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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts

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Academic literature on the topic 'Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts"

1

Palmer, Morgan E. "Inscriptional Intermediality in Livy." Trends in Classics 11, no. 1 (2019): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2019-0005.

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Abstract The term monumentum is used in Latin literature to describe a range of monuments across media, including temples, literary works, statues, and inscriptions. This article surveys the variety of monumenta in Livy’s Ab urbe condita, which range from the text itself to victory inscriptions and bronze sculptures meant to commemorate military as well as political achievements. The borders between historiography and physical artefacts are often blurred by Livy through inscriptional intermediality, a phenomenon defined as the mixing of visual and textual media. By outlining how Livy achieves

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Dexter, Joseph P., Theodore Katz, Nilesh Tripuraneni, et al. "Quantitative criticism of literary relationships." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 16 (2017): E3195—E3204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1611910114.

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Authors often convey meaning by referring to or imitating prior works of literature, a process that creates complex networks of literary relationships (“intertextuality”) and contributes to cultural evolution. In this paper, we use techniques from stylometry and machine learning to address subjective literary critical questions about Latin literature, a corpus marked by an extraordinary concentration of intertextuality. Our work, which we term “quantitative criticism,” focuses on case studies involving two influential Roman authors, the playwright Seneca and the historian Livy. We find that fo

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3

Rood, Tim. "Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.

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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and ex

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Reeve, M. D. "The Transmission of Florus' Epitoma De Tito Livio and the Periochae." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1988): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037095.

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When did Livy write his history? How many books had it, and what did the lost ones cover? Such answers as can be given to these questions come almost entirely from the one extant summary, the Periochae. The manuscripts of the Periochae disagree, however, on a matter of considerable interest: out of a hundred or so, only three, supported by a lost fourth, have been cited as adding to the title Ex libro CXXI the subtitle qui editus post excessum Augusti dicitur. When the latest editor, P. Jal in the Collection Budé (Paris, 1984), declares himself unconvinced of its authenticity (i. cxx–cxxi), he

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Philo, John-Mark. "John Bellenden's Livy and Les Decades of Pierre Bersuire: The French in Bellenden's Scots." Translation and Literature 28, no. 1 (2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2019.0367.

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When producing a Scots translation of Livy's History of Rome in 1533, John Bellenden harnessed Les Decades, the Middle French translation of Livy prepared by Pierre Bersuire in 1358. The French intermediary offered Bellenden not only a rich store of lexical possibilities when grappling with Livy's Latin, as has been partly recognized before, but also a way of structuring and presenting his translation. Inspired by the glosses with which Bersuire furnished Les Decades, Bellenden prepared his own commentary, explaining similar items of political, cultural, and religious interest. Following Bersu

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6

Levene, D. "C.S. Krauss: Livy, Ab Urbe Condita Book VI. (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994." Classical Review 46, no. 1 (1996): 48–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.1.48.

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7

Hudson, Jared. "Carpento certe: Conveying Gender in Roman Transportation." Classical Antiquity 35, no. 2 (2016): 215–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.2.215.

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This article analyzes the prominent role played by a particular vehicle, the matronly carriage (carpentum), in the construction of Roman gender. Its focus is on the conveyance’s two most significant appearances in literary representation. First, I examine the various accounts of the vehicle’s best-known and most dramatic tableau, Tullia’s use of a carpentum to drive over her dead father king Servius Tullius’ body, arguing that the conveyance functions to articulate the cultural anxiety surrounding the passage from daughter to wife. I suggest that the story of Tullia’s carpentum, as a quasi-myt

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Bay, Carson. "Writing the Jews out of History: Pseudo-Hegesippus, Classical Historiography, and the Codification of Christian Anti-Judaism in Late Antiquity." Church History 90, no. 2 (2021): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721001451.

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AbstractScholarly narratives of the development of Christian anti-Jewish thinking in antiquity routinely cite a number of standard, well-known authors: from Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Justin Martyr in earlier centuries to Eusebius, John Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine in the fourth and early fifth centuries. The anonymous author known as Pseudo-Hegesippus, to whom is attributed a late fourth-century Latin work called On the Destruction of Jerusalem (De Excidio Hierosolymitano), rarely appears in such discussions. This has largely to do with the fact that this text and its author are

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Boyle, A. J. "Introduction." Ramus 16, no. 1-2 (1987): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003222.

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oratio certam regulam non habet; consuetudo illam ciuitatis, quae numquam in eodem diu stetit, uersat.Style has no fixed rules; the usage of society changes it, which never stays still for long.Seneca Epistle 114.13This is the first of two volumes of critical essays on Latin literature of the imperial period from Ovid to late antiquity. The focus is upon the main postclassical period (A.D. 1-150), especially the authors of the Neronian and Flavian principates (A.D. 54-96), several of whom, though recently the subject of substantial investigation and reassessment, remain largely unread, at best

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Krebs, Christopher B. "PAINTING CATILINE INTO A CORNER: FORM AND CONTENT IN CICERO'S IN CATILINAM 1.1." Classical Quarterly, December 17, 2020, 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000762.

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Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra? (‘Just how much longer, really, Catiline, will you abuse our patience?’). The famous incipit—‘And what are you reading, Master Buddenbrook? Ah, Cicero! A difficult text, the work of a great Roman orator. Quousque tandem, Catilina. Huh-uh-hmm, yes, I've not entirely forgotten my Latin, either’— already impressed contemporaries, including some ordinarily not so readily impressed. It rings through Sallust's version of Catiline's shadowy address to his followers, when he asks regarding the injustices they suffer (Cat. 20.9): quae quousque tande

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts"

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Philo, John-Mark. "An ocean untouched and untried : translating Livy in the sixteenth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:72584fcd-42d6-42b6-9186-18b01b95af85.

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This is a study of the translation and reception of the Roman historian Livy in the sixteenth century in the British Isles. The thesis examines five major translations of Livy's history of Rome, the Ab Urbe Condita, into the English and Scottish vernaculars. The texts considered here span from the earliest extant translation of around 1533 to the first, full-scale translation published in 1600. By taking a broad view across the century, the thesis uncovers the multiple and versatile uses to which Livy was being put and maps out the major trends surrounding his reception. The first chapter exam

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Books on the topic "Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts"

1

Livy. Livy. Thomas Library, Bryn Mawr College, 2000.

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Livy. Livy, book XXI. Bristol Classical Press, 1985.

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Livy. Livy, book II. Bristol Classical Press, 1995.

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Livy. Livy, book V. Bristol Classical Press, 1996.

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Livy. Livy in fourteen volumes. Harvard University Press, 1987.

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6

Hickson, Frances V. Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil. B.G. Teubner, 1993.

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7

Livy. Rome and her kings: Livy I : graded selections. Bolchazy-Carducci, 2000.

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8

Livy. Titi Livi Ab vrbe condita libri XLI-XLV. B.G. Tevbneri, 1986.

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9

Livy. Titi Livi ab urbe condita. Clarendon, 1999.

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10

Livy. The rise of Rome: Books one to five. Oxford University Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Livy Livy Latin literature Manuscripts"

1

"Livy." In Asyndeton and its Interpretation in Latin Literature. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108943284.032.

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"Role models for Roman women and men in Livy." In Latin Literature. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203996850-8.

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"Role models for Roman women and men in Livy." In Understanding Latin Literature. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628189-10.

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Gardner, Hunter H. "Livy, Pestilentia, and the Pathologies of Class Strife." In Pestilence and the Body Politic in Latin Literature. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796428.003.0002.

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Accounts of pestilence in the historical record help us understand those assumptions about the effects of disease that inform both the creation of the plague narrative and its reception among Roman audiences. Chapter 2 examines Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita in order to suggest that the historical experience and representation of plague in Rome was infused with resonance of civil strife by the Augustan period. Livy refines his source material to address a body politic in need of healing and thus sharpens the correlation between contagium and civil discord (discordia), especially in early episodes recounting the struggle of the orders. The historian’s narratives of contagion draw partly from the language of medical writers, but equally from a historiographic tradition that correlated a diseased body with a diseased body politic. Accounts of plague allow Livy to reflect on distinctions among members of different orders, especially the patres/patricii (highest class of citizens) and plebs (lowest class of citizens). The remedies enacted to combat plague, in forms of both cultural and political innovations, prove alternatingly salubrious and detrimental to the body politic. Livy recognizes, however, that, as a challenge to the people equivalent to strife within and war abroad, pestilentia could have a positive impact on the development of Roman hegemony and prompt coalescence among a divided citizenry.

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"Certain Sources Of Corruption In Latin Manuscripts: A Study Based Upon Two Manuscripts Of Livy: Codex Puteanus (Fifth Century), And Its Copy Codex Reginensis 762 (Ninth Century)." In Certain Sources of Corruption in Latin Manuscripts: A Study Based upon Two Manuscripts of. Gorgias Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463220181-001.

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Doze, Philippe Le. "Maecenas and the Augustan Poets." In The Alternative Augustan Age. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190901400.003.0015.

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Attending to the historical and cultural background behind the desire to promote Latin literature allows us to interpret the partnership between Maecenas and the so-called Augustan poets without recourse to traditional notions of poets as instruments. This chapter argues that the poets’ activities, at once cultural and civic, were influenced by a philosophy of history of which Polybius, Cicero, and (in the Augustan age) Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus were exponents. The poets were also encouraged by a new idea, largely initiated by Cicero and supported by Athenodorus in the entourage of Augustus, that one could benefit one’s homeland not only through politics but also through writing. Maximum effectiveness, however, required the authority to be heard at the highest level of the state. In this context, Maecenas’ patronage was a weighty asset. His proximity to the princeps and his auctoritas allowed the poets a real freedom of speech.

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