Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Local campaign'

This thesis proposes strategies for the making and exhibition of films that amplify conservation values and efforts in rural communities. The films support and promote the missions of local leaders and the agendas of respected environmental agencies. The filmmaking strategies entail identifying existing conservation values as experienced through broad themes such as quality of life, economics and community development. By focusing on the collaborative process of making and projecting a film, these strategies serve to inspire innovative solutions promoting responsible stewardship of the land and sea. This model of media creation and delivery is designed to empower local politics and communities with the momentum necessary to plan a future consistent with their environmental values. I call this media creation and delivery strategy, Remote Outreach Cinema Campaigns (R.O.C.C.); Remote, because the media is targeted towards rural audiences, Outreach because the media supports the missions of established environmental agencies, Cinema, because the final delivery is on a large screen and viewed collectively. And Campaign, because the final film is only one part of a process.

The thesis studies variation in the local election campaigns of the Scottish parties in the British 1987, 1992 and 1997 general elections, and seeks to measure and explain the variation in local campaign strategies. Data include elite interviews, an agent survey on the local campaigns and quantitative content analysis of the parties' Scottish and local manifestos in 1997. The theoretical framework builds on organisational and rational party perspectives and theories on the importance of geography for political phenomena. We expected to find substantial in-party and between-party variation in the campaign techniques, intensity, equipment/resources and the local manifestos across Scotland. Furthermore, we expected visible differences between the parties' correlates of campaign variables with region, local party competition, and the candidates' experience. We hoped to be able to identify party differences in levels of party centralisation, and to explain differences in campaigning by these. We hypothesised that: 1) parties would maximise campaign resources in marginal seats; 2) within-party policy variation would be most extensive in rural seats; 3) the level of party centralisation would be negatively associated with variation in policy contents, and positively with targeting; and 4) there was likely to be a positive association between the candidate's experience and their emphasis in the local manifestos. Most of the expected patterns of variation were confirmed, but extensive between-party variations were identified. We were only able to confirm the hypothesis about concentration of resources in marginal seats convincingly for the Liberal Democrats, the SNP and partly for Labour. Further we found that except for the Tories, policy tended to vary most within rural seats; that the relationship between party centralisation and within-party variation in campaign strategies needs further exploration; and that overall, while the most experienced candidates receive most attention in the local manifestos, the Conservatives also sometimes focus on newer candidates.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA
In order to make the Masakhane campaign (see definition of terms used) a success, local governments are required to improve service delivery to the previously marginalised communities. Many departments are not able to satisfy the basic needs of the community. They do not possess ample resources nor the staff that are adequately trained and motivated to achieve this objective. A major concern for the City of Cape Town that impacts on service delivery and productivity is the adversarial role between management and workers. The City of Cape Town consist of a heterogenous workforce where white employees have a better chance of being selected for managerial positions and black employees face barriers to equal employment opportunities. These inequalities have enabled labour unions to play a prominent role in creating suspicion among workers when management genuinely tried to bring about change. This change could benefit both the employees of the City of Cape Town as an organisation and the community. Where there has been an attempt by management to train its employees, the training methods used have focused more on the development of tasks related skills. Hardly any thought is given to development of the employee's lifelong skills that he or she will require to interact successfully with the social environment. Employees also find that some training is not relevant to their work practices. Many white managers in the City of Cape Town have a negative attitude towards training of blacks and women and this has hampered the advancement of both groups. During apartheid white males in particular have been trained and constrained by discriminatory work practices and it will take considerable time and effort to change these negative attitudes. Hence the saying "to transform the City of Cape Town city needs to transform itself first" -especially the attitude of its white male management.

This study focused on municipal service delivery campaigns before the advent of the integrated development planning framework. In particular, the focus was on the role played by the Masakhane campaign in improving service delivery and contributing to a better life for the community of the greater Middelburg in Mpumalanga Province. The municipality of the greater Middelburg won several awards in recognition of its achievements in the Masakhane campaign and serves as a model example for other municipalities.

The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).

The diploma thesis focuses on local marketing campaign Made in Slovakia, created by international pharmaceutical company GlaxoSmithKline Ltd. The primary aim of this paper is to analyze a evaluate success of the campaign, which was created locally for the Slovak market. This paper is divided into several parts. The theoretical part deals with marketing communication, communication mix and evaluating of the effectiveness of marketing campaigns. The following chapter is focused on the issue of local and global marketing campaigns in connection with marketing communication. The practical part then introduces company GSK Ltd. and marketing campaign Made in Slovakia. The major part describes several phases of its preparation and implementation. Next section is devoted to the success and effectiveness of the campaign, based on sales data and the results of consumer promotion. The final chapter summarizes the key results and solutions of improving this area, especially for creating new GSK marketing campaigns.

The researcher examines communication effectiveness within the National Corporate Leadership program, which is a service provided by United Way of America. The UWA NCL program is designed to work with local United Ways to increase contributions at their locales. I attempted to determine whether or not the UWA NCL staff respond to telephone calls promptly, are helpful when contacted, and provide adequate levels of communication to local campaign professionals, and are perceived as beneficial. Local United Ways are classified by metro size (IXI) based on amount of funds raised and are grouped geographically into five regions of the country. For this study, only those local United Ways that raised more than $2 million were selected. Literature from previous research of United Way and other philanthropic organizations and research on gender and proximity are reviewed. One hundred and twenty-five local United Way campaign professionals were contacted through telephone interviews. The data were compiled and analyzed to determine whether proximity, region, size of the local organization, and gender, age, and tenure of the campaign professional affected respondents' satisfaction with UWA NCL services. Distance and region of the country were found to be irrelevant to the four dependent measures of communication effectiveness - promptness, helpfulness, level of communication, and benefit to the local organization. While correlations between size of the organization and communication effectiveness were low, there were significant differences between two of the five metro sizes on measures of helpfulness and level of communication. There were no significant differences in means on the dependent measures associated with gender, age, or the number of years the respondents had worked in the United Way system. Future research topics are suggested.

The decline in traditional methods of civic engagement is a cause for concern in many Western democracies. Similarly, studies of American party politics point to a transformation from locally-based volunteer organizations to national ones assisting candidate-centered, professionally-run campaigns, leaving little room for volunteer participants. This thesis analyses the recent resurgence of grassroots participation and organization in the United States. Using interpretive methods, I present a study of grassroots participants in Massachusetts Democratic Party primary campaigns in 2006. Primary documents, interviews with volunteers and paid members of field staff, and observations of canvassing work all detail the personal and organizational contexts of participation, illuminating the meanings individuals found in campaign work. Grassroots participation takes place in a loosely organized set of candidate-based campaigns, local party committees, and civic spheres. When participants first engage in this environment, they become socialized into a community with learned norms, practices, and ways of knowing. While those interviewed shared some of the motivations of party activists in previous studies, the motives and beliefs described by both professional organizers and volunteers were less policy focused than expected, and blurred the distinction between ideological and social categories. Indeed, while organizers and volunteers build distinct identities through their campaign participation, they share many more similarities than the literature on activism and professionalism in parties would suggest. Participants also serve a crucial role as translators between party elites and their fellow citizens, with important implications for linkage and the problem of decoupling. Rather than a return to traditional methods and structures of political engagement, the participants observed take part in and are building communities which have much in common with new forms of non-traditional participation. These findings contribute to the development of party organization theories and point towards the need for greater dialogue between scholars of party politics, organizational studies, and civic engagement.

The race between Republican Cory Gardner and Democratic incumbent Betsy Markey for Colorado's 4th Congressional District was a partisan fight for political momentum. In the 2010 campaign cycle, Republicans looked to retake the historically Republican 4th District as part of a national strategy to win back the U.S. House, while Democrats tried desperately to hold on to both. Cory Gardner was only one of fifty-four Republican challengers to defeat a Democratic incumbent in 2010, but the Gardner-Markey race is particularly interesting as a case study of voter motivation and the mediating forces, both regional and national, that influence electoral success. Political commentators and staffers from both campaigns describe Markey's defeat as inevitable, but the same sources explain the election results from three different theoretical perspectives: (1) Betsy Markey was a poor fit for the district and never represented constituent interests, (2) Cory Gardner was the perfect candidate, and (3) Markey’s defeat was a result of the national political mood and a referendum on Democrats in Washington. This thesis analyzes and evaluates each of these theories, and concludes that a combination of the arguments and their evidence provides the most complete answer. While no single theory is the definitive reason that voters in the 4th District elected Cory Gardner, each contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the inevitability of Rep. Betsy Markey's defeat in 2010.

Nilsson, P. (2014). Promoting physical activity at a local level, a study conducted at a local health campaign. Bachelor thesis in Public Health science. Department of work- and public health science. The academy of health and working life. University of Gävle.   The aim: Physical activity is strongly associated to good health, both physically and mentally. In this study carried out at a local health campaign, the aim was to investigate whether the participants found the campaign motivating for physical activity. Method: This was examined through interviews in which 4 participants were asked to answer some questions about motivation and physical activity. Results: The results showed that the respondents experienced the local health campaign motivating to physical activity. The participants felt that they received social support from other participants, which seemed motivating to physical activity. Conclusion: Those who were interviewed in this study experienced the local health campaign as motivated for physical activity. Their participation has helped them find new ways to do their exercise. The inspiration the participants got during the campaign, they also had used for from a longer period of time after their participation.   Keywords: Physical activity, motivation, health promotion, health campaign

This thesis constitutes a new approach to the study of labour movement opposition and resistance to Conservative Government policy and practice toward local government in the 1980s. In contrast to previous analyses, for example, this exploration of labour movement activity considers trade union involvement, does not use artificial frameworks, such as New Urban Left, or evaluate subject matter against a priori standards. Examination of the campaigns studied is undertaken within the framework of society as a whole, so that the development of campaign practices and conceptual principles, identified in relation to campaign aims of defending local government services, jobs, and local democracy, are subjected to reciprocal processes of interrogation. This is achieved by examining events within an historical context, that begins with the expansion of local service provision and employment in the 1960s, includes retrenchment of the late 1970s and early 1980s, and concludes with labour movement campaigns against rate capping in the mid-1980s. This period also includes: changes in local democratic practice, in both constitutional and labour movement terms; developments in the composition, organisation, and outlook of constitutive labour movement bodies; and, labour movement responses to attempts to reduce public expenditure, local government service provision, and local government employment. The interrelations between these factors, changing socio-economic developments, conceptual principles and practice within the labour movement, and government policy and practice are all identified and explored as part of this thesis. Similarly, an integral part of this process involves the consideration afforded to interrelations between labour movement officers, leaders, activists, members, and the broader populace; in terms of conceptual principles, the use and development of labour movement structures, and democratic practice. Thus, by exploring the interrelations between the areas identified, as opposed to imposing dichotomous or causalistic interpretations, the fate of the campaigns against rate capping are explained.

La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe.
Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Among scholars in the field of state and local politics, the value of using the state and local levels of analysis cannot be overemphasized. Examining political trends at these levels often provides us with far more information about the United States than only looking at the national level. This is true particularly for subjects like elections, parties, and realignment. The research reported here adds to a body of literature that focuses on the state level when examining elections and party realignment. In this thesis I focus on the dynamics of elections in West Virginia. The main focus of this research is to see to what to extent West Virginia has experienced a realignment of its political party system. Due to regional differences within the state I anticipate that more change will occur farther north and east. The data used here to explore these differences are at the county and state legislative district levels and were gathered from the Secretary of State's office in West Virginia (on-line) and from the 1980 and 1990 U.S. census. Such measures as turnout, registration and election results at the federal and state levels will be used to indicate changes in partisan competition.
Master of Arts

Dans les petites communes rurales françaises, les modalités d'élaboration des règles locales d'urbanisme se distinguent des territoires urbains par l'absence d'ingénierie propre, la prégnance de l'interconnaissance entre élus municipaux et usagers de l'espace et la forte disponibilité physique potentielle de la ressource foncière. Le processus de normalisation du droit des sols qui caractérise les campagnes interroge ainsi les effets de la proximité sociale entre décideurs et publics-cibles, de la bureaucratie administrative restreinte et des pratiques d'arrangements entre acteurs territoriaux. En s'appuyant sur ce contexte politico-administratif particulier, cette thèse interprète les pratiques d'élaboration des plans locaux d'urbanisme (PLU) sous l'angle des injonctions à la mise en œuvre d'une planification durable de l'espace et de la transformation du cadre organisationnel de l’action publique territoriale. Depuis quelques années, le législateur renforce l'étendue des champs sociaux régulés par les documents locaux d'urbanisme et tend à faire de la préservation de l'environnement l'enjeu majeur de ces dispositifs. Mais cette dynamique « d'écologisation » des objectifs de l'action publique se déploie dans un contexte marqué par la remise en cause du modèle de co-administration des territoires entre les agents des services déconcentrés de l'État et les élus locaux. La vacance technique engendrée par ce recentrage de l'action des Directions départementales des Territoires n'est que partiellement compensée par l'intercommunalité rurale, les acteurs intermédiaires (chambre d'agriculture, parc naturel régional) ou le recours à une maîtrise d'œuvre privée. Cette recherche pose l'hypothèse de la diffusion d'un processus de « régulation locale » de la planification spatiale centrée sur le maire rural dont les mécanismes institutionnels questionnent la possibilité de produire localement une norme opérationnelle d'urbanisme rural durable. Pour investiguer cette assertion, nous nous appuyons sur une démarche de recherche-action organisée autour d'un outil d'aide à la décision baptisé « Système Intégré Urbanisme » (SIU). Celui-ci est développé dans le cadre de la révision de la charte du Parc naturel régional des Ballons des Vosges et expérimenté avec les élus de trois communes élaborant leur plan local d'urbanisme. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d'analyser en situation les caractéristiques du système de gouvernance des petites communes rurales, et notamment les effets de la proximité sociale sur le contenu de la norme locale de planification spatiale. Fondés sur des études de cas, les résultats présentés permettent une montée en généralité, mais doivent être nuancés afin de s'adapter à la diversité des mondes ruraux. À partir de ces matériaux empiriques, la thèse interroge en particulier trois aspects des tensions entre les enjeux globaux d'un urbanisme durable et une gestion locale du dispositif d'action publique. D'une part, la dynamique de « régulation locale » réorganise autour du maire rural l'équilibre des pouvoirs entre les acteurs institutionnels associés à l'élaboration du PLU. Elle reconfigure ainsi le référentiel cognitif de l'action publique locale en redessinant les contours du processus d'hybridation entre les connaissances des techniciens de l'action publique et les savoirs territoriaux des élus locaux. D'autre part, ce recodage des connaissances donne aux élus municipaux une plus grande marge d'action dans la définition des priorités locales. Ce faisant, il déplace les modalités habituelles de légitimation de la décision publique et renforce le poids des contraintes issues de leur proximité sociale avec les usagers de l'espace. Le maire rural se retrouve isolé à devoir arbitrer entre les injonctions croissantes à la réduction de la consommation des ressources naturelles, formulées par les techniciens de l'action publique, et les doléances locales de ses concitoyens à la pérennisation des droits à construire octroyés par les anciens plans d'occupation des sols. Cette situation questionne ainsi la capacité du processus de « régulation locale » à favoriser la production de normes locales d'urbanisme rural durable. Enfin, le recours aux outils techniques de l'action publique, et notamment aux instruments d'évaluation de la durabilité, apparaît comme une alternative à la réduction de la présence territoriale des agents publics. Mais nous montrons que par la nature transactionnelle des connaissances mobilisées, l'efficacité de cette médiation par les outils renforce, la plupart du temps, la nécessité d'une présence territoriale des institutions auprès des élus locaux. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Urbanisme rural durable, plan local d'urbanisme, communes rurales françaises, régulation locale, négociation, système technique d'aide à la décision, circulation des connaissances, pratiques territoriales, parc naturel régional.

La thèse se propose d’appréhender les compositions des conseils municipaux de Lyon et de ses trois faubourgs (jusqu’à leur rattachement à la ville en 1852) entre le début de la Monarchie de Juillet et la fin du Second Empire. La période, marquée à la fois par des transformations économiques et sociales importantes (industrialisation liée notamment à la Fabrique, apparition de nouvelles élites économiques) mais aussi par des bouleversements politiques (trois régimes et deux révolutions) est ainsi une époque privilégiée pour observer, par le prisme d’une institution locale, ces évolutions. A chaque changement de régime répondent des modifications électorales au niveau municipal. Les recherches suivent donc, grâce au recours à la méthode prosopographique, les itinéraires personnels, familiaux et publics des 575 personnalités qui siègent au sein des conseils municipaux de Lyon et/ou des faubourgs. Les sources, de nature variée (état civil, enregistrement, sources notariales, sources municipales, presse…), permettent de dresser un portrait type de cette l’élite locale au cœur du XIXème siècle. La spécificité du travail réside dans l’appréhension de ce groupe entre trois espaces interdépendants : la ville-centre (Lyon), les faubourgs (la Croix-Rousse, Vaise et la Guillotière) – espaces hybrides entre maintien de pratiques rurales et peuplement rapide d’une population ouvrière – et les campagnes (dessinant un plat pays lyonnais), dans lesquelles nombre de conseillers municipaux sont propriétaires et/ou exercent des responsabilités politiques ou publiques. La première partie de la thèse revient tout d’abord sur les bouleversements que connaît la période allant des Trois Glorieuses à la chute du Second Empire, notamment d’un point de vue électoral : on passe d’un conseil municipal nommé (1830-1831) à un conseil élu au suffrage censitaire (1831-1848) puis au suffrage universel (1848-1852) pour revenir enfin à un conseil nommé sous égide préfectorale sous le Second Empire (1852-1870). Il s’agit dès le départ de dresser un portrait global des conseillers municipaux et des conditions dans lesquelles ils sont désignés. Dans une deuxième partie, on s’attache à décrire plus amplement les membres du corpus – majoritaires – qui appartiennent aux élites locales traditionnelles. Les résultats montrent alors un groupe dont les comportements signent un conservatisme important : les itinéraires se construisent entre ville et campagne et les comportements en matière de fortune comme de stratégies familiales donnent à voir une élite locale dominante et qui se reproduit, l’étude réticulaire étant à ce titre significative. Cette bourgeoisie, où les élites classiques côtoient voire fusionnent avec les élites nouvelles, reste pour autant active dans des sphères de domination très localisées, autour du conseil municipal, des cercles et sociétés, mais ne dépasse que rarement le cadre lyonnais ou rhodanien. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, la thèse se propose d’interroger la question des renouvellements possibles dans ces espaces et temporalités mouvants : les questions d’une « descente de la politique vers les masses », (selon l’expression de M. Agulhon) ou encore d’une « révolution municipale » (décrite par J. George), qui seraient amorcées en 1831 et s’épanouiraient en 1848, sont ici réinterrogées. Par l’étude des conseillers municipaux de second plan et des figures plus populaires, siégeant majoritairement dans les faubourgs et/ou durant la parenthèse républicaine, on nuance l’idée d’institutions municipales immobiles. Mais à Lyon, face à la reprise en main rapide des pouvoirs centraux, on conclut finalement à l’échec du renouvellement municipal, même si l’apprentissage politique est réactivé rapidement après Sedan. En somme, les dix chapitres qui composent cette thèse – complétée par un volume d’annexes conséquent – interrogent le personnel politique local dans une période de transformations multiples, entre ville, faubourg et campagne
The thesis proposes to apprehend the compositions of the municipal councils of Lyon and its three suburbs (until their amalgam to the city in 1852) between the beginning of the Monarchy of July and the end of the Second Empire. The period, marked both by important economic and social transformations (industrialization linked notably to the Fabrique, emergence of new economic elites) but also by political upheavals (three regimes and two revolutions) is thus a privileged time to observe, by the prism of a local institution, these evolutions. At each modification of regime, there are electoral transformation at the municipal level. The research follows, thanks to the use of the prosopographic method, the personal, family and public paths of the 575 personalities who sit on the municipal councils of Lyon and / or the suburbs. The sources, varied in nature (civil status, notary sources, municipal sources, press ...), allow to draw a typical portrait of this local elite in the heart of the nineteenth century. The specificity of the work lies in the understanding of this group between three interdependent spaces: the city-center (Lyon), the suburbs (Croix-Rousse, Vaise and Guillotière) - hybrid spaces between maintenance of rural practices and rapid settlement of a working class - and the countryside (around Lyon area), in which many councilors are owners and / or exercise political or public responsibilities. The first part of the thesis is about the upheavals of the period from the Trois Glorieuses to the fall of the Second Empire, especially from an electoral point of view: from a named city council (1830-1831) to a council elected by censitaire suffrage (1831-1848) then by universal suffrage (1848-1852) to finally return to a council appointed under prefectural aegis under the Second Empire (1852-1870). From the beginning, it is a question of drawing a global portrait of the municipal councilors and the conditions under which they are appointed. In the second part, we focus on describing more fully the members of the corpus - majority - who belong to the traditional local elites. The results then show a group whose behavior signifies an important conservatism: itineraries are constructed between city and countryside, and wealth and family strategies reveal a dominant and reproducing local elite, the reticular study being as such significant. This bourgeoisie, where classical elites coexist or even merge with the new elites, remains above all active in very localized spheres of domination, around the municipal council, circles and societies, but rarely exceeds the Lyon or Rhone. Finally, in a third part, the thesis proposes to question the issue of the possible renewals in these spaces and moving temporalities: the questions of a "descent of politics towards the masses", (in the expression of M. Agulhon) or a "municipal revolution" (described by J. George), which would begin in 1831 and flourish in 1848, are here re-examined. By the study of second-class municipal councilors and more popular characters, sitting mainly in the suburbs and / or during the Republican parenthesis, the idea of immobile municipal institutions is nuanced. But in Lyon, faced with the rapid recovery of central powers, we finally conclude the failure of municipal renewal, even if political learning is reactivated quickly after Sedan. Finally, the ten chapters that make up this thesis - supplemented by a large volume of annexes - question the local political staff in a period of multiple transformations, between city, suburb and countryside

This study examines the use of ‘cultural’ imagery and messaging as a tool to revitalise crucial national industries. Specifically, it examines the use of Wear Local campaigns in Ghana and South Africa as strategies to rejuvenate their textile industries and to make them viable in an increasingly competitive global market. Conceptualising Wear Local campaigns as possessing both cultural and economic imperatives, this study highlights how both factors contribute to making products of Buy Local campaigns marketable by showing their importance as both cultural and economic products. Using a descriptive-evaluative design, the study adopted a triangulated research approach comprising a survey, key informant interviews and document analysis. Survey questionnaires were administered to a total sample of 308 respondents in Ghana and South Africa. The qualitative phase of the study involved 10 key informant interviews (comprising textile labour unions, clothing designers, and government officials in both countries) and document/documentary research. The quantitative data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics, while the qualitative data were analysed using interpretive approaches, such as content analysis. The results indicate significant uses of national cultural elements in the campaign messaging in both Ghana and South Africa, as well as notable differences in the ways in which these campaigns resonated with consumers in the two countries. For instance, cultural differences accounted for high popularity of the campaign in Ghana and low popularity in South Africa. Following from these findings, the study concludes that the discourse on Buy Local and Wear Local, and the use of national culture in commerce, must go beyond the question of efficacy to examine the conditions under which these campaigns can become an effective economic/market tool. The study makes an important contribution to the existing knowledge on national culture, national economy and globalisation.

La parité s’est enrichie d’une consolidation en 2013, avec l’abaissement du seuil pour son application aux communes de plus de 1000 habitants. L’étude de la sélection et des carrières des élu-e-s ruraux-ales des années 1970 à 2015, à partir du cas girondin, permet de saisir la manière dont l’espace des activités politiques est investi par les hommes et par les femmes et le rôle qu’y joue la nouvelle contrainte paritaire. À l’aide d’une méthodologie reposant à la fois sur des techniques qualitatives et quantitatives, cette thèse s’efforce de relier les transformations constatées dans la sélection du personnel politique des « petites » communes aux mutations des mondes ruraux contemporains. Elle se veut tout autant une contribution à la sociologie politique des espaces ruraux qu’à la sociologie du genre en politique
The reform for equal representation of men and women started in 2000s has been consolidated in 2013 by lowering the threshold for an implementation in towns of more than 1’000 inhabitants. The study of political recruitment and political careers of local elected politicians in rural area from 1970 to 2015 in Gironde allows us to understand the political activities of men and women in a context of gender parity which became binding. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, this dissertation aims to connect the transformation of political recruitment in small towns with the changes of contemporary rural societies. It will thus contribute to the literature in both political sociology of rural societies and gender in politics

Les vallées alpines urbanisées sont régulièrement soumises à des épisodes de pollution aux particules fines, en particulier sous des conditions hivernales anticycloniques. Ces épisodes se développent du fait de la conjonction de l'augmentation des émissions et de la stratification de l'atmosphère qui inhibe le mélange vertical et isole l'atmosphère de vallée de la dynamique de grande échelle. Le transport des polluants devient alors principalement piloté par les écoulements locaux d'origine thermique. Ces écoulements se caractérisent par une forte dépendance aux spécificités locales de la zone et sont difficiles à représenter dans les modèles numériques de prévision du temps, tout comme les conditions stables qui les accompagnent. L'amélioration de la prévision des situations de pollution hivernale en zone de montagne nécessite donc une meilleure compréhension de la dynamique locale en condition stable. Cette thèse s'inscrit dans ce contexte et vise à améliorer la compréhension de la structure des circulations locales à l'échelle de la vallée. Pour cela, l'étude s'appuie sur les données acquises lors de la campagne Passy-2015 et sur des simulations numériques haute résolution réalisées avec le modèle Méso-NH. La campagne s'est déroulée durant l'hiver 2014-2015 dans le bassin de Passy, situé à proximité du Mont-Blanc et à la confluence de trois vallées. Les concentrations en PM10 observées dans ce bassin excédent régulièrement les seuils réglementaires et montrent des hétérogénéités marquées au sein du bassin et avec les vallées adjacentes. L'étude de la dynamique met en évidence le rôle des circulations locales vis-à-vis des disparités dans la distribution spatiale des polluants. En particulier, les écoulements dans le bassin sont organisés selon différentes strates et génèrent des niveaux de ventilation hétérogènes. En journée, les échanges de masse s'opèrent de manière préférentielle entre les segments de vallée les plus ensoleillés. [...]
Air quality issues are frequent in urbanized valleys, particularly in wintertime under anticyclonic conditions. Pollution episodes occur due to the combination of increased emissions and atmospheric stratification that inhibits vertical mixing and isolates the valley atmosphere from large-scale dynamics. The transport of pollutants then becomes mainly driven by local thermally driven flows that largely depend on local characteristics and are difficult to represent in numerical weather prediction models. Improving the forecasting of winter pollution situations in mountain areas therefore requires a better understanding of local dynamics under stable conditions. This thesis fall within this objective and aims at improving the understanding of local wind dynamics at valley scale. It is based on high-resolution numerical simulations performed with Méso-NH and data from the Passy-2015 field experiment that took place during the winter of 2014-2015 within the Passy basin, located near Mont-Blanc and at the confluence of three valleys. The PM10 concentrations observed in this basin regularly exceed the regulatory thresholds and show marked heterogeneities within the basin and with adjacent valleys. The wind dynamics study highlights local flow characteristics that are consistent with the PM10 heterogeneities observed within the valley. In particular, flows within the basin show a stratified structure and give rise to heterogeneous ventilation levels. During the day, mass exchanges preferentially occur between the sunniest valley sections. At night, the convergence of flows from tributary valleys, along with the local orography, induces a very heterogeneous flow structure on the vertical and horizontal in the Passy basin. These characteristics tend to reduce ventilation in the basin especially in the eastern sector, which is also the most polluted sector during wintertime episodes. As spring approaches, the increase of solar radiation balances inter-valley mass exchanges, thus reducing pollutant accumulation within the basin. The analysis of mechanisms controlling local circulations underlines the importance of fine scale characteristics of topography and surface (snow cover) that determine the distribution of energy received at the surface

La volonté du législateur d’assurer une plus grande transparence des financements électoraux, une meilleure utilisation des fonds publics et un respect de l’égalité entre les différents candidats en lice, a progressivement conduit à la mise en place d’un cadre légal, source d’une profonde modification de la communication des collectivités territoriales en période électorale. Si, en période électorale, les collectivités territoriales sont confrontées à une liberté de communication restreinte, elles peuvent néanmoins exercer pleinement leurs compétences dans le domaine du service public d’information locale. Dans la première partie sont mis en évidence les multiples aspects restrictifs de la réglementation applicable dont le respect conduit à garantir le principe d’égalité entre les différents candidats. Dans la seconde partie est mis en exergue les réelles possibilités offertes aux collectivités territoriales pour communiquer en cette période sensible. Dans le respect des règles de prudence, la communication institutionnelle locale, forte de la diversité des moyens mis à sa disposition, pourra en effet efficacement répondre aux attentes de ses initiateurs et de ses bénéficiaires. La conclusion générale fait apparaître la nécessité d’adapter la réglementation à l’évolution de nos modes de communication. Elle tend également à revaloriser le droit électoral qui, en permettant à la communication des collectivités territoriales en période électorale de retrouver une certaine légitimité et en assurant au mieux une égalité dans les moyens dont disposent les candidats, contribue à garantir les principes de la démocratie
For the sake of the transparency of electoral funding, a better use of public subsidies and the equality of all campaigners, the legislator has gradually put together a legal framework that deeply affects all communications of the territorial communities during the electoral timeframe. Communications during electoral timeframes are therefore restrained, but collectivities can nevertheless fully exercise their role in the area of public local information. The first part puts in evidence the numerous restrictive aspects of the applicable rules, whose respect leads to guarantee the principle of equality between the various candidates. In the second part, the possibilities offered to regions to communicate in this sensitive period are highlighted. Within respect for the rules of caution, the local institutional communications can meet the expectations of their initiators and beneficiaries. The general conclusion highlights the necessity of adapting the rules to the evolution of our means of communications. It also tends to revalue the electoral laws which, by supervising the communications of regions in electoral periods, ensure an undeniable legitimacy. As a result, by insuring equality in the means the candidates have and therefore contributing to guarantee the principles of democracy

碩士
國立成功大學
歷史學系碩士在職專班
96
After World WarⅡ. Taiwan has accomplished campaign separately include village head, township representative, and city representative, province councilor, county councilor from 1946. It is a new start in the local election, that including province, municipality, county, township three level. I anticipated the local election several times and mastered the basic affair. Because of the long experience, and attested the local election and the local development relationship. I decided to choose that as my topic, and used Sinying township as the local election research subject. There are three kinds in the local election, Township major, a village head, township or city representative. After war from now, I try to sum up etc., three development steps. The study terminal include three steps from 1945 to the end 2002 according 「Local Government Act」,In the three steps, Sinying's development undergo Sinying township's terminal that started from 1945 to the end 25th, Dec., 1981. Sinying City to now, it called Sinying city's terminal. After World WarⅡ. Taiwan has accomplished campaign separately include village head, township representative, and city representative, province councilor, county councilor from 1946. It is a new start in the local election, that including province, municipality, county, township three level. I anticipated the local election several times and mastered the basic affair. Because of the long experience, and attested the local election and the local development relationship. I decided to choose that as my topic, and used Sinying township as the local election research subject. There are three kinds in the local election, Township major, a village head, township or city representative. After war from now, I try to sum up etc., three development steps. The study terminal include three steps from 1945 to the end 2002 according 「Local Government Act」,In the three steps, Sinying's development undergo Sinying township's terminal that started from 1945 to the end 25th, Dec., 1981. Sinying City to now, it called Sinying city's terminal. The study use the two terminal as main topic, expect chapter 1 and chapter 5, the chapter 2,3 and chapter 4 's main point are the two terminal 's township and city major, village head, township and city representative election process, rule evolvement and candidate's sex, age distribution, average age, education, birthplace etc. Finally, I tried to sum up the candidate's , Voting person, voting rate, etc, and drew up a picture, analyzed them, classified them. In the conculsions of the research, I tried to close the local election, observed in the long term, and anticipated different kinds of experience. In the end, this study also proposes detail suggestions on election's campaign promotion, corrupt practices and some kinds of election mold etc., election culture exchange, does a gnat, interesting research.are as follows chapter 2,3 and chapter 4.

碩士
南華大學
公共行政與政策研究所
91
Since 1946, Taiwan has implemented local self-government policy. The development of electoral districts multiplied from local (small scale) to national wide (larger scale) ballot. The road of democracy greatly suffered unremitting obstacles from the established authority. Political transformation in Taiwan came from progressive participations of people. The power to mobilize people to cast their votes was truly based upon the initiation of local factions, whereas their original goal was firstly to search for their common interests in the variety of levels. To maintain the factions’ clutched interests and right to speak for further benefits, their ordinary means to join in every election and to solidify the members became a significant access. 　　 　　Legislators’ election has been the most traditional example to interpret the complicated relations between local political ecology and election campaign. Taking Taichung city as the case study, we conclude that the performance of political behavior relies upon the awakeness of so-called “conscious of people” and the construction of “civil society”. From the practice of previous elections, the result has implied that the quality of common people representatives absolutely reflects the thinking of the voters. We should expect an excellence of parliament reform to promote Legislators Yuan as an efficient machine to check and balance the administrative departments of government. As well, the ultimate reform is to get rid of parochial concept among people and to achieve a real democratic society.

碩士
朝陽科技大學
工業設計系碩士班
101
In recent years, the increasing elections in Taiwan have generated a large quantity of campaign ads. The formation of commercialization has urged the candidates to promote themselves by means of personal visual images, and to put more stress on the utilization of gestures and body languages. The study expounds on “the improvement of the visual design qualities of campaign ads,” and analyzes the messages conveyed in the body languages of candidate figure images in the advertising, so as to conclude and examine the design problems of existing campaign ads. It proposes design concepts to the problems, as well as inspects the correlation between the candidate figure images and the messages within the advertising via the designing experiments of “reproducing the cases of the same topics.”The study concludes with methods of the main points of graphicdesign of campaign ads. The content is divided into three parts: （1）Construction of knowledge systems: the first part investigates the topic by the approach of cognitive psychology and non-verbal communications, analyzing the applications of the body languages when it comes to the expressions of candidate figure image. （2）Analyses of cases and inductions: Through the inductions of academic principles, this part analyzes existing cases on the basis of body languages and advertising messages. With comprehension of practical usages of candidate figure image, the relevant concepts and directions of designing references are proposed. （3）Design producing and conclusion: By the comparison and analyses of producing designs and existing cases, the main point of graphic design with body languages in campaign ads is concluded to four concepts, the coordination between the images and the slogans, the difference between body languages, the integrity of the gestures, and the concrete images of the descriptive environment.

This thesis investigates the behaviour of politicians and voters in local elections. The first paper studies the effects of campaigning when public funding covers a sizeable share of spending. It develops a probabilistic voting model and a causal, instrumental variable, empirical analysis using a novel database of political campaigns from the Portuguese Constitutional Court. The second paper is a field-experiment that evaluates the impact of the information conveyed by the media to the voters on their political perceptions and voting behaviour. In the last, I use the fact that mayors increase spending in election years to estimate the local economic impacts of increased expenditure.

This diploma thesis deals with election campaigns in small municipalities in the context of the Czech Republic, respectively nine municipalities of Microregion of Jemnice, which were selected as a research sample. The work focuses mainly on the analysis of whether election campaigns in these municipalities can be met at all, or what form and character of they have. The subject of the research is also the question if we can meet a certain form of election campaign in those small municipalities where there are disputes about the development of the municipality. This qualitative case study mainly uses the deductive methodological approach, where the basic theoretical approaches and concepts of the researched issue are introduced, from which the specific goals related to the research of campaigns in the Czech municipal environment are proceeded. The analytical part of the thesis is based on an inquiry in selected municipalities of the mentioned microregion, where the semi-structured interviews with successful and unsuccessful candidates from the municipal elections last year, ie. 2018, were used primarily for data collection, analysis of public and virtual documents, community websites or newspaper and municipal newsletters, was used as well. The final part of the thesis then summarizes the partial...

碩士
嘉南藥理科技大學
溫泉產業研究所
98
This research mainly analyzed the participators’ knowing and satisfactory to the spring carnival which holded by the government through the questionnaire, combined the contractors’ preferential plan and activities maked by the government to promote the retraveled volition of tourist. The researching scope is around the checheng township’s shijhongsi hotsprings area in pingtung, tourists would be vestigated with the half-closed mode, knowing the tourists’ characteristic, understanding for the government’s policy, the evaluation for the hotsprings area. All the vestigation would be proceed face to face with the tourists , the local shop, and the residents. The retrieved questionaires would be analyzed by portrayal statistics, the factor analyzing, the variation analyzing of the single factor,etc…From the retrieved questionaires, finally it brings something below: The first point testers emphasized that the activities must combined with the local industry and the culture, connected the local natural resources, the culture resources, the delicacies and the hotsprings. The second point would be raising the popularity of the shijhongsi hotsprings area, promoting the local output value, publicizing the uniqueness of the shijhongsi hotsprings area, guiding the residents’ identification of their hometown, and the importance of the hotsprings area through the activities. At the same time, collocating some suitable propagations and activities, to promote the contents and the supporting to the government’s policy for the tourists, the local shop, (including the local residents). What this research explore from the result in the questionnaires for the hotspring carnival hope to provide opinions to the governments and the hotsprings companies on those saled objects, moreover propose the propositions to the governments for holding activities about hotsprings and tourism in the future

Wong, Wai Man Natalie.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Notes --- p.vii
Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii
Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8
Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11
Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12
Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18
Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18
Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20
Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22
Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25
Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28
Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30
Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32
Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34
Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43
Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49
Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49
Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54
Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64
Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76
Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76
Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76
Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79
Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92
Chapter 4.3 --- Greenpeace - Local Governments Relationship --- p.95
Chapter 4.4 --- Greenpeace - Local NGOs Relationship --- p.96
Chapter 4.5 --- Greenpeace - Others INGOs and Greenpeace International Relationship --- p.101
Chapter 4.6 --- Unique factor: “Clan´ح in the operation of TANs --- p.105
Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.108
Appendixes --- p.118
Bibliography --- p.120

Ce mémoire analyse la mobilisation multiniveaux de la section locale 9490 d'Alma du syndicat des Métallos lors de son conflit de travail avec Rio Tinto Alcan à l'hiver 2012. Lors de la négociation pour le renouvellement de la convention collective, le syndicat, affilié à la FTQ, est mis en lock-out par Rio Tinto Alcan, une entreprise multinationale anglo-australienne. Rio Tinto achète Alcan, une entreprise multinationale canadienne, au milieu des années 2000 et souhaite rentabiliser son investissement. Le Syndicat tient à maintenir ses acquis et les emplois de qualité dans la région et à ne pas céder devant ce nouvel employeur. Le syndicat des Métallos est affilié au syndicat international United SteelWorkers. Ensemble, ils mettront sur pied une campagne stratégique internationale afin de faire contrepoids aux énormes ressources de l'employeur. Cette étude analyse le déploiement d'un syndicat international lors d'un conflit de travail au niveau local avec une entreprise multinationale et identifie les impacts de la campagne sur les relations de travail.
This thesis analyzes the multilevel mobilisation of the Metallo’s local union 9490 in Alma during the lockout by multinational company Rio Tinto Alcan that took place during winter 2012. During the collective bargaining process to renew the collective agreement, the Union is put on lockout. Australo-british multinational company Rio Tinto had bought Canadian multinational company Alcan in the mid-2000 and wanted to score a return on its investment. The local union affiliated with FTQ’s Métallos and the international union, the United Steelworkers, wanted to maintain its working conditions and keep the good jobs in the region. The union put together an international strategic campaign to counter the enormous resources of the employer. This thesis examines the impact of this international strategic campaign on the fight of a local union with its multinational employer and its impacts on labor relations.

The study focuses on the role of government in the provision of environmental programmes, events and campaigns. South Africa is a signatory to a number of environmental treaties and protocols hence it is expected to celebrate environmental days annually, such as World Wetland Day, National Water Week, World Environmental Week, Arbor Day and many more. The study considered the community of Masibekela, a remote rural village in Mpumalanga Province under the Nkomazi Local Municipality as its study area. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were applied to gather the necessary data from the four sets of respondents to a questionnaire survey, namely: the Sector Manager of Tonga Environmental Centre, traditional leadership and community members, learners and educators. The study discovered that the provision of environmental programmes, events and campaigns to the study area by the government leaves much to be desired. It lays bare that the community members of Masibekela are neglected environmentally by the government as compared to schools. The study also revealed contrasting features both in the knowledge and celebration of some of the environmental days by both the schools (learners and educators) and the general community members. A high percentage of learners and educators expressed their knowledge and celebration of environmental days since they are frequently visited by government officials to promote environmental programmes, events and campaigns geared towards environmental education and awareness but the same cannot be said about the traditional leaders and community members. It is recommended, among other things, that the Tonga Environmental Centre, as a custodian of provision of environmental programmes, events and campaigns, should be capacitated both in terms of human resources and strategic planning so as to meet its expectations. It is also recommended vi that more funding for bursaries for environmental studies for the youth should be made available and also more capital should be injected into the actual promotion of environmental programmes, events and campaigns. The National Department of Education in collaboration with the Department of Environmental Affairs should consider including Environmental Education in the school curriculum as a compulsory subject in all grades
Geography
M. A. (Geography)

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
Uma campanha eleitoral representa o momento através do qual cada força partidária utiliza as mais variadas técnicas com o objetivo de convencer o eleitorado. Cada campanha eleitoral é única e atende a um conjunto de contextos específicos sejam eles internacionais, nacionais ou locais. A presente tese centra-se no estudo comparado das campanhas eleitorais do Partido Socialista e da Coligação Juntos por Guimarães para as autárquicas de 2013 e de 2017, em Guimarães. Através do estudo das várias ferramentas e estratégias utilizadas por cada uma das forças partidárias, esta dissertação procurou dar resposta à pergunta de investigação: de que forma o Partido Socialista e a Coligação Juntos por Guimarães utilizaram a comunicação política durante os períodos de pré-campanha e campanha eleitoral que antecederam as eleições autárquicas de 2013 e de 2017 no Município de Guimarães? Com base na dupla comparabilidade (interpartidária e intrapartidária, em dois tempos), conclui-se que: na comparação intrapartidária, as duas forças partidárias evoluíram de 2013 para 2017 no que diz respeito aos meios e ferramentas utilizados; na comparação interpartidária, relativamente à campanha de 2013 a CJpG e o PS encontravam-se ao mesmo nível, por outro lado, em 2017, a Coligação Juntos por Guimarães revelou a tendência de uma maior personalização em torno do candidato enquanto na campanha do Partido Socialista ainda se verificava uma presença superior do partido em relação ao candidato.
An election campaign represents the moment by which political force use the most varied of techniques with the purpose of convincing the electorate. Each electoral campaign is unique and meets a set of specific contexts whether they are international, national or local depending on the degree of the election. This work focuses on the comparative study of the electoral campaigns between the Portuguese Socialist Party (“Partido Socialista”) and the Coalition Together for Guimarães (“Coligação Juntos por Guimarães”) for the municipal elections of 2013 and 2017 in Guimarães. Through the study of the various tools and strategies used by each of the party forces, this dissertation sought to answer the research question: How did the Socialist Party ("Partido Socialista") and the Coalition Together for Guimarães ("Coligação Juntos por Guimarães") use political communication during the pre-campaign and electoral campaign that preceded the municipal elections of 2013 and 2017 in the Municipality of Guimarães? Based on the double comparability (inter-party and intra-party, in two times), it was possible to be concluded two points: in the intra-party comparison, the two party forces evolved from 2013 to 2017 on the means and tools used; in the interpartisan comparison, for the 2013 campaign the CJpG and the PS were at the same level, on the other hand, in 2017, the Coalition Together for Guimarães revealed the tendency of a greater personalization around the candidate while in the campaign of the Socialist Party still it was verified a superior presence of the party in a relation to the candidate.

Despite having the appearance of a single event, federal elections in Canada concatenate nearly 300 individual constituency contests. Yet little is known of how constituency campaign teams operate, or how they interact with each other. In order to provide a better understanding of local campaigns, this thesis describes and explains the nature of local riding associations, the candidates they select, and the environment in which they operate. In so doing, it traces the impact of both riding and partisan forces on the character of constituency politics, and on Canadian politics more generally. The thesis focuses on major party campaigns in seven ridings in British Columbia in the 1988 federal election. It begins with a socio-political profile of each riding, including the media resources available to local campaigns. The dynamics of the local association, nomination, and campaign are then reconstructed using information gleaned from interviews with candidates, campaign managers, party strategists, and volunteers. Similarly, personal interviews with journalists who covered each of the local contests give further insights into the nature of constituency politics, and the methods by which local campaigns communicate with voters. Information on ridings and associations is then used to develop a typology of candidates and campaigns. This typology suggests that there are four archetypal candidates: local notables, party insiders, stopgaps, and those with a high profile. Each tends to be selected by a certain type of association, and to run a distinctive campaign. This typology is then applied to a number of the actual campaigns from 1988. The patterns of politics identified by this typology suggest that local associations are central to the nature of Canadian politics and democracy. Each association combines riding and partisan forces together in idiosyncratic ways. Associations are also distinctive in a comparative sense. Unlike local party organizations in other countries, they are neither beholden to their party, nor to the personal politics of a particular candidate.