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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Lobbying - United States

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Academic literature on the topic 'Lobbying - United States'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

1

Trofymenko, Anastasiia, and Dmytro Lubinets. "The main lobbying development trends in the United States of America." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 156–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.156-163.

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The relevance of the issue of decreasing corruption in Ukraine causes the scientific interest in the study of such a political institution as lobbyism. An analysis of the global lobbying experience allows us to distinguish the lessons Ukraine can apply in this field. The article presents an analysis of the American lobbying model, since the United States was the first country to acknowledge and determine lobbying, as well as to develop the most advanced lobbying methods and technologies on the legislative level. The authors specify the main trends in the establishment and functioning of lobbying in the United States of America through studying the requirements of legislation in this field, imposed both on lobbyists and officials, considering ethical norms that lobbyists should be guided by in their work, subject-object determination of American lobbyism, and prevailing forms thereof in the state. As a result of the study carried out, it was found out that the legal framework for lobbying in the United States is based on the following: the principles of compulsory accountability and reporting of lobbyists and their clients, foreign clients, in particular; ethical standards of conduct for employees; restriction of lobbying for former civil servants; lobbying in all the branches of power; lobbying supervision and control by government agencies (these functions are entrusted to the Secretary of the Senate and Secretary of the House of Representatives) and the public, by lobbyists as well through establishing a Code of Lobbying Ethics, mediation between the client and the authorities. Keywords: lobbyism, lobbying, American model, Association of Government Relations Professionals, Code of Lobbying Ethics, lobby register.

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Dolgikh, Fedor I. "Lobbying in the USA as a Competitive Tool." Journal of Modern Competition 16, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37791/2687-0657-2022-16-5-116-129.

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The economic sphere of society in the United States is a highly competitive environment, within which there is a clash of various interest groups seeking to influence political decision-making in order to ensure the most favorable business conditions for themselves. The purpose of the study is to consider lobbying as a competitive tool for various business sectors in the United States. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to analyze the features of the economic sphere of US society as a competitive environment; to consider the legal basis for regulating lobbying activities in the United States; to determine the methods of lobbying; to analyze the overall structure of lobbying expenses in the United States and determine the share of business expenses in various sectors; to determine the place of the two leading political parties in the United States – Democratic and Republican – in the process of lobbying the interests of various business sectors and the reasons for such a difference. The study covers the period of the 2020 election cycle in the United States. The problem of lobbying the interests of business sectors is considered on the example of the competition between Donald Trump and Joe Biden in the 2020 US presidential election. The work is based on a dialectical research method. According to the results of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that in the structure of lobbying activities, lobbying for business interests repeatedly prevails over lobbying for the interests of the non-profit sector. Lobbying is a form of competitive struggle, one of the ways to carry out competitive actions, an instrument of competition between various business sectors for the establishment of the most favorable conditions for their sector. According to the results of the 2020 presidential election, the communications and electronics sector won in the person of its key lobbyist, Democratic candidate Joe Biden. During the election campaign, both Trump and Biden used a marketing approach, “selling” their “political product” that expressed the interests of certain business sectors, certain groups of voters whose consumer preferences would allow them to “realize” this “product”. The intersectoral competition of various business sectors harmoniously integrated into the political competition of the two leading political parties in the United States.

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Kremyanskaya, E. A. "Legal Aspects of Regulating Lobbying in the United States of America and Canada." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-161-168.

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The author reviews history and peculiarities of the legal regulations of lobbying in USA and Canada, points out the tendencies of the legislation development. USA and Canada are among the first countries, which included legal regulations on the lobbying relations in the state government. The author explores the evolution of development of the lobbying legislation in the USA, and in particular reviews the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act of 1976, Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995, as well as evolution of the Canadian legislation, where the Act on Lobbying of 1989 is in force, which had substantial changes during the last ten years. Taking into consideration the territorial form of state, the author reviews not only the federal legislation, but also laws on the level of states and provinces of these federations. Besides, the author covers the activity of the control bodies, order of registration and reporting by lobbyists of their professional activity, reveals pro and cons of the legal regulations of such institution as lobbying. In the article there is the list of information, which should be provided by lobbyists to the control bodies and the author correctly mentions that this list in USA is much wider, comparing to Canadian regulations. In the article the author reviews the liability for violations of lobbying legislation. In particular, in the USA the criminal liability is applied up to 5 years of imprisonment and financial penalties up to 200 thousand US dollars. Based on the USA and Canada experience the author reveals the key issues, which should be fixed by the legal regulations in the country and in particular: the clear definition of the lobbying and lobbyist, necessity of disclosure on the information about client and amounts paid, fixing in the control mechanisms and liability.

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Kostyaev, Sergey Sergeevich. "Russian lobbying in the United States: stages of evolution." Journal of Public Affairs 12, no. 4 (April 23, 2012): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1423.

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Kugay, A. I., and A. B. Davydov. "Models of Lobbying Practices in Maritime Affairs of USA and European Countries." Administrative Consulting, no. 2 (March 15, 2022): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-2-20-32.

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The article is based on a comparative analysis of the most effective institutionally established models of modern lobbying practices for pursuing interests in the field of maritime activities in the developed countries of Europe and the United States. The study is carried out on several grounds: the Full Time Equivalent (FTE) of a lobbyist, the expected financial investments of organizations in lobbying activities, an assessment of the transparency of the activities of lobbying organizations. Based on the revealed correlation of FTE and expected investments, the analysis of the model’s efficiency is simplified to an estimate of the value of its total FTE of the described models. Particular emphasis is placed on the analysis of lobbying in cooperation with the European Commission. It has been determined that environmental organizations and groups of influence that are not directly related to maritime activities are particularly active in lobbying for maritime activities. When comparing the lobbying infrastructure of Western countries in the context of its effectiveness in defending national interests, there is a significant advantage of the United States over the European Union. Regarding the adoption of Western models of lobbying practices and the spread of institutionalization of lobbying on the territory of the Russian Federation, it is recognized that for Russia, its maritime policy, the most effective American model would be, based on a single legal basis, allowing taxed lobbying agents to act in concert on the domestic and global market in the interests of private companies and the nation state.

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Landers, Steven H., and Ashwini R. Sehgal. "Health care lobbying in the United States." American Journal of Medicine 116, no. 7 (April 2004): 474–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amjmed.2003.10.037.

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Khatib, Dania Koleilat. "Arab Gulf lobbying in the United States: what makes them win and what makes them lose and why?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1121647.

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This research looks at attempts by Arab Gulf states to lobby the US government effectively. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, it utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies, or lack of them, behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the United States, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research considers the obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the United States, mainly the absence of a grassroots base of Arab Americans that is committed to foreign policy issues.

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Kalpakian, Jack. "Morocco and the United States: A lobbying opportunity." South African Journal of International Affairs 11, no. 2 (December 2004): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460409545468.

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MAHONEY, CHRISTINE. "Lobbying Success in the United States and the European Union." Journal of Public Policy 27, no. 1 (January 18, 2007): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x07000608.

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Scholars have avoided studying interest group influence because of the difficulty operationalising the concept. The research presented here introduces a new way of measuring lobbying success and lays out a model of its determinants. To understand why interest groups sometimes succeed and at other times fail, we must consider the institutional structure of the political system within which the advocates are operating; the characteristics of the issue at hand; and finally the characteristics of the interest group itself and their lobbying strategy. I test these factors with original data based on interviews with 149 advocates in Washington D.C. and Brussels active on a random sample of 47 policy issues. From the results, issue context emerges as a much more important determinant of lobbying success than institutional differences. The institutional differences that do emerge suggest that direct elections coupled with private campaign finance lead to winner-take-all outcomes biased in favour of wealthier business interests, while the lack of these institutional characteristics leads to more balanced policy compromises with more advocates achieving some of their policy goals.

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Strickland, James. "America’s Crowded Statehouses: Measuring and Explaining Lobbying in the U.S. States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 19, no. 3 (February 19, 2019): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440019829408.

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Across the United States over time, numbers of registered interest groups have continued to increase, but these populations mask the total amount of lobbying that is occurring within America’s statehouses. Among registered interests, average numbers of hired lobbyists have increased markedly since the late 1980s. This study both quantifies this increase and identifies a set of causal variables. Previous studies have proposed a variety of short-term, political and long-term, institutional factors that govern rates of lobbying. Using a new data set spanning multiple decades, I find that changes in lobbying can largely be ascribed to institutional variables, including the implementation of term limits and regulations on lobbying. Lobby regulations, one-party dominance, and legislative expenditures also appear to play a role in determining rates of multiclient lobbying. Direct democracy and state spending do not affect the hiring of lobbyists by registered interest groups.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

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Console, Battilana Silvia. "Lobbying the European union versus lobbying the United States : a contribution to formal theory /." May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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Rutledge, Paul E. "Agenda setting and presidential power in the United States." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10495.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2009.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 165 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 156-165).

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Himango, Stephanie V. "The American Chamber of Commerce (Hong Kong) : an analysis of a dual purpose business and political organization /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18061898.

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Tullock, Kalika A. "China's Soft Power Offensive in the United States: Cultural Diplomacy, Media Campaigning, and Congressional Lobbying." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/644.

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As China’s economic and military power develops and expands, it has been focusing recent efforts on upgrading its soft power in order to quell concerns and apprehensions about its rise. As the two most powerful nations in the world, China and the United States have both attached great importance to Sino-U.S. relations, recognizing that the structure of the future global community will be largely dependent upon these two countries effectively collaborating in shaping the global structure and improving global issues. Facing an American public that views China as a threat and competitor, as well as Western media that consistently paints China in a negative light, the Chinese Communist Party has realized the need to reach out to the American populace and facilitate people-to-people ties, increasing its soft power in the country and thus facilitating a stronger bilateral relationship. This thesis reviews three areas of China’s soft power push in the United States: cultural diplomacy, which includes creating more educational opportunities, building Confucius Institutes, organizing cultural events, and increasing diplomatic outreach; media campaigning and propaganda through news, television, radio, and the internet; and congressional lobbying.

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Kim, Byoung-Joo 1965. "Explaining the country patterns of foreign lobbying in the United States : issues, capabilities, and norms." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36095.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1999.
Includes bibliographical references.
This study proposes and tests three models of foreign lobbying in the United States. The "Reaction Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying results largely from countries' desire to act when issues related to them catch US public attention. The "Resource Model" assumes that the countries that can afford it do more foreign lobbying in order to cultivate friendly atmosphere in Washington. The "Norms Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying is a result of countries doing in Washington what they are used to doing at home. This research shows that the "Reaction Model" best explains and predicts the varying country patterns in foreign lobbying in the US, while the "Resource Model" and the "Norms Model" also show importance in determining how much foreign lobbying countries do. The research has produced country data sets as dependent variables, based on 2,034 records of foreign representation carried out on behalf of 53 countries between 1988 and 1991. The data have shown significant variations among different countries. In explaining the variations, the study has chosen three categories of independent variables. For the first group, the "issues" variables, several different measurements are used for measuring political and economic issues raised in the US with regard to each country. The "capabilities" variables are indicators of national wealth and measurements of countries' knowledge of and familiarity with-the US system. They reflect economic and knowledge resources that allow necessary actions to be implemented. The "norms" variables reflect the degree of pluralism in each country or the degree of similarity between the US and foreign country's business practices. They have been chosen based on the expectation that the norms would limit a country's set of options in lobbying. Multivariate regression has yielded various findings. Most importantly, the frequency of bilateral "issues" raised in the US has the most influence in determining how much foreign lobbying a country does. In addition, the countries that are more familiar with the US system ("capabilities") tend to focus more on advocacy lobbying to the Congress than other countries do. And, the countries where business cultures are similar to the US ("norms") are more active in the overall trade lobbies and in the advocacy lobbying to the Congress.
by Byoung-Joo Kim.
Ph.D.

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Gold, Daniel. "Lobbying Regulation in Canada and the United States: Political Influence, Democratic Norms and Charter Rights." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40908.

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Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States. The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time. The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices. The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.

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Beckman, Ronald J. (Ronald James). "An Empirical Investigation of the Lobbying Influence of Large Corporations on Selected FASB Standards." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331951/.

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The Financial Accounting Standards Board is a private sector rule making body. Congressional inquiries have questioned whether the setting of accountin standards should remain in the private sector. Congressional critics have charged that the FASB has been captured by special interests and recommended that a governmental agency assume responsibility for standard setting. Specifically, critics charge that large corporations capture the Big Eight accounting firms who, in turn, have captured the FASB. Previous capture studies have concluded that the standard setting process is pluralistic and that the FASB has not been captured. The studies have focused on the influence of the Big Eight to determine if the FASB has been captured. They assume if standards do not reflect the expressed preferences of the Big Eight, then Congressional criticisms are invalid. The studies also assume a unidirectional influence between participants in the process and have ignored the intensity of preferences of the respondents.The purpose of this study is to provide a theoretical framework to specify selection of standards that would be expected to be subject to capture. This framework also recognizes the duo-directional nature of influence. The allegations of capture were tested using the standards selected in accordance with the theoretical framework. The following hypotheses were tested. HO_1 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between clients' preferences and an accounting firm's support for an outcome. HO_2 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between the preferences of large corporations and standards enacted by the FASB. HO_3 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between the preferences of the Big Eight firms and the standards enacted by the FASB. These hypotheses were tested for each Big Eight accounting firms and for each standard. A logist procedure was employed. The results of the tests, with three exceptions, indicate that any relationships that occurred happened by chance.

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Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.

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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.

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Perkins, Jared David. "Friends of the State Courts: Organized Interests and State Courts of Last Resort." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955125/.

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Why do interest groups participate in state courts of last resort by filing amicus curiae briefs? Are they influential when they do? This dissertation examines these questions using an original survey of organized interests that routinely participate in state supreme courts, as well as data on all amicus curiae briefs and majority opinions in over 14,000 cases decided in all fifty-two state supreme courts for a four year period. I argue that interest groups turn to state judiciaries to achieve the dual goals of influencing policy and organizational maintenance, as amicus briefs can help organized interests achieve both outcomes. Furthermore, I contend that amicus briefs are influential in shaping judicial policy-making through the provision of legally persuasive arguments. The results suggest that interest groups do file amicus briefs to both lobby for their preferred policies and to support their organization's long-term viability. Additionally, the results indicate that organized interests also participate in counteractive lobbying in state courts of last resort by filing amicus briefs to ensure their side is represented and to dull the effect of oppositional amici. The findings also demonstrate support for the influence of amicus briefs on judicial policy-making on state high courts, as amicus briefs can influence the ideological direction of the court's majority opinions. Overall, this research extends our understanding of interest group lobbing in the judiciary and in state policy venues, and provides insight into judicial politics and policy-making on state courts of last resort.

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Woll, Cornelia. "The politics of trade preferences : business lobbying on service trade in the United States and the European Union." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004IEPP0027.

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La littérature sur la politique de libéralisation internationale présuppose généralement que les entreprises dominantes sur leurs marchés domestiques s'opposent à l'ouverture aux concurrents étrangers. Ceci devrait être particulièrement vrai pour les marchés de services de réseaux, qui étaient traditionnellement gérés par des monopoles, souvent publics. Or les entreprises dominantes, s'opposent-elles vraiment à la libéralisation de leurs marchés domestiques ? Cette thèse examine le lobbying des entreprises dominantes à l'égard de la libéralisation internationale de leurs secteurs dans le domaine des services de télécommunications et de transport aérien et s'intéressant à deux pays, les Etats-Unis et l'Union européenne. Nous démontrons que ces entreprises se sont en fait exprimées en faveur de la libéralisation, à l'exception des compagnies aériennes américaines. Afin de comprendre ce soutien, nous nous interrogeons sur le poids de quatre variables qui peuvent déterminer les préférences politiques : (1) les incitations économiques, (2) les traditions réglementaires au niveau domestique, (3) le régime international qui gouverne le secteur et (4) le processus politique auquel participent les entreprises. Nous observons que les incitations économiques jouent un rôle important, mais nous soulignons également les effets du processus politique sur la formation des préférences. En particulier, nous montrons que le système à plusieurs niveaux de l'UE encourage un lobbying en faveur de la libéralisation alors que le processus américain permet des demandes politiques plus variables.

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Books on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

1

Sachs, Richard C. Lobbying in the United States. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1991.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334.

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Richan, Willard C. Lobbying for social change. 2nd ed. New York: Haworth Press, 1996.

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Lobbying for social change. 3rd ed. New York, NY: Haworth Press, 2007.

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Lobbying for social change. New York: Haworth Press, 1991.

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Outside lobbying: Public opinion and interest group strategies. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1998.

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Gawande, Kishore S. Lobbying and agricultural trade policy in the United States. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2006.

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United States. General Accounting Office. General Government Division. Federal lobbying: Differences in lobbying definitions and their impact : report to congressional committees. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1999.

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Guide to interest groups and lobbying in the United States. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2011.

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Loomis, Burdett A., Peter L. Francia, and Dara Z. Strolovitch. Guide to Interest Groups and Lobbying in the United States. 2300 N Street, NW, Suite 800, Washington DC 20037 United States: CQ Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781608717569.

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Book chapters on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "LGBTQ lobbying." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 1–25. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-1.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "LGBTQ lobbying framework." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 26–50. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-2.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "LGBTQ lobbying tactics." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 51–74. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-3.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "Sex and LGBTQ lobbying." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 124–52. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-6.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "The Congress and LGBTQ lobbying." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 104–23. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-5.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "The White House and LGBTQ lobbying." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 75–103. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-4.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "The Human Rights Campaign and LGBTQ lobbying." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 153–85. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-7.

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "Conclusion." In LGBTQ Lobbying in the United States, 186–206. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170334-8.

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Johnson, Joan Marie. "Lobbying Congress for the Nineteenth Amendment." In The Woman Suffrage Movement in the United States, 128–39. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003042808-17.

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Downes, Edward J., Dustin W. Supa, and Esther Austin. "Political Communications and Lobbying in the United States." In North American Perspectives on the Development of Public Relations, 97–111. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95044-7_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

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Schumerth, Dennis J. "The Nuclear Renaissance: Materials of Choice for Surface Condensers and BOP Heat Exchangers." In ASME 2008 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2008-60004.

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Amidst the clamor and increasing world demand for energy, the continued use of fossil fuels for electric power generation has recently emerged as the bane of the industry. Green power is being championed as the new fuel de jour kid on the block. Environmentalists and other global warming advocates are successfully lobbying their political agendas for emission caps, carbon sequestration, NOx and SOx and other greenhouse gas limits. In many cases, these efforts have resulted in the outright cancellation, delay or unit reductions of new coal-fired plants. Similarly, simple and combined cycle gas turbine (CCGT) units, popularized during the Enron “gas bubble” era are at the mercy of unstable fuel prices which have, in large part, relegated this generation type from base load to load follow. Wind, biomass, hydro, photovoltaic and other renewables continue to produce an increased percentage of the power base but total contribution remains costly, inefficient and pitifully low. Enter the nuclear renaissance. A dramatic paradigm shift, even by the green power advocates, has allowed the nuclear phoenix to rise with the promise of emission-free power, generation efficiencies, increasing ROI revenues and demonstrating an enviable safety record since TMI and Chernobyl. Assuming this energy source conceives and bears the gestated fruit of a renaissance, the next decade will be telling in terms of the challenges brought forward by licensing, design, financing, construction and operation of a new generation of nuclear power reactors. Paramount among these is a new, time-tested generation of construction materials that will be evaluated to insure a 40 to 60 or even 80 year operational life of these new plants. Consider the problematic copper materials that were chosen during the early 70’s for their high thermal conductivity, competitive cost and ease of fabrication. Contrast these past lessons-learned to current-day, state-of-the-art generation fleet construction standards where demonstrated long-term sustainability coupled with state-of-the-art designs & materials must emerge as the prominent industry players of choice. The paper will examine these and other relevant aspects of the technical and commercial supply chain that is predicted to both challenge and reward designers and material suppliers well into the next decade.

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Reports on the topic "Lobbying - United States"

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Shey Wiysonge, Charles. What are the benefits and harms of direct to consumer advertising? SUPPORT, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.30846/160805.

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Direct to consumer advertising is increasingly used by the pharmaceutical industry and its merits have been extensively debated. Regulations related to such advertising vary: in New Zealand and the United States of America (USA), for example, regulations do not explicitly prohibit such advertising and its use has grown. In other countries, however, the practice has been banned and heavy lobbying by the pharmaceutical industry has been resisted.

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Lazonick, William, and Matt Hopkins. Why the CHIPS Are Down: Stock Buybacks and Subsidies in the U.S. Semiconductor Industry. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp165.

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The Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) is promoting the Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) for America Act, introduced in Congress in June 2020. An SIA press release describes the bill as “bipartisan legislation that would invest tens of billions of dollars in semiconductor manufacturing incentives and research initiatives over the next 5-10 years to strengthen and sustain American leadership in chip technology, which is essential to our country’s economy and national security.” On June 8, 2021, the Senate approved $52 billion for the CHIPS for America Act, dedicated to supporting the U.S. semiconductor industry over the next decade. As of this writing, the Act awaits approval in the House of Representatives. This paper highlights a curious paradox: Most of the SIA corporate members now lobbying for the CHIPS for America Act have squandered past support that the U.S. semiconductor industry has received from the U.S. government for decades by using their corporate cash to do buybacks to boost their own companies’ stock prices. Among the SIA corporate signatories of the letter to President Biden, the five largest stock repurchasers—Intel, IBM, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and Broadcom—did a combined $249 billion in buybacks over the decade 2011-2020, equal to 71 percent of their profits and almost five times the subsidies over the next decade for which the SIA is lobbying. In addition, among the members of the Semiconductors in America Coalition (SIAC), formed specifically in May 2021 to lobby Congress for the passage of the CHIPS for America Act, are Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, and Google. These firms spent a combined $633 billion on buybacks during 2011-2020. That is about 12 times the government subsidies provided under the CHIPS for America Act to support semiconductor fabrication in the United States in the upcoming decade. If the Congress wants to achieve the legislation’s stated purpose of promoting major new investments in semiconductors, it needs to deal with this paradox. It could, for example, require the SIA and SIAC to extract pledges from its member corporations that they will cease doing stock buybacks as open-market repurchases over the next ten years. Such regulation could be a first step in rescinding Securities and Exchange Commission Rule 10b-18, which has since 1982 been a major cause of extreme income inequality and loss of global industrial competitiveness in the United States.

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