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Console, Battilana Silvia. "Lobbying the European union versus lobbying the United States : a contribution to formal theory /." May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Rutledge, Paul E. "Agenda setting and presidential power in the United States." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10495.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2009.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 165 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 156-165).
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Himango, Stephanie V. "The American Chamber of Commerce (Hong Kong) : an analysis of a dual purpose business and political organization /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18061898.
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Tullock, Kalika A. "China's Soft Power Offensive in the United States: Cultural Diplomacy, Media Campaigning, and Congressional Lobbying." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/644.
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As China’s economic and military power develops and expands, it has been focusing recent efforts on upgrading its soft power in order to quell concerns and apprehensions about its rise. As the two most powerful nations in the world, China and the United States have both attached great importance to Sino-U.S. relations, recognizing that the structure of the future global community will be largely dependent upon these two countries effectively collaborating in shaping the global structure and improving global issues. Facing an American public that views China as a threat and competitor, as well as Western media that consistently paints China in a negative light, the Chinese Communist Party has realized the need to reach out to the American populace and facilitate people-to-people ties, increasing its soft power in the country and thus facilitating a stronger bilateral relationship. This thesis reviews three areas of China’s soft power push in the United States: cultural diplomacy, which includes creating more educational opportunities, building Confucius Institutes, organizing cultural events, and increasing diplomatic outreach; media campaigning and propaganda through news, television, radio, and the internet; and congressional lobbying.
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Kim, Byoung-Joo 1965. "Explaining the country patterns of foreign lobbying in the United States : issues, capabilities, and norms." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36095.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1999.Includes bibliographical references.
This study proposes and tests three models of foreign lobbying in the United States. The "Reaction Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying results largely from countries' desire to act when issues related to them catch US public attention. The "Resource Model" assumes that the countries that can afford it do more foreign lobbying in order to cultivate friendly atmosphere in Washington. The "Norms Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying is a result of countries doing in Washington what they are used to doing at home. This research shows that the "Reaction Model" best explains and predicts the varying country patterns in foreign lobbying in the US, while the "Resource Model" and the "Norms Model" also show importance in determining how much foreign lobbying countries do. The research has produced country data sets as dependent variables, based on 2,034 records of foreign representation carried out on behalf of 53 countries between 1988 and 1991. The data have shown significant variations among different countries. In explaining the variations, the study has chosen three categories of independent variables. For the first group, the "issues" variables, several different measurements are used for measuring political and economic issues raised in the US with regard to each country. The "capabilities" variables are indicators of national wealth and measurements of countries' knowledge of and familiarity with-the US system. They reflect economic and knowledge resources that allow necessary actions to be implemented. The "norms" variables reflect the degree of pluralism in each country or the degree of similarity between the US and foreign country's business practices. They have been chosen based on the expectation that the norms would limit a country's set of options in lobbying. Multivariate regression has yielded various findings. Most importantly, the frequency of bilateral "issues" raised in the US has the most influence in determining how much foreign lobbying a country does. In addition, the countries that are more familiar with the US system ("capabilities") tend to focus more on advocacy lobbying to the Congress than other countries do. And, the countries where business cultures are similar to the US ("norms") are more active in the overall trade lobbies and in the advocacy lobbying to the Congress.
by Byoung-Joo Kim.
Ph.D.
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Gold, Daniel. "Lobbying Regulation in Canada and the United States: Political Influence, Democratic Norms and Charter Rights." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40908.
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Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States.
The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time.
The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices.
The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.
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Beckman, Ronald J. (Ronald James). "An Empirical Investigation of the Lobbying Influence of Large Corporations on Selected FASB Standards." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331951/.
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The Financial Accounting Standards Board is a private sector rule making body. Congressional inquiries have questioned whether the setting of accountin standards should remain in the private sector. Congressional critics have charged that the FASB has been captured by special interests and recommended that a governmental agency assume responsibility for standard setting. Specifically, critics charge that large corporations capture the Big Eight accounting firms who, in turn, have captured the FASB. Previous capture studies have concluded that the standard setting process is pluralistic and that the FASB has not been captured. The studies have focused on the influence of the Big Eight to determine if the FASB has been captured. They assume if standards do not reflect the expressed preferences of the Big Eight, then Congressional criticisms are invalid. The studies also assume a unidirectional influence between participants in the process and have ignored the intensity of preferences of the respondents.The purpose of this study is to provide a theoretical framework to specify selection of standards that would be expected to be subject to capture. This framework also recognizes the duo-directional nature of influence. The allegations of capture were tested using the standards selected in accordance with the theoretical framework. The following hypotheses were tested. HO_1 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between clients' preferences and an accounting firm's support for an outcome. HO_2 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between the preferences of large corporations and standards enacted by the FASB. HO_3 There is no positive statistically significant relationship between the preferences of the Big Eight firms and the standards enacted by the FASB. These hypotheses were tested for each Big Eight accounting firms and for each standard. A logist procedure was employed. The results of the tests, with three exceptions, indicate that any relationships that occurred happened by chance.
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Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.
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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
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Perkins, Jared David. "Friends of the State Courts: Organized Interests and State Courts of Last Resort." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955125/.
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Why do interest groups participate in state courts of last resort by filing amicus curiae briefs? Are they influential when they do? This dissertation examines these questions using an original survey of organized interests that routinely participate in state supreme courts, as well as data on all amicus curiae briefs and majority opinions in over 14,000 cases decided in all fifty-two state supreme courts for a four year period. I argue that interest groups turn to state judiciaries to achieve the dual goals of influencing policy and organizational maintenance, as amicus briefs can help organized interests achieve both outcomes. Furthermore, I contend that amicus briefs are influential in shaping judicial policy-making through the provision of legally persuasive arguments. The results suggest that interest groups do file amicus briefs to both lobby for their preferred policies and to support their organization's long-term viability. Additionally, the results indicate that organized interests also participate in counteractive lobbying in state courts of last resort by filing amicus briefs to ensure their side is represented and to dull the effect of oppositional amici. The findings also demonstrate support for the influence of amicus briefs on judicial policy-making on state high courts, as amicus briefs can influence the ideological direction of the court's majority opinions. Overall, this research extends our understanding of interest group lobbing in the judiciary and in state policy venues, and provides insight into judicial politics and policy-making on state courts of last resort.
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Woll, Cornelia. "The politics of trade preferences : business lobbying on service trade in the United States and the European Union." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004IEPP0027.
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La littérature sur la politique de libéralisation internationale présuppose généralement que les entreprises dominantes sur leurs marchés domestiques s'opposent à l'ouverture aux concurrents étrangers. Ceci devrait être particulièrement vrai pour les marchés de services de réseaux, qui étaient traditionnellement gérés par des monopoles, souvent publics. Or les entreprises dominantes, s'opposent-elles vraiment à la libéralisation de leurs marchés domestiques ? Cette thèse examine le lobbying des entreprises dominantes à l'égard de la libéralisation internationale de leurs secteurs dans le domaine des services de télécommunications et de transport aérien et s'intéressant à deux pays, les Etats-Unis et l'Union européenne. Nous démontrons que ces entreprises se sont en fait exprimées en faveur de la libéralisation, à l'exception des compagnies aériennes américaines. Afin de comprendre ce soutien, nous nous interrogeons sur le poids de quatre variables qui peuvent déterminer les préférences politiques : (1) les incitations économiques, (2) les traditions réglementaires au niveau domestique, (3) le régime international qui gouverne le secteur et (4) le processus politique auquel participent les entreprises. Nous observons que les incitations économiques jouent un rôle important, mais nous soulignons également les effets du processus politique sur la formation des préférences. En particulier, nous montrons que le système à plusieurs niveaux de l'UE encourage un lobbying en faveur de la libéralisation alors que le processus américain permet des demandes politiques plus variables.
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Derewiany, Andrew. "United States Export Policy of Fighter Jets to East Asia." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5625.
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What explains fighter jet export policy to East Asia? The decision to export fighter jets from the United States (U.S.) to foreign countries is an important part of domestic and foreign policy. James Rosenau's theory of linkage politics suggests that domestic and international variables may work together in complex ways to develop U.S. export policy of fighter jets. This thesis uses a comparative case study approach to examine the domestic and international factors that are influential in determining U.S. export policy of fighter jets to Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. The political actors involved in making U.S. fighter jet export policy include the Executive Branch (primarily the president and Defense Department), Congress, and interest groups representing defense companies and foreign countries. Decisions regarding U.S. export policy of fighter jets to East Asia are influenced by international factors including the need for defense cooperation and diplomacy to enhance the security of the United States and its allies against the perceived threats posed by China and North Korea. These decisions are also impacted by domestic concerns including the desire of politicians to create high paying jobs for U.S. workers, increase contracts and profits for U.S. companies, and improve their chance for reelection. Overall, domestic concerns seems as important or even more important than international concerns when it comes to making decisions about exporting fighter jets to East Asia.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American and Comparative Politics
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Gerrity, Jessica C. "Interest group framing in Congress and the media the case of the Partial-birth Abortion Ban Act debate /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3243788.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 17, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-12, Section: A, page: 4681. Adviser: Edward G. Carmines.
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Edwards, Jesse. "Our Government is Perpetuating the Tobacco Crisis: An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Tobacco Industry and the Government." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1287.
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The following paper explores the relationship between the tobacco industry and the United States government. Through an extensive literature review, I conclude that the government is perpetuating the tobacco crisis in the United States by aligning their policymaking actions with the interests of the industry in exchange for receiving campaign support. I find that the primary method of support the industry provides is through monetary contributions, essentially bribing legislators to assist them on tobacco control regulations. I argue that this mode of persuasion is most effective because the tobacco industry is appealing to the egos of the legislators by bolstering their finances which in turn greatly enables them to sustain their power in office. For future research, I recommend analyzing this relationship regarding the rising trend of e-cigarettes and vaping, especially among adolescents.
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Faerber, Anna. "Top leaders’ relationships and their destructive results : A look into the relationship between top U.S.political leaders and business leaders." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för organisation och entreprenörskap (OE), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-26135.
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It has been a lot of talking about who’s president’s fault has been for the crisis that Started in the United States and how it spread around the world. Is it really a specific group of people’s fault? Our leaders’ responsibility to prevent all this? Or is it all of our fault for living in the illusions leaders created for us in order to keep being elected? I am not here to point fingers but, rather, analyzing what has happened by researching legislations that passed and did not pass, and who lobbied and why they lobbied on specific legislations that could have made a difference in the economic situation but were never given the chance. The research are mainly on the years right before the 2007- 2008 recession and specifically from 2004 to 2006. I conclude with analyzing the types of leadership styles that I feel have influenced the current situation and what is the follower’s responsibility in letting it happen, why, and how they could change the situation.
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Vymětal, Petr. "Koncept, praxe a kultura lobbování v anglofonních zemích." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2004. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77110.
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The regulation of lobbying is a current topic both at the level of international organizations as well as in many European and overseas countries. This work deals with the comparison of the rules on lobbying in selected English-speaking countries. Descriptive, doctrinal and comparative methods are used to analyze the main trends in the lobbying regulation of the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as well as Australia. The text is structured into four chapters. The first chapter deals with the definition of lobbying and its differences from corrupt dealings; it also covers the types of lobbying activities and the various kinds of lobbyists. The second chapter attempts to contextualize lobbying into the theories of the decision-making process. A comparison of the similarities and differences of the lobbying rules is made and analyzed in the third and fourth chapters. Both the third and the fourth chapter have a similar structure -- first, the general rules and approaches to regulation are introduced, and then a comparison of selected English-speaking countries is made. The third chapter deals with the most common rules for lobbyists; the fourth chapter focuses on the relatively neglected side of lobbying contacts, i.e. the rules for the targets of lobbying (public office holders). In the end, some measures and recommendations for the Czech Republic are also outlined.
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Göhmann, Dominik [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Hartmut [Akademischer Betreuer] Marhold. "‚Farewell state by-passing, hello national government!‘ The preferred lobbying strategy of legislative regions in Germany and the United Kingdom in EU Competition, EU Environment and EU Education policies / Dominik Göhmann. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Hartmut Marhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1072755467/34.
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Göhmann, Dominik Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Hartmut [Akademischer Betreuer] [Marhold. "‚Farewell state by-passing, hello national government!‘ The preferred lobbying strategy of legislative regions in Germany and the United Kingdom in EU Competition, EU Environment and EU Education policies / Dominik Göhmann. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Hartmut Marhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:38-61733.
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Foehrenbach, Gerd. "Foreign lobbying in Washington, D.C." 1994. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2493.
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Walker, Edward T. "The privatization of political influence professional grassroots lobbying in the United States /." 2007. http://www.etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-1915/index.html.
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Vilimovská, Lucia. "Americký lobbying v EU: význam regulace lobbyingu země původu pro chování v méně regulovaném prostředí." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-410521.
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Diploma thesis "US lobbyists in the EU: significance of home country regulation for lobbying behaviour in a less regulated environment" tackles the topic of lobbying in terms of comparing two differently regulated environments and the behaviour of lobbyists in these environments. In the introduction, the thesis analyses the current definitions and theoretical anchoring of the expert debate on lobbying, attempts to define this concept and to determine the basic research characteristics. The thesis attempts to describe why lobbying should be regulated and how is affected by lobbying transparency enhancement debate. Subsequently, the thesis describes and compares the regulation of lobbying in the United States and the European Union, while also taking into account international standards. The empirical part of the thesis is based on data provided by the American research center "Center for Responsive Politics". From this basic dataset, the companies and associations that lobby in the United States and the European Union, in particular, their basic documents and websites, are then researched based on established criteria. The aim of the thesis is to analyse whether companies and associations lobbying in a more regulated environment of the United States of America are transferring their 'taught'...
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Chiu, Ti-Cheng, and 邱玓崢. "Lobbying Regulation and Nongovernmental Organization in the United States: A Study of Formosan Association for Public Affairs." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93457915124870942286.
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碩士淡江大學
美國研究所碩士班
96
Check and balance of executive, legislative, and judicial branches have always represented the essence of the U.S. politics. Members of the U.S. Congress are elected directly by the constituents and thus, the public opinion can be easily communicated to the top political echelons, i.e. the congressmen. This phenomenon creates space for public lobbying. Originally, lobbying used to be a domain of people with large money. In fact, it appeared that lobbying was somehow a privilege of the rich people and moneyed businesses that formed interest groups. However, when only a small group of people enjoys leverage with politicians, it undermines democracy in the U.S. True representative democracy means that the ruling class is able to listen to people’s opinion, and make reasonable adjustments to policies, respecting the needs of the people. In order to make their case stronger, people form groups that advocate certain issues to the political elites. Such issue-oriented groups are called non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their activity is primarily focused on gathering support and lobbying at the high-level officials for the issues concerning the NGO. The NGOs are often called the third sector, because they make up for the gap between the first sector, the government, and the second sector, businesses. - The second sector mostly focuses on the private interest. Thus, NGOs step in to take care of some issues, which might be otherwise ignored by the politicians. As the time went by, NGOs developed in the U.S. public sector. Once NGOs were able to mobilize people at the grassroots and collect persuasive information to establish a compelling case to the political leaders, lobbying stopped being a privilege of few people. Increasingly, as people were able to organize around important issues, it became easier for their opinions to reach the Capitol Hill. This thesis is taking Formosan Association for Public Affairs (FAPA), an interest group, as a case study to describe how a U.S. NGO can mobilize the grassroots and lobby on the Capitol Hill. FAPA’s major goal is to promote self-determination, human rights, and democracy for Taiwan. While analyzing this organization’s role and effort, we must also understand the complicated relationship among the U.S., Taiwan and the People’s of Republic of China. Due to the complicated interrelation among the three, FAPA’s effort at the Capitol Hill - the effort on behalf of the Taiwanese people - is full of challenges, the primary one being the fact that Taiwan is not recognized as a de facto country, as a full member of international community. Still, since Taiwan’s society is a democratic one, the Taiwanese people have the right to use all legitimate means to fight for their existence and Taiwan’s rightful place in the world. And this is the essence of lobbying in a truly democratic country.
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Young, Carolina Ferrerosa. "Under the Radar: Essays on Lobbying, Representation, and Responsiveness in the U.S. Congress." Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D82J7TS2.
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I situate this dissertation and its contributions at the edge of the literature on interest group political behavior and congressional responsiveness. In particular, I use new strategies and tools to study interest group influence. In the first essay, I find that a machine-learning text-analysis detects latent patterns in the frequency of lobbying by the telecommunications industry in 2015. Meanwhile, members of Congress primarily focus on healthcare and taxes when they discuss policy issues on social media. In the second essay, I measure the change in political behavior of interest groups by ideology after the surprise result of the 2016 presidential election. The evidence suggests there was an increase in political spending by ideologically polarized interest groups shortly after the election. Finally, the cornerstone of this dissertation evaluates the results of two field experiments measuring congressional responsiveness to issue advocacy with a non-profit, non-partisan political advocacy organization. Counter to expectations in the interest group literature, I find that members of Congress are responsive on social media to interest group requests on a low-salience, non-partisan issue. These findings have important implications for representation and responsiveness in the U.S. Congress by highlighting areas of research that need further study and deeper evaluation.
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Woll, Cornelia [Verfasser]. "The politics of trade preferences: business lobbying on service trade in the United States and the European Union / vorgelegt von Cornelia Woll." 2004. http://d-nb.info/973554495/34.
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Yoshioka, Takayuki. "Representational roles of nonprofit organizations in policy advocacy." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3898.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This research explores what roles nonprofits play in political representation by applying the concept of the representational role to nonprofits. The representational role consists of representational focus and style. Representational focus shows those whom nonprofits aim to serve: members, constituents, or the general public. Representational style denotes the ways nonprofits advocate for their focal groups: the delegation, trusteeship, and educational styles. The survey and regression analysis results demonstrate that nonprofits serving their members are most likely to convey their members’ voices directly to policy makers: the delegation style. In contrast, nonprofits advocating for their constituents are likely to pursue what they independently identify as the interests of their constituents: the trusteeship style. Finally, nonprofits speaking for the general public are most likely to work toward educating the general public: the educational style. These results suggest that nonprofits play different roles in political representation, depending on the types of their focal groups.
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Karim. "Leaving the bridge, passing the shelters : understanding homeless activism through the utilization of spaces within the Central Public Library and the IUPUI Library in Indianapolis." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5928.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)By definition, homelessness refers to general understanding of people without a home or a roof over their heads. As consequences of a number of factors, homelessness has become a serious problem especially in cities throughout the United States. Homeless people are usually most visible on the streets and in settings like shelters due to the fact that their presences and activities in public spaces are considered illegal or at least “unwanted” by city officials and by members of the public. In response to this issue, activists throughout the country have worked tiresly on behalf of homeless people to demand policy changes, an effort that resulted in the passage of the homeless bill of rights in three states, namely Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Illinois. As I discovered through my fieldwork, in Indiana, the homeless, themselves, are currently lobbying for passage of a similar measure. Locating my fieldwork on homelessness in Indianapolis in two sites, the Indianapolis Marion County Public Library (the Central Library) and the IUPUI Library, I examine the use of library buildings as alternative temporary shelters and spaces where the homeless can organize for political change. As an Indonesian ethnographer, I utilized an ethnographic approach, which helped me to reveal “Western values” and “American culture” as they play out in the context of homelessness. In this thesis, I show that there is a multi-sited configuration made up of issues, agents, institutions, and policy processes that converge in the context of the use of library buildings by the homeless. Finally, I conclude that public libraries and university libraries as well can play a more important role beyond their original functions by undertaking tangible actions, efforts, engagements, and interventions to act as allies to the homeless, who are among their most steadfast constituencies. By utilizing public university library facilities, the homeless are also finding their voices to call for justice, for better treatment, and for policies that can help ameliorate the hardship and disadvantages of homelessness.