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Tusinski, Kati Ann. "The ethics of lobbying : examining criteria for ethical public relations advocacy /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3224126.
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Eggertson, Bill (William Carl) Carleton University Dissertation Journalism. "Belling the cat; the Lobbyists Registration Act." Ottawa, 1992.
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Nothhaft, Camilla. "Moments of lobbying : an ethnographic study of meetings between lobbyists and politicians." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-54253.
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The aim of this study is to define and further the understanding of the practice of lobbying as it manifests in the participants’ interactions with each other and to identify its specific conditions (rules, standards, traits). A research overview shows that lobbying as a political phenomenon is well researched, but that the action per se tends to been taken for granted as ‘talking’. Communication between lobbyists and politicians has predominantly been reconstructed as transmission, informationexchange. The study addresses this deficiency by applying an ethnographic method, shadowing, and by focussing on the micro-level of lobbying as a socio-political phenomenon. Lobbying is researched in moments of interaction between interest representatives and representatives of the political system, i.e. MEPs and their assistants. Seven lobbyists and politicians in Brussels have been shadowed for one week each; a further 34 interviews were conducted. The analytical strategy was to infer from the actors’ impression management (Goffman). The study is informed by a neo-institutional perspective. It assumes that cognitive, normative, and regulative structures provide meaning to social behavior, and that these resources are identifiable. Goffman’s concept of team and the distinction between frontstage and backstage emerged as central categories. My results suggest that the small world of the EU’s capital results in a sense of ‘us in Brussels’ shared by lobbyists, politicians and assistants alike. Lobbying-interaction in frontstage-mode is governed by strict conventions; ignorance or transgression are sanctioned as unprofessional. The key result, however, is that lobbyists actively work towards engagement on other terms. Lobbyists employ various strategies and build relations with politicians in order to create moments of backstage-interaction. In backstage-mode, lobbyists not only gain access to soft information, but can negotiate ways of working together with politicians in pursuit of different, but partly overlapping agendas.
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Miranda, Maria Concetta. "Differences in the perception of interest representation: a comparision of Brasília and Brussels lobbying activity." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13329.
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The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed 'Capital of Europe', is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to 'play by the rules' in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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MacDonald, Mark R. Carleton University Dissertation Public Policy and Administration. "A Transaction cost theory of policy networks: with application to the Lobbyists Registration Act and the licensing of rbST in Canada." Ottawa, 1998.
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Larson, Rebecca. "Den svenska lobbyingen : Är Sveriges oreglerade lobbying ett problem eller en möjlighet för demokratin?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274315.
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Det svenska politiska systemet har under de senaste decennierna skiftat från ett korporativistiskt system, där organisationer har bjudits in att delta i det politiska beslutsfattandet, till ett mer pluralistiskt system, där lobbying är en viktig komponent. Lagstiftningen har dock inte följt utvecklingen och idag har Sverige ingen direkt lagstiftning mot lobbying. Denna studie undersöker huruvida de svenska politikerna och de som påverkar anser att lobbying fungerar demokratiskt i Sverige idag och huruvida en lagstiftning bör instiftas eller inte. En jämförelse görs mellan de två grupperna påverkare och påverkade, för att ta reda på vad dessa respondenter anser om lobbying i Sverige utifrån ett demokratiskt perspektiv. För att svara på syftet används tre av Robert A. Dahls demokratikriterier. Detta för att nå en förståelse huruvida lobbying fungerar demokratiskt och om en lagstiftning skulle behövas utifrån de svar som ges av de tillfrågade. En jämförelse i lagstiftning görs även med USA, som har utarbetat ett regelverk angående lobbyism. Studiens resultat visar att det finns ett demokratiskt problem med lobbying i Sverige utifrån de tre demokratikriterierna. Transparensen är ett problem samt det faktum att politiker kan gå från en politisk roll direkt till en lobbyverksamhet. En lagstiftning kring karenstid för politiker begränsar detta problem, men övrig lagstiftning, likt den i USA, tros inte ha någon effekt. Istället tros normer, moral och tryck från medborgarna vara mer effektfullt.
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Petersson, Arvid. "Lobbyism : En studie av statistik kring lobbyism i Sverige och USA." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39036.
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Denna studie syftade till att belysa begreppet lobbyism och synliggöra de skillnader som finns kring fenomenet i olika länder. Länderna som diskuterades var USA och Sverige, där studien tog utgångspunkten att lobbyverksamheten i USA var betydligt mer utbredd än i Sverige. Då studien var en syntes, en komparativ studie av tidigare studier och statistik, gick det inte att dra några direkta slutsatser, utan det som studien kom fram till diskuterades fram och tillbaka, bland annat hur lobbyverksamheten rent statistiskt var större i USA, men förvånandevis var den större i Sverige per capita. Det sekundära syftet var att anskaffa och applicera denna typ av kunskap i läraryrket, och specifikt inom samhällskunskapen – och utforma en uppgift till elever på gymnasiet, något som kunde göras och framställas i senare kapitel
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Jaatinen, Miia. "Lobbying political issues : a contingency model of effective lobbying strategies /." Helsinki : Inforviestintä, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/311360769.pdf.
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Melting, Juni Bratberg. "EUs Transparency Register - et register til pynt? : En analyse av initieringen av, og erfaringene med, EUs register for regulering av lobbyvirksomhet." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for historiske studier, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-25392.
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Kraft, Eike. "Lobbying in der EU Regulierung nach US-Vorbild?" Saarbrücken VDM, Müller, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2843370&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Frykebrant, Per. "Demokratiutredningens arv : En idealtypsanalys av riksdagsmotioner gällande lobbyism." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-32977.
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For the last decades, Sweden has transformed from a state with strong elements of corporatism, to a governance of pluralistic character. This development has opened up to a new form of participation – lobbyism – which since has spread and commercialized. Because of this, a report on the state of Swedish democracy – Demokratiutredningen – was issued to examine the phenomenon of lobbyism as it was feared to challenge the functioning of a representative democracy. The report issued a warning of the negative impact on transparency and political equality a professionalization of lobbying could have. Even some forms of regulation were thought to have a negative impact on the political equality. Since the report was released in 2000, nine bills regarding lobbyism have been presented to the Swedish parliament, but no regulation has yet been implemented. The report identified problems regarding transparency and political equality with both regulated and unregulated lobbying. The aim of this thesis is to examine how the parliamentary bills handle the democratic problems voiced by the report. The bills are analyzed with the ideal types of “transparency” and “political equality”, based on Robert Dahl’s ideal of democracy. The study found that the problem of transparency was of a high priority in the bills, while the problem of political equality was hardly addressed. Three of the bills actually ignored the warning issued by the report, where a regulation in the form of registration was thought to have a negative impact on political equality. The fact that the bills hardly addressed the problem of political equality, and in some cases even worsened it, represents a democratic deficit in the regulation debate.De senaste decennierna har Sverige förvandlats från en stat med starka inslag av korporativism, till ett styrelseskick med pluralistisk prägel. Utvecklingen har öppnat upp för en ny deltagandeform, lobbyism, som sedan dess brett ut sig och kommersialiserats. Med anledning av detta tillkallade regeringen Demokratiutredningen för att analysera lobbningen då den ansågs utmana den representativa demokratins funktionssätt. Demokratiutredningen varnade för att professionaliseringen av lobbying kunde påverka öppenheten och den politiska jämlikheten negativt. Även vissa regleringar ansågs kunna försämra den politiska jämlikheten. Sedan Demokratiutredningen överlämnade sitt slutbetänkande år 2000 har nio motioner gällande lobbyism lagts fram i Sveriges riksdag utan att resultera i en reglering. Demokratiutredningen identifierade demokratiproblem med både öppenhet och politisk jämlikhet i oreglerad, såväl som reglerad, lobbyism. Uppsatsen studerade hur motionerna i ärendet hanterat de demokratiproblem som utredningen framhävde. Studien genomfördes med idealtyper som analysverktyg. Idealtyperna, ”öppenhet” och ”politisk jämlikhet”, byggdes upp med hjälp av Robert Dahls demokratiideal. Studien fann att problemet med öppenhet uppmärksammades i hög grad av motionerna, medan politisk jämlikhet knappt hanterades alls. Tre av motionerna ignorerade till och med den varning som Demokratiutredningen utfärdade, där en reglering i form av registrering skulle påverka den politiska jämlikheten negativt. Att motionerna inte hanterar problemet med politisk jämlikhet, och i flera fall även förvärrar den, innebär ett påtagligt demokratiskt underskott i regleringsdebatten.
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Thießen, Friedrich. "Wirtschaftliche Effekte des Luftverkehrs in Österreich im Lichte von Auftragsstudien." Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-210020.
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Die Darstellung der Beschäftigungswirkungen des Luftverkehrs spielt im politischen Leben in vielen westlichen Industrieländern eine große Rolle. Verbände der Luftverkehrswirtschaft versuchen, mit Gutachten die Bedeutung ihrer Branche für Wachstum und Beschäftigung zu untermauern. Viele dieser Gutachten halten keinen wissenschaftlichen Ansprüchen stand. Bereits 1992 hatte in den USA die amerikanische Luftverkehrsbehörde FAA die Qualitätsprobleme solcher Gutachten erkannt und bemängelt und Grundsätze für korrektes Arbeiten aufgestellt. In Österreich hat nun ein Streit um den weiteren Ausbau des Flughafens Wien zur Anfertigung mehrerer Interessentengutachten geführt. Diese Gutachten werden in der vorliegenden Studie evaluiert. Es zeigt sich, dass wissenschaftliche Standards nicht eingehalten werden. Die Regierung selbst verwendet Angaben aus solchen Gutachten in ihren Publikationen und tauscht stillschweigend Daten, die sich später als unhaltbar erweisen, gegen andere aus. Vergleiche mit Studienergebnissen von OECD, EU und Weltbank belegen große DifferenzenGrowth and Job-effects of Aviation play a crucial role in many western industrialized countries. Consortiums and federations of the aviation industry try to proof with assessments and expert opinions how important their sector is. However many of those studies do not have scientific quality. Already 1992 the American Federal Aviation Authority FAA realized problems and issued guidelines for acceptable reports. In Austria the planned enlargement of Vienna airport led to the production of several studies. This is the reason for the present paper. The most recent Austrian aviation studies, especially one by the Austrian IWI, are being analysed. It proves that the Austrian Aviation reports are not consistent with the standards set by the FAA guidelines. They contain exaggerated figures and omit critical aspects. Comparisons with studies of OECD, EU or Worldbank show the differences and imbalances
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Boucher, Maxime. "Lobbying et démocratie : le développement de l'action politique organisée au XXe et XXIe siècles." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27302/27302.pdf.
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Dagger, Steffen. "Energiepolitik & Lobbying : die Novelle des Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetzes (EEG) 2009 /." Stuttgart : Ibidem-Verl, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997574437/04.
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Andersson, Helen. "Lobbyism bland ungdomsorganisationer : Nya former av påverkan i politiska processer." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-78133.
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Youth organizations in Sweden try to be a reliable part in the political agenda, to change and improve how the politics affect youths. This study aims to clarify how four different youth organizations work with their political questions: from hbtq-perspective and children’s rights to the right to hearing-aid and involvement in questions regarding youths. The method used for the study was both a comparative study of how the organizations work to improve and change the Swedish political agenda for the better, and interviews with the chairpersons of the four youth organizations for a bigger transparency in their methods. The results of this study are that there aren’t any strategy or method to affect and change how the political agenda works. Even though each of the four organizations are successful within their own area of expertise, it’s not always possible to apply the same methods on another organization with another structure.
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Senkus, Dovydas. "Ar lobizmo įteisinimas yra suderinamas su konstitucijoje įtvirtintu principu, jog įstatymų leidėjai turi vadovautis valstybės interesais?" Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140614_152844-09872.
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Nors lobizmas Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas 2001 metais, priėmus Lietuvos Respublikos Lobistinės veiklos įstatymą, iki šiol lietuvių teisinėje literatūroje nebuvo skiriama daug dėmesio lobizmo kaip instituto suderinamumui su Konstitucijos 59 straipsnio 4 dalyje įtvirtintu principu, jog Seimo nariai savo darbe turi vadovautis valstybės interesu. Lobizmas dažniausiai yra nagrinėjamas politikos mokslų kontekste kaip grupių interesų perdavimo priemonė. Teisinėje literatūroje yra straipsnių analizuojančių Lobistinės veiklos įstatymą, jo veikimą ar neveikimą bei kitus lobizmo įtvirtinimo aspektus. Visgi lobizmo ir konstitucinio principo, jog Seimo nariai savo darbe turi vadovautis valstybės interesu suderinamumo problema kyla tada, kai interesų grupės, pasitelkdamos lobistus, siekia savo siaurų interesų, kurie prieštarauja valstybės interesui, patenkinimo. Taigi priėmus lobizmą įteisinančius įstatymus (leidus privačioms interesų grupėms tiesiogiai daryti įtaką leidžiamajai valdžiai) kyla reali grėsmė, kad bus pažeistas Konstitucijoje įtvirtintas principas, jog įstatymų leidėjai turi vadovautis valstybės, o ne privačiais interesais. Šis baigiamasis darbas ir yra skiriamas ištirti šių dviejų institutų suderinamumą, jų reglamentavimą ir interpretavimą, nurodyti ryškiausius probleminius aspektus ir pateikti samprotavimus, kurie galėtų būti pagalbine medžiaga kitiems, susidomėjusiems šios problemos sprendimu.
Tyrimo objektas – Lobistinė veikla, kuria pagal galiojančius teisės aktus... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]While lobbying in Lithuania was legitimised in 2001, after passing the Law on Lobbying Activities, up until this day legal scholars in Lithuania have not made any researches about compatibility of lobbying with the constitutional principle that legislators must act according to the state interests. Lobbying is usually examined in the context of political science as a vehicle for transmission of group interests. In legal literature some scholars analyse functionality of the Law on Lobbying Activities, but other problems of lobbying are not being analysed. This problem of compatibility lobbying and constitutional principle that legislators must act according to the state interests arise when interest groups, through lobbyists, try to satisfy their own selfish needs which are against state interests. So because the Law on Lobbying Activities was passed (private groups were allowed to influence government representatives) there is a real danger that constitutional principle which obliges legislators to act according to the state interests, not according to the private interest will be breached. This thesis is intended to investigate the compatibility of these two institutes, their regulation and to show some of the most problematic aspects which arises while trying to compare these two institutes. The object of this thesis is lobbying activities, which are in accordance with existing legislation and intended to affect the legislative decisions, and its compatibility with the... [to full text]
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Liehr-Gobbers, Kerstin. "Erfolgsfaktoren des legislativen Lobbying in Brüssel : Konzeptualisierung, Analyse und Handlungsempfehlungen für Genossenschaften in der EU /." Aachen : Shaker, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015419741&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Lindberg, Nicole, and Adrian Welander. "Den lokala lobbyn : En studie om informella kontakters betydelse för kommunala beslut." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-34918.
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Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande.The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.
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Kurz, Gerhard. "Das IASB und die Regulierung der Rechnungslegung in der EU : eine Analyse von Legitimation und Lobbying /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/99757318X/04.
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Keppeler, Johannes. "Kirchlicher Lobbyismus? : die Einflussnahme der katholischen Kirche auf den deutschen Staat seit 1949 /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2921540&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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Zaugg, Brigitte. "Lobbying im Schweizer Tourismus : Tourismuspolitik überprüft an Grundsätzen der neuen politischen Ökonomie /." Bern : FIF, 2004. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014778491&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Mohr, Sabine. "Öffentliche Mobilisierung und Lobbying im Mehrebenensystem Bestimmungsfaktoren der Strategien deutscher und niederländischer Interessenorganisationen zur Einflussnahme auf die Handelspolitik der WTO." Berlin dissertation.de, 2006. http://d-nb.info/986785954/04.
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Bromberg, Natasha. "Finns det en prislapp på demokratin? : En kvalitativ studie med fokus på externa aktörers inflytande på den politiska agendan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-276920.
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A qualitative study of the relationship between external agents and policy professionals within the Swedish administration. The thesis has its starting point in the study "Makt utan mandat" and strives to explain what happens with the political process when more external agents enter the political market. The theoretical base is the policy process and lobbying researchers Hall & Deardorffs model which argues that when external agents exist on the political scene, the influence of political appointees decreases. The model is tested against empiric material, derived from nine qualitative interviews performed on individuals who, in different ways, participate in the policy process. The interviews were conducted during the autumn of 2015. In summary one may argue that the political power in Sweden has changed due to the fact that more external agents and the policy professionals, has entered the political market, and the thesis proves, with limited empiric material, that political appointees and lobbyists participate in the same phase of the policy process.
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Faerber, Anna. "Top leaders’ relationships and their destructive results : A look into the relationship between top U.S.political leaders and business leaders." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för organisation och entreprenörskap (OE), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-26135.
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It has been a lot of talking about who’s president’s fault has been for the crisis that Started in the United States and how it spread around the world. Is it really a specific group of people’s fault? Our leaders’ responsibility to prevent all this? Or is it all of our fault for living in the illusions leaders created for us in order to keep being elected? I am not here to point fingers but, rather, analyzing what has happened by researching legislations that passed and did not pass, and who lobbied and why they lobbied on specific legislations that could have made a difference in the economic situation but were never given the chance. The research are mainly on the years right before the 2007- 2008 recession and specifically from 2004 to 2006. I conclude with analyzing the types of leadership styles that I feel have influenced the current situation and what is the follower’s responsibility in letting it happen, why, and how they could change the situation.
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Shotton, Paul. "Lobbyistes et décideurs européens : validation des théories sur l'influence dans le contexte du lobbying en relation avec l'expérimentation sur les animaux de laboratoire." Thesis, Nancy 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NAN21006/document.
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La recherche académique européenne sur le lobbying européen à Bruxelles, Strasbourg et Luxembourg n'en est qu'à ses balbutiements en comparaison au travail déjà entrepris aux Etats-Unis. Ce travail de recherche, qui s'est construit sur les travaux de Bouwen, Michalowitz, Van Schendelen, Eising, Coen et Greenwood, entres autres, vise à mieux comprendre la réelle nature de l'influence exercée par les lobbyistes et décideurs sur les dossiers législatifs. Ce travail comprend trois études de cas qui présentent, en prenant compte de l'approche analytique de Van Schendelen, les arènes et le lobbying exercé pour trois dossiers législatifs partageant un même processus décisionnel, la codécision, et une thématique commune, l'expérimentation sur les animaux de laboratoire. Travaillant sur base de données issues des études de cas, nous avons cherché à identifier et catégoriser les relations d'influence entre lobbyistes et décideurs, mais aussi les relations de l'influence des décideurs sur le processus législatif lui-mêmeEuropean academic research into the lobbying that takes place in the corridors of European power in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg remains in its relative infancy compared to that already undertaken in the United States. This work seeks to build upon the research of Bouwen, Michalowitz, Van Schendelen as well as Eising, Coen and Greenwood, among others, and cast light upon the true nature of the influence exerted by lobbyists and decision-makers upon legislation. This research contains three case studies that seek, in accordance with the analytical approach of Van Schendelen, to present the arenas and lobbying for three legislative dossiers that share a common decision-making process, co-decision, and a common thematic, animal testing. Working on the basis of data gleaned from the case studies, we have sought to identify and categorise the relationships of influence between the lobbyists and decision-makers, but also the influence of the decision-makers over the legislative process itself
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Stenemo, Lina. "Virginia Woolf : Lobbyist for Intellectual Freedom, Creativity, and Individuality in A Room of One’s Own and Other Works of Non-Fiction." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Language and Culture, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-115.
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Horst, Deena L. "Understanding the influence of lobbying on decisions made by the Kansas House Education Committee, 1995 - 2006." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1355.
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Andersson, Lakén Samuel. "STATEN OCH LOBBYISTERNA : En analys av hur riksdagsmotioner- och betänkanden anser att staten bör förhålla sig till lobbyism." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-58988.
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State and the lobbyists- a study on how non-governmental bills and reports believes that the state should relate to lobbying. This study aims to examine members of parliament’s relation to lobbyists and interest groups, using a qualitative study of non-governmental bills and reports from the constitutional committee. Another focal point of this study is to see if the content of these bills and reports takes democratic values into account. The choice of topic is motivated by the fact that Sweden don’t have any legislation of non-institutionalized lobbying efforts. The nature of the material required a qualitative method focused on ideas, carried out by using dimensions used as analysis tool. The theoretical framework that constituted the analysis dimensions was built on the theory of alternative approach between the state and lobbyists and the democratic values accountability and representation. The empirical material in this study were non-governmental bills and the following reports from the period 2005 to 2015. One of the study’s most important findings was that the content of the bills suggest that the state should receive lobbyist efforts but affect and balance their opportunities of influence. Another finding was that the analysis of the reports claimed that the approach that the state argue for is to receive lobbying efforts, because the state doesn’t prove the opposite. The authors of the bills argued that lobbyism is a good thing for the parliamentary if it’s done in the right form. The political reform to introduce a public record over lobbyists was clearly mentioned in many of the bills. Furthermore, the democratic value accountability was given priority to in all motions, but representation was only found in five of the nine bills that was analyzed in this study.
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Arnaud, Julien. "Die Mitwirkung privater Interessengruppen an der europäischen Gesetzgebung /." Aachen : Shaker, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017160521&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Kohoutková, Markéta. "Regulace lobbingu v zemích Visegrádské čtyřky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197087.
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The subject of this thesis is regulation of lobbying in the countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) -- specifically statutory regulation of lobbying. The work gives a comprehensive overview of the development of regulation of lobbying in V4 member states from the very beginning until now. Main aim is to answer questions related to lobbying such as: "is there a lobbying regulation in V4 members", "what is the quality of that regulation" and "is there any common signs shared across the national regulation of lobbying". To achieve the desired objective thesis uses descriptive, comparative and analytical methods. Thesis consists of two main logical units, which are divided into five chapters, an introduction and a conclusion. The first unit contains three introductory chapters. This section is devoted to the history of lobbying, the definition of lobbying and theoretical concepts of regulation of lobbying. The second unit is completely dedicated to the legal regulation of lobbying in the V4 countries. Part of this unit is also the final comparison and analysis of the legal regulation of lobbying in these countries and answers to questions mentioned in the introduction.
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Mohr, Sabine. "Öffentliche Mobilisierung und Lobbying im Mehrebenensystem : Bestimmungsfaktoren der Strategien deutscher und niederländischer Interessenorganisationen zur Einflussnahme auf die Handelspolitik der WTO /." Berlin : Dissertation.de, 2007. http://www.dissertation.de/buch.php3?buch=5311.
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Schmedes, Hans-Jörg. "Wirtschafts- und Verbraucherschutzverbände im Mehrebenensystem : Lobbyingaktivitäten britischer, deutscher und europäischer Verbände /." Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015755137&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Medin, Linnea, and Beatrice Andersson. "Kött på talriken eller på agendan? : Journalistikens roll som medlare mellan klimatforskning och allmänhet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-54308.
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Sirafi, Ziad. "Investigating media’s change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden : A quantitative content analysis study between the years 1970-2014 and based on theories from the disciplines of politicalscience and sociology." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-71401.
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The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.
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Stephan, Andreas. "Essays on the contribution of public infrastructure to private production and its political economy." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=963574957.
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Gold, Daniel. "Lobbying Regulation in Canada and the United States: Political Influence, Democratic Norms and Charter Rights." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40908.
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Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States.
The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time.
The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices.
The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.
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Prott, Martin [Verfasser], Jürgen [Akademischer Betreuer] [Gutachter] Ernstberger, and Nicole [Gutachter] Ratzinger-Sakel. "Essays on Individual Auditors, Corporate Risk-Taking, and Lobbyism in Standard-Setting Processes – Three Perspectives on Financial Accounting Information / Martin Prott ; Gutachter: Nicole Ratzinger-Sakel, Jürgen Ernstberger ; Betreuer: Jürgen Ernstberger." München : Universitätsbibliothek der TU München, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138359742/34.
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Prott, Martin Verfasser], Jürgen [Akademischer Betreuer] [Ernstberger, and Nicole V. S. [Gutachter] Ratzinger-Sakel. "Essays on Individual Auditors, Corporate Risk-Taking, and Lobbyism in Standard-Setting Processes – Three Perspectives on Financial Accounting Information / Martin Prott ; Gutachter: Nicole Ratzinger-Sakel, Jürgen Ernstberger ; Betreuer: Jürgen Ernstberger." München : Universitätsbibliothek der TU München, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:91-diss-20170727-1353832-1-3.
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Hanssen, Christina Wår. "Representations of Scale : Influencing EU policy through transnational networks." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for historie og klassiske fag, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-21481.
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All Norwegian regions are represented with permanent offices and are engaged in different activities in the EU capital. This thesis investigates the regional and network level of EU policy-making, and asks the questions of what Norwegian regions are doing in Brussels; if are they are able to influence EU policy; and what effect participation in transnational policy networks have on their abilities to influence EU policy. To answer this, it applies a theoretical framework comprised of multi-level governance and the policy network approach to conduct an analysis of empirical data collected through interviews with different actors in Brussels. The present thesis argues that participation in transnational policy networks improve Norwegian regions' abilities to influence EU policy through being 'representations of scale'.
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Puzyrev, Kirill. "SPECIFIC INTERNAL FACTORS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY MAKING IN RUSSIA." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113619.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the failure of an ideology of Socialism Russia appeared on a new stage of its development. The political system, its institutions and mechanisms were changed considerably. In this new system appeared new economic, political, social and other factors, conditions and processes which contribute to the formation of the foreign policy of Russia. Thus the research is dealing with such an important component of the foreign policy formation as specific factors and processes occurring within the state. The aim of the paper is to determine the most significant of those factors, find out the reason of their influence and to reveal their weak and strong positions.
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Duso, Tomaso. "The political economy of the regulatory process." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/14789.
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Die Regulierung eines Marktes ist das Ergebnis eines komplexen Prozesses, der sowohl von politischen als auch wirtschaftlichen Kräften beeinflusst wird. In drei sich ergänzenden Essays wird die Frage ökonometrisch untersucht, wie die Wirkungen und die Leistungsfähigkeit von Regulierungen neu zu bewerten sind, wenn die betroffenen Unternehmen ihrerseits die Regulierung beeinflussen können. Der erste Teil behandelt die Liberalisierung des Markteintritts im Mobilfunkmarkt in OECD Ländern in den neunziger Jahren. Insbesondere wird analysiert, wie politische und bürokratische Institutionen und die politische Umgebung im Deregulierungsprozess gewirkt haben. Hier werden relevante, "stilisierte Fakten" herausgearbeitet: Länder mit Mehrheitswahlsystemen, rechenschaftspflichtigen Regulierungsbehörden und rechtsorientierten Regierungen haben den Liberalisierungsprozess stärker vorangetrieben, während Länder mit einer Consensus-Demokratie, einem Präsidialregime, einer Koalitionsregierung und einem starken ex-monopolistischen Anbieter eher weniger oder langsamer dereguliert haben. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit konzentriert sich auf das strategische Verhalten der Unternehmen und auf die Frage, inwieweit dieses Verhalten von der politischen und bürokratischen Umgebung beeinflusst wird, in der die Unternehmen operieren. Diese Problematik wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Mobilfunkmarkts am Ende der achtziger Jahre empirisch untersucht, wobei die Beziehung zwischen der Entscheidung über das Regulierungssystem und die Preisentscheidungen der Unternehmen im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung steht. Es wird gezeigt, dass es den Unternehmen durch Ihre Lobbyingaktivitäten gelang, die Wahl des Regulierungssystems zu beeinflussen. Überprüft man die so getroffene Selektion, dann zeigt es sich, dass die Regulierung zwar im allgemeinen in die gewünschte Richtung gearbeitet hat, aber nicht sehr signifikant wirkte. Das Lobbying mancher Unternehmen war hierbei so erfolgreich, dass gerade solche Märkte nicht reguliert wurden, in denen es am effektivsten gewesen wäre. Im dritten Essay zusammen mit Astrid Jung wird die Beziehung zwischen dem Marktverhalten von Unternehmen und ihren Spenden an politische Parteien untersucht. Die empirische Analyse findet eine signifikante, starke und negative Verbindung zwischen Lobbyingausgaben und der Fähigkeit der Unternehmen Marktabsprachen abzuschließen. Das Ergebnis ist ein Hinweis darauf, dass geheime Absprachen auf dem Produktmarkt eine stärkere Gleichschaltung der politischen Ziele unter den Unternehmen fördert und damit weniger Lobbying nötig ist, um die so koordinierte Ziele zu erreichen.Regulation, like many other policy decisions, results out of a complex process that is shaped by political as well as economic forces. Therefore, regulatory decisions must be endogenized when studying their impact on the market outcome. This thesis offers various econometric approaches to study this issue. In the first contribution, I analyze how a country's political and bureaucratic institutions, as well as its political environment, affect the entry liberalization of the mobile telecommunications industry in OECD states during the 1990s. I found that majoritarian countries, countries with more accountable regulators, and countries with right-wing governments liberalized more intensely, whereas countries with consensus-type of democracies, a presidential regime, coalition rather than one-party governments, and a strong incumbent firm liberalized less. Next, I focus on the firms' strategic behavior and analyze how this is influenced by the political and regulatory environment. I use data from the U.S. mobile telecommunications industry in the late 1980's, which can be seen as a natural experiment because of its particular market and regulatory structure. The second essay studies the relation between the choice of a regulatory design and firms' pricing behavior. I show that, through their lobbying activities, firms endogenously influence the price-regulatory regime under which they operate. Accounting for this endogenous selection, price regulation is observed to decrease cellular tariffs. However, regulation is not particularly effective in reducing prices because firms prevent it from occurring where it would be mostly successful. In the final contribution together with Astrid Jung, we investigate the link between firms' political decision, i.e. their lobbying expenditures, and their product market conduct. The relationship between collusion and the industry's lobbying expenditures is strongly significant and negative: Higher lobbying expenditures foster a more competitive industry and collusive conduct reduces firms' contributions to the political system. The interpretation is that, if firms' political goals are not perfectly aligned, collusion in the product market reduces industry's total campaign contributions by enhancing firms' coordination in lobbying.
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Wallberg, Fanny. "Affären först, demokratin sedan? : En explorativ intervjustudie av policyprofessionella konsulters inställning till makt, demokrati och legitimitet 2019." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-179838.
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De senaste decennierna har Sverige gått från en stat med starka inslag av korporativism till ett styrelseskick med pluralistisk prägel. Utvecklingen har inneburit en arena för nya påverkansformer och med den en ny yrkeskategori. Samtidigt som arbetet med att påverka statsmakten utifrån har ökat, finns det fortfarande begränsad kunskap om hur det arbetet bedrivs. I denna studie används Hugh Heclos begrepp ‘policyprofessionella’ för förstå denna nya arena och dess aktörer. 2015 uppskattades antalet verksamma policyprofessionella till mellan 2000 och 2500 personer. Denna studie undersöker och analyserar en avgränsad del av denna grupp genom deras egen syn på sin roll i det nutida demokratiska systemet. Utgångspunkter i frågeställningen är makt, demokrati och legitimitet. Studien genomförs genom sex semistrukturerade intervjuer baserade på ett målinriktat urval av policyprofessionella konsulter. Med hjälp av Steven Lukes tre maktdimensioner som teoretiskt ramverk framkommer tre primära slutsatser. Den första är den rörande oklarheterna kring de policyprofessionella konsulternas arbete och identitet. Varken den statsvetenskapliga forskningen eller konsulterna själva verkar veta vad de ska kalla sig. Den andra är den om konsulternas uppdragsgivare och vad deras arbete utgörs av. Studien visar på en viktig distinktion mellan att arbeta mot politiker och för dem. Detta aktualiserar vidare frågor om partipolitikens representativitet. Den tredje slutsatsen rör svårigheten av ansvarsutkrävande från gruppen.
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Pellegrini, Laurence. "Les activités du « couple » Valéry Giscard d’Estaing-Helmut Schmidt après 1981/82 : L’entente personnelle au service de l’Union monétaire de l’Europe." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3046/document.
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La présente thèse de doctorat décrit comment la construction européenne, point de confluence de la démarche politique de Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et d'Helmut Schmidt, a déterminé la poursuite de leur collaboration après 1981/82. Dans ce but, elle se focalise sur les travaux du Comité pour l'Union monétaire de l'Europe, créé à l'initiative de Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et d'Helmut Schmidt en 1986, au lendemain de l'adoption de l'Acte unique européen par leurs successeurs. Quel rôle leur initiative a-t-elle joué sur la constitution du Comité Delors en 1988, chargé d'étudier le projet d'Union économique et monétaire de l'Europe, et, plus largement, sur la mise en oeuvre du traité de Maastricht ? L'analyse, en replaçant la conception européenne de Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et d'Helmut Schmidt dans les débats des années 1980 et 1990 entre approches institutionnalistes et intégrationnistes, économistes et monétaristes, keynésianistes et ordolibérales, ou encore françaises et allemandes, met à jour les enjeux du lobbyisme et de l'intégration économique dans le processus de construction européenneThe present dissertation describe how the construction of Europe, point of confluence of the political measure of Valery Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt, was determinant in the pursuit of their collaboration after 1981/82. In this goal it is focussing on the works of the Comity for Monetary union of Europe, created by Valery Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt in 1986, before the adoption of the Single European Act by their successors. What role their initiative did played on the constitution of the Delors Comity in 1988, charged to study the project of Economic and Monetary Union of Europe and more widly on the execution of the Maastricht Treaty? The analysis, with the replacement of the European concept of Valery Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt in the beginning of the years 1980 and 1990between the approaches institutionalist and integrationist, economist and monetist, keynesianist and ordoliberal, or French and German , reveal the issues of the lobbyist and the economical integration in the process of the construction of Europe
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Couder, Richard. "Deciphering the lobbying occupation : a description on how to improve the professionalism of lobbying and the identification of the trade practices of Texas lobbyists /." 2008. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/284.
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Barron, A., and Jean-Marc Trouille. "Perceptions of institutional complexity and lobbyists’ decisions to join lobbying coalitions – evidence from the European Union context." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7602.
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YesWe use data from in-depth interviews with business lobbyists in Brussels to investigate why they choose to join lobbying coalitions. We find that lobbyists face two competing institutional incentives. First, they are confronted with incentives to ally with other European organisations, develop multilateral policy messages, and communicate messages to the Commission and the Parliament. Simultaneously, they face inducements to join narrower coalitions, develop bilateral policy messages, and direct those messages at the Council. Lobbyists’ receptivity to these incentives – and thus their choices of lobbying coalitions – differs with their age, educational background, and with the type and ownership structure of the organisations they represent. Combined, our findings contribute to the limited, mainly American literature on interest coalitions by demonstrating that lobbyists operate in complex institutional environments, and that their interpretations of and reactions to institutional complexity are shaped by individual- and organisational-level factors.
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Blažek, Matej. "Lobbing - ekonomické a právní aspekty : Postoje členů akademické právnické obce a zákonodárného sboru dolní komory Parlamentu České republiky k regulaci lobbingu." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389104.
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Lobbying - Economic and Legal aspects Abstract The diploma thesis deals with lobbying and its economic and legal aspects. The aim of the thesis is to present lobbying from a broad perspective in the context of other regulations by using descriptive, comparative and analytical methods and to provide a comprehensive overview of the development of efforts to regulate lobbying in the Czech Republic. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the last governmental regulatory initiative where I am testing a hypothesis of whether the underway regulation is systemically correct in light of examples in other countries. I also conducted two surveys aimed at finding out the attitudes of members of the law academia and members of the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic to the regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic. The data serve both to (i) illustrate the interpretation of lobbying across the work, (ii) but also because of the specific proposed variant of lobbying within the framework of the approved substantive intent of the lobbying law (the deadline for submitting a paragraph to the government is set to end 2018), and (iii) I believe that they can be useful even when finalizing the bill, or other later proposed measures under the de lege ferenda considerations on lobbying. The thesis is...
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Čech, Dino. "Lobbing: ekonomické a právní aspekty." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-392764.
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Lobbying: economic and legal aspects Abstract The aim of this thesis is to determine lobbying as a legitimate part of democratic processes and to propose recommendations for the regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic. To achieve this aim, an analysis of the regulation of lobbying in the USA, EU and neighbour states, is conducted. Emphasis is also put on the analysis of regulation attempts in the Czech Republic with regard to influence of Non-Governmental Organizations. The first chapter is dedicated to a comparison of various lobbying definitions which are presenting main features and similarities across definitions. Among the main features are definitions of lobbying activity, lobbyist and public officials. The second chapter is dedicated to a comparison of government regulation and self-regulation, and the positives and negatives are assessed. The difference between lobbying and corruption is the main focus of the third chapter. Next three chapters are dedicated to the historical and legal analysis of lobbying in the USA, EU and neighbour states. The regulation of lobbying in the USA has the longest history. The regulation of lobbying in EU is an example of different terminology which is used in communication with the European Parliament and the European Commission. The seventh chapter is dedicated...
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HO, Jing Hsuan, and 何俊賢. "Taiwan''s Lobbyist and National Security─on the Focus with U.S." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94570258537025206753.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
93
Recently the public opinion is quarrel regarding to Taiwan ‘s government‘s 6,108 hundred million arms sales with American, the supporter thought Taiwan should strengthen it’s own military installations, that it can resist to the military threat from china ; the oppositer thought Taiwan ‘s great military budget not necessarily helpful immediately to the national security, equates thereupon pays the rotection money to US, or thought Taiwan is under one kind of freak structure which excessively relies on US. While excessively emphasizes the external factor to national security, then has we the necessity to inspect Taiwan and US''s substantive relations, or so-called US and Taiwan "accurate military alliance" whether is the Taiwan national security invariable cornerstone? Another question is, substantial national defense armament, is an important safeguard of the national security, however, will be facing future of Taiwan’s national development, how should we see the issue --"the economy" or "the livelihood of the people" will be important? The traditional international relations regarding the safe research has "the realism" approach , the liberalism ‘s approach. From the Constructivism’s approach to examine each factor of the international relational research , we will conclude 3 main concept: One is "the knowledge", two is "the structure", three is "the culture". These three concepts all are not innovation essential factors in the international relation research, but Constructivism entrust them with different connotation. Inspect current Taiwan’s condition of national security environment, outside the island, with China ‘s insistence to advocate "one China" policy to threat Taiwan to unification, and hits the pressure to compress Taiwan’s diplomatic space, inside the island, there is an tendency of disagreement with national identity, the debate of development of economy or reinforce our arms force. Therefore, we attempt to explain it with the Constructivism’s viewpoint, and take “Taiwan ‘s lobbying to U.S” as the example, to discuss Taiwan ‘s national security strategy in current security environment.
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Hujová, Anna. "Lobbing a jeho regulace v České republice." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321363.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis "Lobbying and its regulation in the Czech Republic" deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of lobbying regulation. Its aim is to make a comprehensive and effective regulation of the campaign for the Czech Republic. It first examines basic terms: lobbying, lobbyists and public officials. It provides a theoretical overview of the lobbying regulation tools. The thesis describes two forms of regulation which are self-regulation and regulation by law. A separate chapter is devoted to demark lobbying from corruption. The following chapter provides an overview of lobbying regulation in the selected countries. This analysis shows the various options and approaches to lobbying regulations, which is reflected in adjustments to the individual states. In practice the use of rights and obligations for lobbyists, a lobbying group or both simultaneously. Attention is also given to attempts made to regulate lobbying in the Czech Republic. So far, however, none of them have been applied in practice. Based on findings from previous chapters and assessment of the state regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic, there are suggested basic principles of regulation for this activity. The final chapter presents the outcome of the thesis and gives us a specific list of measures that are...