaphysics." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 44, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2019.1.9.
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The article deals with the Lithuanian-American political scholar Vytautas Kavolis’s approach to the metaphysical foundations of liberalism. It is argued that the scholar’s position in regard to this question has changed as time passed. Until the 1970s, Kavolis defended the position that pure (philosophical) liberalism does not presuppose any a priori metaphysics. It doesn’t dictate to its partisans in a normative way what they have to think about God, to accept His existence or not, or how they ought to treat reality as a whole. According to Kavolis, pure liberalism is neutral with regard to God and reality as a whole. It is an empty form in the metaphysical sense. The right to fill up an empty form with a metaphysical content is delegated to an individual in pure liberalism. From the 1970s, Kavolis took a much more moderate position regarding the metaphysical foundations of liberalism. In his view, pure liberalism is founded on some metaphysical presuppositions – namely, the metaphysical conception of order. Inquiring Kavolis’ approach to the metaphysical foundations of liberalism, wide attention is paid to its context of origin as well.
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Kozlyakov, Vyacheslav. "Military Operations of the Polish-Lithuanian Garrison in Moscow Against the First Zemstvo Militia in Early 1611." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.3.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the military confrontation between the PolishLithuanian garrison and the Zemstvo forces to counter the organization of the First Zemstvo Militia led by P.P. Lyapunov in early 1611. Methods and materials. Information is analyzed from the previously unknown manuscript of the Diary of the Campaign of King Sigismund III recently introduced into the scientific circulation of materials from the “Russian Archive of Jan Sapieha”, the translation of “The Diary of Jan Peter Sapieha”, royal messenger Jan Komorowski’s report on the uprising in Moscow on March 19, 1611 and the Embassy book on relations between Russia and Poland 1615–1616. Analysis. The ways and goals of the Zemstvo self-organization, begun by Ryazan voyevoda P.P. Lyapunov, are shown and the centers of gathering forces are described. The article reveals the activities of head of the Moscow garrison A. Gosevsky in disrupting the unification movement of the former supporters of Tsar Vasily Shuisky and False Dmitry II, and suppressing the uprising in Moscow to gain a military advantage during the siege of Moscow by militias. Among the measures taken by the Polish-Lithuanian side there was the weakening of the streltsy troops in the Moscow garrison, and the disarmament of the townspeople; an attempt to make a coalition with the impostor hetman Jan Peter Sapega; blocking the main roads along which the militia could move to Moscow. By the order of A. Gosevsky, a campaign was organized for the joint ratification of boyar Prince I.S. Kurakin and the Polish-Lithuanian forces to Vladimir. A well-known role was played by the “Cherkasy” (Cossacks) detachments, who committed a punitive expedition to “Ukrainian cities”, which explains the absence of individual military units from this part of the Moscow State in the First Zemstvo Militia. Results. The main military attack was in Moscow on March 19, 1611, which led to the uprising of the inhabitants of Moscow supported by partisans of the First Zemstvo Militia, who at that moment found themselves in Moscow. The consequence of these events was the beginning of the liberation war in Russia.
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Pruskus, Valdas. "THE FEATURES OF THE RESUMPTION AND SET OF LITHUANIAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE FIRST DECADE OF THE RE‐ESTABLISHMENT OF INDEPENDENCE." CREATIVITY STUDIES 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2010): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/limes.2010.12.
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In the article the singularity chances of Catholic Church as the institute after the re‐establishment of Independence are analyzed. Two influences of the Church, inside and outside growing, conditioned by the present economic, social and cultural transformations are researched. The topics of public globalization processes, born out of religious pluralism, to which we have to react, considering having concrete Churchy heritage of acting that was formed by historical experience and concrete circumstances are also analyzed. It is also spoken about the Catholic Church in terms of government and political life. Katalikų bažnyčios atnaujinimo ypatumai ir būklė pirmuoju nepriklausomybės dešimtmečiu Lietuvoje (atkūrus Lietuvos nepriklausomybę) Santrauka Straipsnyje analizuojami Kataliku Bažnyčios atnaujinimo ypatumai ir augimo itampos šaltiniai (atkūrus Lietuvos nepriklausomybe) pirmuoju nepriklausomybes dešimtmečiu Lietuvoje (1990–2001). Nagrinejamos Bažnyčios vidaus ir išores permainos, nulemtos visuomenes ekonominiu, socialiniu ir kultūriniu pokyčiu, visuotines globalizacijos procesu pagimdyto religinio pliuralizmo, i kuri tenka reaguoti atsižvelgiant i turima bažnytines veiklos pavelda, suformuota istorines patirties ir konkrečiu aplinkybiu. Aptariama Kataliku Bažnyčios būkle valstybes ir politinio gyvenimo atžvilgiu. Parodoma, kad šia padeti ženklino trys esmines nuostatos. Pirma, Kataliku Bažnyčia išreiške principine pozicija už demokratine politine tvarka, nors tai toli gražu neturi reikšti, kad šis kone deklaratyvus demokratijos priemimas nusako tikinčiuju suvokiamus demokratijos principus, ypač laisves ir tolerancijos. Antra, Bažnyčia ieškojo būdu ir priemoniu atskleisti savo santykius su politinemis partijomis, pirmiausia LKDP, turinčia šimtamete tradicija (ikurta 1904 m.). Tačiau nesutarimai tarp ivairiu interesu grupiu partijos viduje ir galiausiai skaidymasis ‐ “moderniuju krikdemu” (gerokai nutolusiu nuo Bažnyčios) sparno atsiskyrimas nuo LKDP ‐priverte Bažnyčia užimti nuosaikesne pozicija ir atsargiau vertinti krikščioniška demokratine orientacija deklaruojančias partijas, tuo labiau išskirti vienintele, prioritetine. Trečia, Bažnyčia Lietuvoje nebuvo linkusi sieti saves su nacionaline ideja ir nacionalizmu. Tokia pozicija prisidejo mažinant itampa tarp lietuviu ir šalyje gyvenančiu tautiniu mažumu, stiprinant ryšius su protestantu, ortodoksu ir sentikiu bendruomenemis. Nors, atrodo, Kataliku Bažnyčios santykiai su valstybe gereja, tačiau tebelieka ir sprestinu dalyku.
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Sagatienė, Dovilė. "The Debate about Soviet Genocide in Lithuania in the Case Law of The European Court of Human Rights." Nationalities Papers, November 27, 2020, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.56.
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Abstract Since 1990 Lithuania has been claiming that what happened there during Soviet occupation is genocide, as per the 1948 Genocide Convention, which embodies universal justice for suppressed nations and other groups. Due to Soviet actions in Lithuania throughout the periods of 1940-1941 and 1944-1990, the country lost almost one fifth of its population. The application of Lithuanian national legal regulations regarding this issue has been recently discussed in the framework of another postwar international legal instrument – the European Convention of Human Rights (1950). The goal of this article is to examine the main debates, which were revealed by the European Court of Human Rights in the cases of Vasiliauskas v. Lithuania (2015) and Drėlingas v. Lithuania (2019), regarding the killings of Lithuanian partisans, including the recognition of the significance of partisans for the Lithuanian nation, the foreseeability of genocide “in part,” as well as the punishment for complicity in killing Lithuanian partisans.
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Matonytė, Irmina. "Kontroliuojama ar kontroliuojanti laisvoji žiniasklaida ir rinkimų kampanijos: vieno įstatymo eksperimentas Lietuvoje 2008 metais." Informacijos mokslai 59 (January 1, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2012.0.3117.
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Sparti komercializacija ir info-pramoginės žiniasklaidos plėtra skatina vadinamojo medijų imperializmo tyrimus pokomunistiniame regione. Politiniuose ir moksliniuose debatuose ginčijamasi dėl autentiško politinio ir pilietinio dalyvavimo idealų atviroje viešojoje sferoje (šie idealai priešinami populizmui ir visuomenės įsitraukimui į pramogas). Nors Lietuvoje politinės komunikacijos demokratinės kokybės temos dar tik randasi akademinių svarstymų ir tyrimų akiratyje, Lietuvos politinis elitas ėmėsi savitos įstatymų leidybos iniciatyvos (unikalios pokomunistiniame regione ir už jo ribų), kurios esminis siekis – kontroliuoti laisvąją žiniasklaidą, ypač rinkimų kampanijų metu. Įstatymas Lietuvoje (galiojęs nuo 2008 m. rugpjūčio iki 2010 m. spalio) visiškai uždraudė komercinę politinę reklamą televizijoje ir drastiškai apribojo politinę reklamą spaudoje vykstant rinkimų kampanijoms. Straipsnyje analizuojamos intelektualinės ir politinės šios elitų iniciatyvos Lietuvoje prielaidos. Išryškinamos paralelės tarp akademinių ir politinių (partinių) samprotavimų. Įrodinėjama, kad šiam reiškiniui tirti pati tinkamiausia akademinė perspektyva yra interpretacinė politikos analizė, kuri politiškai relevantiškų aktorių turimas žinias (epistemines bendruomenes) pripažįsta esant esminiu politikos formavimo veiksniu. Akcentuojama, kad interpretacinė politikos analizė iš esmės yra daug demokratiškesnė negu technokratinės viešosios politikos analizės schemos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: politinė reklama, rinkimų kampanija, laisvoji žiniasklaida, parlamento debatai, episteminė bendruomenė.Controlled or controlling free media and electoral campaigns: the legislative experiment in Lithuania 2008Irmina Matonytė SummaryIn post-modern political societies autonomous reason is cast in the situation of permanent creation with neither signposts nor recipes which it could trust and consider once for all tested and having their reliability certified (Bauman, 1999, p. 85).Rapid commercialization and infotainment in the post-communist region spurred the studies of the so-called media imperialism. Political and scholarly debates started addressing ideals of genuine political and civic participation (as opposed to populism and entertainment-driven engagement) in an open public sphere. Albeit in Lithuania the issues of democratic quality of political communication are only an emerging field of academic reflection and research, the Lithuanian political elites undertook some original (in the post-communist region and beyond) legislative initiatives aimed to control free media, during electoral campaigns in particular. The Lithuanian law (effective from August 2008 till October 2010) completely forbad commercial ads on TV and significantly reduced commercial ads in the national press during elections. The intellectual and political background of this elitist initiative to control free media in Lithuania is analysed. Parallels between the academic and partisan reasoning are revealed. The need and interest to employ the interpretative policy analysis, which exposes the vital role of knowledge held by policy-relevant actors, is suggested as a more appropriate and in its essence more democratic approach than any technocratic analysis of public policies.Key words: political advertising, electoral campaign, free media, parliamentary debates, epistemic community
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Jastramskis, Mažvydas. "Explaining the success of non-partisan presidents in Lithuania." East European Politics, May 4, 2020, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1756782.
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