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Academic literature on the topic 'Liturgy committees'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Liturgy committees"

1

Moriarty, Rachel. "‘Secular men and women’: Egeria’s Lay Congregation in Jerusalem." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014327.

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Egeria’s account of her journey to the holy places has been an invaluable source for study of many aspects of fourth-century Christianity, from liturgy and topography to clerical practice. Dr David Hunt, in his analysis elsewhere in this volume, discusses the part played by monks in Egeria’s ‘scriptural vision’. This paper looks at her account of worship in Jerusalem, and particularly at those worshippers who were neither ordained clergy nor committed to life as monks or nuns, whom we can call the ‘laity’ Egeria herself distinguishes between these groups, and is concerned to differentiate the parts played by each in worship. We shall consider here how much can be discovered about the composition, organization, and spirituality of these lay people, how Egeria herself contributed to the account, and how much is special to Jerusalem.
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Turanov, Andrei Alekseevich. "TO THE HISTORY OF TRANSLATION OF BOOKS OF SCRIPTURE INTO THE MARI LANGUAGE: VYATKA TRANSLATIONS OF THE GOSPEL." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 13, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 495–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2019-13-3-495-502.

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The article on the basis of documentary materials for the first time presents the main steps in the history of the Mari translations of the gospel in the Vyatka province in the light of the activities of the Russian Bible society. The translations were started in December 1820 on the initiative of the leadership of the Vyatka diocese and were carried out by the parish clergy in two counties: in Yaransk the gospel of Matthew was translated, whereas in Urzhumsky the gospel of Mark. The Yaranskiy translation was made in 1821 by S. Bobrovsky, who was a priest in the village Pizhemskоya; the Urzhumskiy translation was completed in 1822, and performed in parts by multiple translators, including the priests K. Ushnurski from the village Toral and A. Popov from the village Yuledur. Both translations were sent for consideration to the metropolitan Committee of the Bible society in early July 1823. The article provides brief biographical information of the translators. In addition, an idea is given of the attempts undertaken in the Vyatka diocese to use translations of Christian texts into the Mari language made outside of the region. In particular, in 1820-1821, a translation of the Liturgy of John Chrysostom was tested in parishes with the Mari population, and in 1824, a suitability test began for the Vyatka Mari people of translations of the Gospel made in Kazan.
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Archi, Alfonso. "Aštata: A Case of Hittite Imperial Religious Policy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 2 (November 24, 2014): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341260.

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The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, can now be better evaluated thanks to a more precise chronological order of the documentation from Emar (1400–1180b.c.). Hittite rule did not exercise any religious imperialism, on the contrary, it was Mursili ii who transferred to Hattusa some Aštata cults for the Syrian goddess Išḫara. He did not refrain from calling to his court priests from Emar in order to celebrate the proper rites to the goddess in an emergency. The king of Karkamiš, who exercised Hittite control over Emar, sent there one of his diviners to enquire through oracles if the local gods were in favour of his travelling to the city. A reorganization of cults promoted by Tuthaliya iv was at the origin of the introduction in Emar of a liturgy for some Hittite gods. This was not a superimposition of a theological organized pantheon over the local gods, but personal gods of the king; their cult was committed to the local family of diviners in charge of the cults of the city, with which the Hittites maintained close relations. Apparently, Hittite religion never deeply penetrated Emar society. A group of seals used by some Emariotes, however, presents the same iconographies as Hittite seals, with gods of the Hittite pantheon, an evidence of adhesion to the Hittite rule.
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4

Grundmann, Christoffer. "Healing as a Missiological Challenge." Mission Studies 3, no. 1 (1986): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338386x00295.

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AbstractThe formal approbation of the study project "The Church as a Healing Community" by I.A.M.S. Executive Committee (see: Mission Studies No. 5, Vol. III-1, 1986, p. 77) sets the scene for missiologists to embark upon the whole issue of healing on a large scale. It is hoped that by tapping the resources of the international, ecumenical and cross-cultural membership of the association the long felt need can be met to adequately respond to the challenge healing puts before us not only by the new religious movements all over the world and by the traditional societies, but also by the African Independent Churches and the charismatic movement within the established churches. There do exist monographs on several aspects of healing from nearly all over the world of course. But mostly they are concerned with a particular technique or with the health system and healing methods of a certain ethnic group. When it comes to missiology the phenomenon of healing outside the Christian fold often is looked at as something demoniac which as such has to be refused for the sake of the gospel. The only more recent missiological thesis I came across so far addressing the issue in a broader sense is Harold E. Dollar's "A Cross-Cultural Theology of Healing" (1980, Fuller) which actually tries to develop a cross-cultural liturgy or model of healing instead of a theology. This article tries to identify some of the most relevant issues any qualified study of the matter in question has to pay attention to.
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5

Aylmer, G. E. "Presidential Address: Collective Mentalities in mid-Seventeenth-Century England: IV. Cross Currents: Neutrals, Trimmers and Others." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39 (December 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678975.

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Among the most striking changes from the text-book generalisations of my school days is the emphasis given nowadays to those who were not committed to either side in the Civil War, those who tried and in some cases succeeded in keeping clear of the conflict altogether. Indeed so great has been the stress on neutrals and neutralism and on the general reluctance to take sides and to begin fighting at all in 1642, that we are in danger of having to explain how a mere handful of obstinate or fanatical extremists on each side contrived to drag the country down into the abyss of Civil War. I have said enough in my previous addresses in this series to make my own position clear on that. Among Royalists, including the King himself, there were enough who believed that rebellion must be put down, whether they were more concerned to defend the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, the government and liturgy of the Church, or the whole existing fabric of society. Correspondingly there were enough Parliamentarians who believed that religion, liberty and property were in deadly peril, through the design for Popery and arbitrary government. If these beliefs had been confined to a few dozen or even score of men on each side, it is not credible that a war would have begun in 1642, where fighting broke out be it noted in Lancashire, Yorkshire and Somerset before the preparations and manoeuverings of the two main armies led up to the campaign and battle of Edgehill.
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6

Bowers, Roger. "The Musicians of the Lady Chapel of Winchester Cathedral Priory, 1402–1539." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 2 (April 1994): 210–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900012999.

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In any evaluation of the character and accomplishments of the English Reformation, an essential ingredient must be a sympathetic but, so far as possible, objective assessment of the nature – in all its strengths and weaknesses – of the unreformed Church and religion upon which the Reformation was wrought. Among the multifarious operations of the pre-Reformation Church, perhaps the most central to its fundamental purposes was the conduct by its clergy of the worship of God and the celebration of the sacrifice of the mass, as effected on the small scale by the parish clergy and on the grand scale by the priests and clerks of the greater collegiate churches and the religious of the monasteries. As acts of worship, commemoration and intercession, the efficacy of these rituals lay in the simple fact of their enactment by those to whom their conduct was committed, irrespective of the grandeur of the setting or the presence or absence of any congregation or other attendance. Nevertheless, credit both terrestrial and celestial was perceived to redound upon those institutions which endeavoured to clothe their acts of devotion and worship with the finest products that the artisans of the day could create, within the grandest achievements of their contemporary architects. In respect of the conduct of the liturgy, it was, in the event, those institutions which had carried these arts to their highest levels that eventually proved to be the principal casualties of the Reformation process; a period of less than fifteen years (1535–49) sufficed to effect the extinction of all the monastic churches, and of all the collegiate churches except for some thirty which enjoyed cathedral status, academic function or extremely close royal connection.
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7

Holmes, Steve. "Can punishment bring peace? Penal substitution revisited." Scottish Journal of Theology 58, no. 1 (February 2005): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930605000955.

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Recently, I attended a conference on the theme ‘theologies of the cross’. I gained much from it in various ways, but one feature concerned me: in reading the papers, and listening to discussions, it became rather clear that, whilst the various contributors might or might not agree, or even be sure about, what they did believe about the cross, they were all both united and certain on what they didn't believe in – the traditional Reformed and Evangelical idea of penal substitution. Now, I confess that I had no particular commitment to this idea. I knew of no exegetical or theological reason to demand that we hold on to it, or to suggest that our account of the atonement would necessarily be lacking something vital if we did not express it in this way. Penal substitution was a way of talking about the cross with which I was familiar, but to which I was not committed. Temperamentally, I had tended to avoid it: as far as I can judge, the dominant way of talking about the cross in my preaching has been in terms of combat with, and victory over, the evil powers of sin and death and hell; it is not a theme I have touched on much in my academic writing. Penal ideas are common, however, in the liturgy and (particularly) hymnody of my church tradition: ‘Bearing shame and scoffing rude/In my place condemned he stood’; ‘All our pride, all our greed, all our fallenness and shame, and the Lord has laid the punishment on him.’ I have never seen any reason to object to such songs. So, to be at a conference where there was near unanimity that, whatever else we were going to say about the cross, we would begin by dismissing this tradition, was of interest and concern to me.
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8

Meiring, P. G. J. "Pastors or Lawyers? The Role of Religion in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission Process." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 58, no. 1 (November 3, 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v58i1.543.

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In this article, Piet Meiring who served as Committee Member on the TRC discusses the often disputed religious character of the Commission. Quoting examples from the TRC process he describes the debate that developed – on Archbishop Tutu’s religious way of handling the affairs of the Commission. Meiring discusses the TRC liturgy that was developed during the course of the process, as well as how important the role of religion proved to be in terms of three crucial issues: the process of remembering, the quest for truth, and the costliness of reconciliation.
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Pieterse, Hennie J. C. "From Fast to Feast: A ritual- liturgical exploration of reconciliation in South African cultural contexts." Verbum et Ecclesia 30, no. 2 (September 4, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v30i2.86.

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Cas Wepener is a brilliant and committed young liturgist. This book is based on his doctoral thesis in the Afrikaans language (Stellenbosch University 2004), roughly double the length of this published From Fast to Feast, but this book is a fundamental revision of the thesis. Wepener�s work on reconciliation as practised in the liturgy is still very relevant in our post-apartheid context in South Africa and will be topical for some time to come.
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10

Lopez, JoAnn Melina. "Lament as Prophetic Ritual of Eschatological Hope: Reading Jephthah’s Daughter in Scripture and Liturgy." Lumen et Vita 5 (April 21, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lv.v5i1.8691.

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The story of Jephthah’s daughter in Judges 11 is brief but gruesome, one of the “texts of terror” which haunt the depiction of women in scripture. Jephthah, a war hero, vows to sacrifice whoever comes out to meet him from his house upon his return in exchange for God’s assistance in a skirmish with an invading army. To his horror, and ours, it is his only child, a young girl, who greets him on his return, and he is committed to continuing with his sacrifice. Unlike with other mentions of child sacrifice in the scriptures, Jephthah’s daughter is not delivered from her fate by the intervention of God or human action. Instead the young woman, nameless in the scriptures, gathers her female companions around her to mourn before her death, and is mourned by all the women of Israel, who gather annually to mark her death. This paper will examine the narrative of Jephthah’s daughter in scripture, alongside a critique of her presentation and interpretation in the lectionary of the Catholic Church. The ways in which the Church engages with violent scripture texts, especially in our public liturgical action, speaks to the cogence of our proclamation of hope in a world in which texts of terror continue to be inscribed upon the bodies of women and children. The focus of the paper will be the prophetic lament of Jephthah’s daughter, her companions, and the generations of women after them, which I argue should be reclaimed and connected with the prophetic and eschatological hope of the Eucharist when this scripture is proclaimed in liturgy.
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Books on the topic "Liturgy committees"

1

Paul, Turner. Guide for liturgy committees. Chicago, IL: Liturgy Training Publications, 2009.

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Paul, Turner. Guide for liturgy committees. Chicago, IL: Liturgy Training Publications, 2009.

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Paul, Turner. Guide for liturgy committees. Chicago, IL: Liturgy Training Publications, 2009.

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Paul, Turner. Guide for liturgy committees. Chicago, IL: Liturgy Training Publications, 2009.

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5

Baker, Thomas. Liturgy committee handbook. Mystic, CT: Twenty-Third Publications, 1998.

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6

Catholic Church. Diocese of Southwark. Commission for the Liturgy. Guidelines for parish liturgy committees. London: WinchesterPress, 1990.

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7

Frank, Ferrone, ed. Liturgy committee basics: A no-nonsense guide. Washington, D.C: Pastoral Press, 1985.

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8

Alison, Siewert, ed. Worship team handbook. Downers Grove, Ill: InterVarsity Press, 1998.

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9

McClelland, W. Robert. Architects of worship: Blueprints for worship planners. Lima, Ohio: C.S.S. Pub. Co., 1990.

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Vos, Joan Patano. Celebrating school liturgies: Guidelines for planning. Collegeville, Minn: Liturgical Press, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liturgy committees"

1

Tyrała, Robert. "Muzyka podczas papieskich pielgrzymek w archidiecezji krakowskiej w latach 1997–2016." In Horyzonty wolności, 93–102. Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie. Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/9788374388320.09.

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The papal pilgrimages in the Cracow Archdiocese were always a huge challenge and a significant event for the faithful. Hence there is a need of basing the subject on a certain assumption. It suggests that the entire collected material on the subject, thus this study should refer not only to the music (compositions) as such but also to the people who cre-ated it, namely: music committees of the pope’s pilgrimages, composers commissioned by the Church, performing artists (scholae, choirs, orchestras, soloists, cantors, conductors). Naturally, we cannot forget about the faithful participating in prayers. Music, be an inte-gral part of solemn liturgy (SC 112) during the papal pilgrimages of: John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Pope Francis have been properly prepared and experienced both at liturgies and at other events. Pope John Paul II visited the Cracow Archdiocese in the following years: 1979 (Cracow, Kalwaria Zebrzydowska, Wadowice, Nowy Targ), 1983 (Kraków), 1987 (Kraków), 1991 (twice: Cracow in June and Cracow, Wadowice in August), 1997 (Cracow, Zakopane, Ludźmierz), 1999 (Cracow), 2002 (Cracow). Pope Benedict XVI came to Poland once in 2006, staying in Cracow and Wadowice. Pope Francis visited Poland on the World Youth Day in 2016. In total there were 10 papal visits to Cracow. This study presents only those which have been paid to Cracow since 199734
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2

Holmes, Stephen Mark. "Liturgical Theology before 1600." In The History of Scottish Theology, Volume I, 54–68. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759331.003.0005.

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Liturgical interpretation is the analysis of public worship using the methods of patristic and medieval scriptural exegesis. It was a central part of Scottish religious culture and education before 1560 and popular among clerics committed to Catholic Reform. Wishart and Knox’s Reformed critique of Catholic ceremonial made liturgical interpretation an important part of mid-sixteenth-century debate. While Protestant and Catholic liturgy and theology differed greatly, both sides used the same method to interpret their worship and this, meaning that the Reformation divide in Scotland was not as wide as the protagonists claimed, has historical and ecumenical implications.
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