Journal articles: 'Local campaign'

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D. Smidt, Corwin. "A Uniter and a Divider: American Presidential Campaigns and Partisan Perceptions of the National Economy." American Politics Research 48, no. 2 (September 20, 2019): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19875712.

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Do American presidential campaigns polarize or unify partisan perceptions? I propose that they do both, where the balance of these countervailing forces varies by context. Campaign messages enable partisan differences, especially in battleground states, but campaigns also promote social contexts that foster accuracy motives and reduce the effects of partisan biases nationwide. After documenting panel data evidence of campaign trends toward unity, further tests compare the national effects of campaign engagement with the local effects of campaign intensity using daily survey data on national economic evaluations. In support of the countervailing forces framework, national engagement in presidential campaigns generally increased levels of cross-partisan agreement by campaign’s end, but local campaign intensity enhanced partisan differences in rate of responsiveness to the campaign. Although targeted campaigns reduced unifying effects in many states, presidential campaigns typically have a net unifying effect on American economic perceptions, thereby strengthening economic voting.

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Lefevere, Jonas. "The Impact of Election Campaigns on the Nationalization of Voting Behavior in Local Elections: A Case Study of the Antwerp Local Election Campaign." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (September 26, 2016): 761–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416669825.

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Nonnational elections are at least partially determined by factors pertaining to the national level, which is problematic for the democratic functioning of these nonnational policy levels. Recent scholarly work has begun examining the impact of the election campaign on voters’ tendency to vote “nationally". However, these studies focus almost exclusively on European Union (EU) elections, and their findings may not be generalizable to other contexts. Moreover, they assume campaigns affect all voters similarly. In contrast, this study examines whether campaigns affect voters’ tendency to vote nationally in a local election, and whether partisan preferences condition the effect. These expectations are tested using panel survey data and a media content analysis collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. The results indicate that the campaign affected voters, making local considerations more important. However, the impact was conditional upon voters’ partisan preferences: When a party put more emphasis on the national context, voters preferring that party became more likely to rely on national considerations throughout the campaign.

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Kustec Lipicer, Simona, Samo Kropivnik, and Alem Maksuti. "An Analysis of Winning Campaigns in Urban Municipalities in 2006 Local Elections." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 6, no. 3 (September 2, 2009): 333–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/57.

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The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical and popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways and from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organisational and instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyse and typologise the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological and statistical approaches and tools, it was found out in the analysed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process and that, according to planning features and implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterised as particular and highly localised. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns and d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities and processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Key words: • electoral campaign • local elections • urban municipality • mayor • type • Slovenia

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Pattie, Charles, Todd Hartman, and Ron Johnston. "Incumbent parties, incumbent MPs and the effectiveness of constituency campaigns: Evidence from the 2015 UK general election." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2017): 824–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117718710.

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Parties’ local campaign efforts can yield electoral dividends in plurality elections; in general, the harder they campaign, the more votes they receive. However, this is not invariably the case. Different parties’ campaigns can have different effects. What is more, the particular status of a candidacy can also influence how effective the local campaign might be. Analyses of constituency campaigning at the 2015 UK General Election reveal inter-party variations in campaign effectiveness. But looking more closely at how a party was placed tactically in a seat prior to the election, and at whether sitting MPs stood again for their party or retired, reveals distinct variations in what parties stand to gain from their local campaigns in different circumstances.

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Cross, William, and Lisa Young. "Explaining Local Campaign Intensity: The Canadian General Election of 2008." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000497.

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Abstract. There is considerable evidence that local campaign activity is positively related both to a party's constituency level vote share and to voter participation rates. In this article we consider the degree of variance of local campaign intensity at the constituency level in the Liberal and New Democratic parties in the 2008 Canadian federal election and consider the variables that may explain this variance. Utilizing data collected through a post-election mail-back survey of candidates, we find significant variance in local campaign activity and identify six factors that influence it. These are an objective measure of the local candidate's chance for victory in the constituency, the candidate's subjective view of their chances, whether the candidate was challenged for the local nomination, how involved the candidate is in his/her local community, whether the candidate contested the prior election and whether party notables from outside the constituency campaigned in the riding.Résumé. Les preuves sont considérables au fait que l'activité dans les campagnes locales correspond à la part des votes dans la circonscription électorale ainsi qu'à la participation électorale. Dans cet article nous considérons le degré de variance de l'intensité des campagnes locales des partis Libéral et Nouveau Démocratique durant l'élection fédérale Canadienne 2008 et examinons les données qui expliquent la variation. En utilisant les données recueillies par des questionnaires postélectoraux des candidats retournés par la poste, nous trouvons une variance significative dans l'activité des campagnes locales et nous identifions six facteurs qui l'influencent. Ils sont: une mesure objective des chances de victoire du candidat, l'impression subjective du candidat de ses chances de gagner, si le candidat était mis au défi dans la nomination locale, la participation du candidat dans sa communauté locale, si le candidat avait contesté l'élection précédente, et si les notables du parti en dehors de la circonscription faisaient campagne pour le candidat dans sa circonscription.

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Paget, Dan. "The Rally-Intensive Campaign: A Distinct Form of Electioneering in Sub-Saharan Africa and Beyond." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 4 (May 9, 2019): 444–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161219847952.

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I consider how to characterize and classify election campaigns in sub-Saharan Africa. I revisit the typology proposed by Pippa Norris, which distinguishes between premodern, modern, and postmodern campaigns. This typology, and others like it, homogenizes ground campaigns. Ground campaigns only feature by virtue of their centrality in premodern campaigns and their peripherality in modern and postmodern campaigns. I argue that the prominence of the rally varies across ground campaigns. By trivializing rallies, current typologies obscure this variation between African campaigns and between campaigns in sub-Saharan Africa and the rest of the world. To accommodate these differences, I propose a schema of campaign ecologies, adapted from Norris’ own, which incorporates a distinct ideal-type: the rally-intensive campaign. This revision internationalizes this hitherto Western-bound typology and may illuminate the features of campaigns in other middle- and low-income countries too. Equally, it throws into relief differences between historic premodern campaigns in Western countries. I contend that rally-intensiveness is a definitive feature of election campaigns from which other features stem. To illuminate such typical features, I study Tanzania, which has the most rally-intensive campaigns in Africa. I draw on ethnographic research and original survey data to identify the four following typical features of the rally-intensive campaign. Local as well as national leaders hold rallies frequently. Local rallies are better attended in aggregate than national ones, and accordingly, campaign contact is direct. Mass meetings dwarf the canvass as a means of campaign contact, and local party networks concentrate their efforts on “producing” rallies.

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Carty, R. Kenneth, and Munroe Eagles. "Do local campaigns matter? Campaign spending, the local canvass and party support in Canada." Electoral Studies 18, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(98)00044-4.

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Fleischmann, Arnold, and Lana Stein. "Campaign Contributions in Local Elections." Political Research Quarterly 51, no. 3 (September 1998): 673. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088044.

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Fleischmann, Arnold, and Lana Stein. "Campaign Contributions in Local Elections." Political Research Quarterly 51, no. 3 (September 1998): 673–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299805100306.

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Rallings, Colin, Michael Thrasher, and Galina Borisyuk. "Local campaign activity and voting." Electoral Studies 32, no. 2 (June 2013): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.10.008.

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Fieldhouse, Edward, and David Cutts. "The Effectiveness of Local Party Campaigns in 2005: Combining Evidence from Campaign Spending and Agent Survey Data." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (April 2009): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409000726.

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Recently there has been a renewed interest in the role of local campaigns and their effectiveness on increasing turnout and support for political parties. However, there is a long-standing debate over the best way to measure campaign effort. This article advances the current literature by using a latent variable modelling approach to utilize, for the first time, evidence frorvey of agents, official records of campaign spending and individual voter survey data to produce a combined measure of campaign effort. This measure (latent variable) is then used in a structural equation model of party performance to assess the effect of the campaign effort of the three main parties at the 2005 British general election. In terms of both the delivery and effectiveness of campaigns the parties are found to behave in a way consistent with a rational model of party behaviour, though constrained by contextual factors.

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Fox, Colm A. "Is All Politics Local? Determinants of Local and National Election Campaigns." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 14 (May 10, 2018): 1899–934. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018774354.

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In recent decades election campaigns have shifted their focus from the local to the national level, increasingly featuring party leaders, labels, and national platforms. Despite this trend, there remains significant variation in the local/national orientation of campaigns across countries and parties. This article tests several propositions on why campaigns adopt a local or national orientation by analyzing a unique collection of more than 12,000 geocoded Thai election posters. Specialized software was used to measure the spatial proportions of visual and textual content on each poster. Using Thailand’s mixed electoral system to enable a controlled comparison of electoral rules, I demonstrate that proportional rules were associated with national campaign strategies whereas majoritarian rules fostered local strategies. In addition, large parties ran party-centered, policy-focused campaigns whereas small parties relied more on their leader’s image. This contrasts with Western countries, where large parties increasingly promote their leader’s image and small parties emphasize narrower policy objectives.

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Pattie, Charles J., Ronald J. Johnston, and Edward A. Fieldhouse. "Winning the Local Vote: The Effectiveness of Constituency Campaign Spending in Great Britain, 1983–1992." American Political Science Review 89, no. 4 (December 1995): 969–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082521.

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Much recent analysis of British politics has assumed, explicitly or implicitly, that constituency campaigns have no impact upon an electorate that draws on an increasingly nationalized media for its information. We employ data on constituency campaign spending to challenge this interpretation. Local party campaigners are rational in their use of funds, spending most in seats where the competition is close and least where there is little hope of winning. What is more, campaign spending is clearly associated with voting, increasing support for the spending party and decreasing support for its rivals. Contrary to the accepted wisdom, local campaign spending can result in important shifts in the vote. However, local campaigning seems to be of much more value to challengers than to incumbents.

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WASSERMAN, DONNA P. "The Local Contours of Campaign Coverage." Communication Research 26, no. 6 (December 1999): 701–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009365099026006003.

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Gunawan, Elizabeth S., and Paul Van den Hoven. "Global Brand Identity as a Network of Localized Meanings." International Journal of Marketing Studies 9, no. 2 (March 2, 2017): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijms.v9n2p56.

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In this article, we develop a semiotic model to analyze advertisement glocalization. This model focuses on the mental representations that local audiences build of a “global” brand identity. We demonstrate how this model fills up gaps left by a popular marketing model for global advertising. We argue that the seemingly linear three- step marketing model implies several reciprocal processes in which meaning is developed and determined. This semiotic reinterpretation of the marketing model explains how a global brand identity maintains a dynamic relation with the actual brand identity that local customers construe. To illustrate the dynamics of the semiotic model, we analyzed localizations in the Snickers campaign “You’re not you when you’re hungry.” Because the semiotic model elaborates the dynamics between the professionals’ discourse used in developing a campaign and the localized “global” brand identities brought about in receiving the campaign, the model helps to explain anthropological dynamics in designing campaigns, the arising of locally differentiated “global” brand identities that are the result of global campaigns and the dynamic development of global campaigns.

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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "Wyborcza kampania samorządowa w 2018 roku na łamach lubelskich dzienników." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.019.13183.

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The local government election campaign in 2018 in the Lublin newspapers The article presents the results of empirical research concerning visibility of the political parties and candidates of the Polish local government election campaign in the press released in Lublin Voivodship in 2018. The subject of research were three daily newspapers: “Dziennik Wschodni”, “Kurier Lubelski” and “Gazeta Wyborcza. Lublin”. The main research questions concerned the degree of interest of regional and local newspapers in local government election campaign and the manner in which the campaigns of individual political entities were publicized. An interesting issue was the proportion of published material on political actors in relation to the resulting by them votes in election. The results of the research proved that the analysed newspapers concerning the selected political actors. In comparison with the public agenda (election results) it has shown a high degree of agenda-setting effects (Pearson’s factor was: 0,68; 0,89; 0,96).

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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "Wyborcza kampania samorządowa w 2018 roku na łamach lubelskich dzienników." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.019.13183.

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The local government election campaign in 2018 in the Lublin newspapers The article presents the results of empirical research concerning visibility of the political parties and candidates of the Polish local government election campaign in the press released in Lublin Voivodship in 2018. The subject of research were three daily newspapers: “Dziennik Wschodni”, “Kurier Lubelski” and “Gazeta Wyborcza. Lublin”. The main research questions concerned the degree of interest of regional and local newspapers in local government election campaign and the manner in which the campaigns of individual political entities were publicized. An interesting issue was the proportion of published material on political actors in relation to the resulting by them votes in election. The results of the research proved that the analysed newspapers concerning the selected political actors. In comparison with the public agenda (election results) it has shown a high degree of agenda-setting effects (Pearson’s factor was: 0,68; 0,89; 0,96).

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Adamos, Giannis, Eftihia Nathanail, and Paraskevi Kapetanopoulou. "Does the Theme of a Road Safety Communication Campaign Affect its Success?" Transport and Telecommunication Journal 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 294–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10244-012-0025-5.

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Road safety communication campaigns are considered as an efficient strategy to approach the wide audience and influence road users towards a safe behavior, with main aim to lead to the reduction of the number and the severity of road accidents. When designing the implementation of a campaign, it is important to plan at the same time its evaluation, so that to enable the assessment of its effectiveness. For the achievement of high reliability and the development of “clear” conclusions, the campaign evaluation should be carefully organized, following a feasible scientific design. Towards this direction, three road safety campaigns, two local campaigns addressing drink driving and seat belt usage, and one national campaign addressing driving fatigue, were implemented and evaluated. Presenting the design components of the three campaigns and the evaluation results, this paper aims at revealing the similarities and differences of the effectiveness of road safety communication campaigns on driving behavior.

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Thakkar, Niket, Syed Saqlain Ahmad Gilani, Quamrul Hasan, and Kevin A. McCarthy. "Decreasing measles burden by optimizing campaign timing." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 22 (May 13, 2019): 11069–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1818433116.

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Measles remains a major contributor to preventable child mortality, and bridging gaps in measles immunity is a fundamental challenge to global health. In high-burden settings, mass vaccination campaigns are conducted to increase access to vaccine and address this issue. Ensuring that campaigns are optimally effective is a crucial step toward measles elimination; however, the relationship between campaign impact and disease dynamics is poorly understood. Here, we study measles in Pakistan, and we demonstrate that campaign timing can be tuned to optimally interact with local transmission seasonality and recent incidence history. We develop a mechanistic modeling approach to optimize timing in general high-burden settings, and we find that in Pakistan, hundreds of thousands of infections can be averted with no change in campaign cost.

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Reckhow, Sarah, Jeffrey R. Henig, Rebecca Jacobsen, and Jamie Alter Litt. "“Outsiders with Deep Pockets”: The Nationalization of Local School Board Elections." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 5 (August 10, 2016): 783–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416663004.

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Recent election cycles have seen growing attention to the role of “outside” money in urban school board elections. Using an original data set of more than 16,000 contributions covering election cycles from 2008 to 2013 in four school districts (Los Angeles, CA; New Orleans, LA; Denver, CO; Bridgeport, CT), we show how large national donors play a significant role. Our study links two dynamic fields that are rarely studied together: (1) the behavior of wealthy donors in a changing national campaign finance system and (2) the evolving politics of urban education. By examining donor networks, we illuminate the mechanisms behind the nationalization of education politics and national donor involvement in local campaigns. We show that shared affiliations through education organizations are significantly associated with school board campaign contributions.

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Friedman, Allison L., Allison Bozniak, Jessie Ford, Ashley Hill, Kristina Olson, Rebecca Ledsky, Derek Inokuchi, and Kathryn Brookmeyer. "Reaching Youth With Sexually Transmitted Disease Testing." Social Marketing Quarterly 20, no. 2 (April 28, 2014): 116–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524500414530386.

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Nine programs were funded across eight states in the United States to customize, implement, and evaluate local campaigns in support of the national Get Yourself Tested ( GYT) campaign. Each program promoted chlamydia screening and treatment/referral to sexually active young women (aged 15–25 years) and their partners through accessible, free, or low-cost services. This article documents the strategies and outcomes of these local GYT campaigns, highlighting the diversity in which a national sexual health campaign is implemented at the local level and identifying challenges and successes. Nearly all ( n = 7) programs involved target audience members in campaign development/implementation. Youth were linked to free or low-cost sexually transmitted disease testing through community centers, high schools and colleges, community and clinic events; online or text-based ordering of test kits; and community pickup locations. Sites used a combination of traditional and new media, on-the-ground activities, promotional products, and educational and social events to promote testing. With the exception of one site, all sites reported increases in the number of persons tested for chlamydia during campaign implementation, compared to baseline. Increases ranged from 0.5% to 128%. Successes included development of local partnerships, infrastructure, and capacity; use of peer leaders and involvement; and opportunities to explore new innovations. Challenges included use of social media/new technologies, timing constraints, limited organizational and evaluation capacity, and unforeseen delays/setbacks. Each of these issues is explored, along with lessons learned, with intent to inform future sexual health promotion efforts.

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Fieldhouse, Edward, Justin Fisher, and David Cutts. "Popularity equilibrium: Testing a general theory of local campaign effectiveness." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (January 29, 2019): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818823443.

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Parties and candidates target campaign resources where they are most likely to pay electoral dividends. At the individual level it has been shown that some individuals are more likely to be persuaded by campaign contacts than others. In a parallel tradition of measuring campaign effectiveness at the macro level, previous research has demonstrated that local candidate campaign effort measured is significantly related to electoral performance. However, while there is evidence suggestive of macro level effects, there is little systematic evidence about the district level conditions under which campaign efforts are most productive. Drawing on extensive data across six UK general elections between 1992 and 2015, we advance a theory of local campaign efficacy and test a general model of popularity equilibrium. We demonstrate that there is a curvilinear relationship between the underlying level of party support in an electoral district and the intensity of the district-level campaign – there is a ‘sweet-spot’ for maximizing the returns of campaign effort.

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Woronkowicz, Joanna. "The Effects of Capital Campaigns on Local Nonprofit Ecologies." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 47, no. 3 (February 18, 2018): 645–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764018757026.

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When charities launch capital campaigns, they hope to attract large amounts of resources in a relatively short period of time; however, other charities in the area are likely to see such campaigns as disruptive to the natural distribution of resources to area nonprofits by disproportionately directing area donations to a single organization. This study seeks to understand the effects capital campaigns have on both the fundraising performance of other nonprofits and the makeup of a local nonprofit ecology. The analysis uses data from a randomly sampled set of nonprofit arts organizations that had capital campaigns for facilities projects between 1994 and 2007 and Internal Revenue Service Form 990 data on 501 (c) (3) nonprofit organizations in each county. The results illustrate that a capital campaign positively affects the fundraising performance of other charities in a local nonprofit ecology, but that campaigns decrease the size of a local nonprofit ecology.

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Eagles, Munroe. "The Effectiveness of Local Campaign Spending in the 1993 and 1997 Federal Elections in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040065.

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Recent studies of the effects of campaign spending by political parties and candidates at elections in Canada and elsewhere have established the importance of local constituency campaigns. However, particular claims to measure the effects of campaign spending on the vote have been questioned on methodological grounds. This article revisits the question of whether local spending matters in Canadian federal elections. Responding to some criticisms of earlier work, this analysis presents the results of two parallel regression analyses (the first employing two–stage least squares estimation, the second using three–stage least squares techniques) of the effects of local spending in the 1993 and 1997 elections. The results offer strong confirmation that comparatively greater local spending by candidates enhances their vote shares, and diminishes that of rivals, albeit to different degrees for different parties and elections.

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Crew, Robert E. "The Political Scientist as Local Campaign Consultant." PS: Political Science & Politics 44, no. 02 (April 2011): 273–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511000047.

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Hiroko, Rokuhara. "Local Officials and the Meiji Conscription Campaign." Monumenta Nipponica 60, no. 1 (2005): 81–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2005.0008.

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Carr, Caleb T. "The Delocalization of the Local Election." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512092477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120924772.

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Local elections are no longer just influenced by, marketed toward, or relevant to only a small, geographically constrained electorate. Social media increasingly connect politics to publics that may extend beyond politicians’ or issues’ local constituencies. Every election—from Senator to alderperson—has been rendered accessible and relevant to broad individuals, organizations, and interests. Now, campaigns—particularly in close races or battleground areas—can canvas beyond the local level to seek donations, campaign volunteers, or to encourage local residents to vote. Social media have become venues to demonstrate a candidate’s likability with users, which are parlayed into local goodwill and electability. And foreign nationals and governments increasingly are using social media to spread disinformation or to otherwise sway local issues. Ultimately, what was once a city, county, state, provincial, or national election can now play out on a global stage through social media, with all of the subsequent influence and impacts. This article uses several geographically dispersed and representative examples to exemplify the delocalization of the local election, including Beto O’Rourke’s 2018 Senate Campaign (the US), the effect of nationwide social media popularity and interactivity on local election results (Taiwan and The Netherlands), and Russian influence in the 2016 Brexit Referendum (the UK). It concludes by calling for new understanding of what political involvement and political action may mean in a socially mediated society.

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Trumm, Siim, and Laura Sudulich. "What does it take to make it to the polling station? The effects of campaign activities on electoral participation." Party Politics 24, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816647209.

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This study explores the extent to which campaign visibility facilitates electoral participation, using data from first- and second-order elections in Britain. Our contribution to the existing literature is threefold. First, we assess whether the effects of campaign effort are conditioned by marginality, finding that campaign mobilization gets out the vote regardless of the competitiveness of the race. Second, we look at the relative ability of different campaign activities to stimulate turnout, detecting significant differences. Third, we show that the effects of campaign effort on electoral participation are rather similar in first- and second-order elections. These findings suggest that a greater level of electoral information provided by campaign activities does reduce the cost of voting. Local campaigns play a key role in bringing voters to the polls in marginal and non-marginal races and at general elections as much as at second-order elections.

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Foos, Florian, and Peter John. "Parties are No Civic Charities: Voter Contact and the Changing Partisan Composition of the Electorate." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 2 (November 21, 2016): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.48.

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In contrast to non-partisan Get Out the Vote (GOTV) campaigns, political parties do not aim to increase turnout across the board. Instead, their principal goal is to affect the outcome of an election in their favor. To find out how they realize this aim, we carried out a randomized field experiment to evaluate the effect of campaign visits and leafleting by Conservative Party canvassers on turnout in a marginal English Parliamentary constituency during the 2014 European and Local Elections. Commonly-used campaign interventions, leaflets and door-knocks, changed the composition of the electorate in favor of the Conservative Party, but did not increase turnout overall. Supporters of rival parties, particularly Labour self-identifiers, were significantly less likely to mobilize in response to Conservative campaign contact than Conservative supporters. In contrast to the non-partisan GOTV literature, we show that impersonal campaign leaflets were as effective in shaping the local electorate in the Conservative’s favor as personal visits. The common practice of contacting all constituents irrespective of their party preferences was effective as a campaign tactic, but had no civic benefits in the aggregate.

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Burch, Traci. "CAN THE NEW COMMANDER IN CHIEF SUSTAIN HIS ALL-VOLUNTEER STANDING ARMY?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090043.

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AbstractDuring his campaign, Barack Obama inspired record numbers of Americans to donate their time and money to his electoral efforts. Now that the campaign is over, can Obama sustain this civic engagement as he begins to govern? This paper examines the possibilities for sustaining Obama's electoral mobilization, introducing new data from fieldwork conducted from September 2008 to Election Day 2008 in Atlanta, Georgia; Chicago, Illinois; and Charlotte, North Carolina. The data include staff interviews and observations of canvassing, rallies, and other get-out-the-vote efforts of the local Obama and McCain campaigns, the local Democratic and Republican Parties, and various nonprofit groups in each city. Based on these data it is clear that each city was characterized by excitement and heightened activity; however, the number of activities and the strength of the grassroots organization varied across the cities according to national electoral imperatives in ways that should affect the potential for future mobilization. As such, sustaining the mobilization of Obama's supporters faces several hurdles: campaign staff and volunteers in many cities were drawn from outside the community, tensions arose between local grassroots organizations and the campaign over resources and issue focus, and the extremely large amounts of money needed to finance the mobilization were not distributed evenly across cities and states.

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Jones, T. "The Mersey Basin Campaign." Water Science and Technology 40, no. 10 (November 1, 1999): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1999.0512.

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The Mersey Basin Campaign is now at the mid-point of a 25 year government backed partnership, which brings together local authorities, businesses, voluntary organisations and government agencies to deliver water quality improvements and waterside regeneration throughout the Mersey Basin Campaign area. Whilst much has been achieved due to investment by North West Water, the Environment Agency, local authorities and businesses the strength of the Campaign lies in the formation and support of active partnerships with the voluntary sector.

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Djian, Auriane, Romain Guignard, Karine Gallopel-Morvan, Olivier Smadja, Jennifer Davies, Aurélie Blanc, Anna Mercier, Matthew Walmsley, and Viêt Nguyen-Thanh. "From “Stoptober” To “Moi(S) Sans Tabac”: how to import a social marketing campaign." Journal of Social Marketing 9, no. 4 (October 14, 2019): 345–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsocm-07-2018-0068.

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Purpose In 2016, Santé publique France launched for the first time “Moi (s) Sans Tabac,” a positive social marketing campaign inspired by Public Health England’s “Stoptober” campaign, the aim being to trigger mass quit attempts among smokers. Both programs include a mass-media campaign, national and local cessation help interventions, and the diffusion of various tools to help smokers quit. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the two programs’, specific national contexts and to describe resulting similarities and differences regarding campaign development. Design/methodology/approach A contextual analysis was performed to determine differences between the two countries regarding smoking prevalence, health services and culture. Findings Smoking prevalence is about twice as high in France as in the UK, leading to a lower degree of de-normalization of smoking. Moreover, cessation support services are much more structured in the UK than in France: all health professionals are involved and services are located near smokers’ residences. Practical implications Campaign progress and cessation tools provided during both campaigns are quite similar. However, Santé publique France needed to adjust the British model by favouring a regional smoking prevention network and by building an innovative partnership strategy to reach the target. Originality/value The results could be useful for other countries that wish to develop a smoking cessation campaign based on the same positive messaging at local and national levels.

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Cull, Nicholas J. "British Cities versus Apartheid: UK Local Authority Activism as City Diplomacy." Diplomatica 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03010012.

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Abstract This essay considers the phenomenon of British local authorities mobilizing to oppose the policies of apartheid in post-war South Africa. Activities include boycott, divestment, twinning agreements, media campaigns, and re-naming/memorialization. The activity is placed in the context of a transnational anti-apartheid network overseen by the United Nations organization. The campaign is shown to be inversely related the level of national government activity and especially associated with opposition to Margaret Thatcher and her government.

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Tang, Genli, Minghai Lin, Yilan Xu, Jinlin Li, and Litai Chen. "Impact of rating and praise campaigns on local government environmental governance efficiency: Evidence from the campaign of establishment of national sanitary cities in China." PLOS ONE 16, no. 6 (June 24, 2021): e0253703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253703.

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Background Ecological and environmental protection is essential to achieving sustainable and high-quality development, which highlights the important role of environmental governance. In terms of the practical actions of environmental governance, the central government in China has carried out continuous rating and praise campaigns, and local governments have actively promoted this effort. However, the related performance consequences have not been empirically investigated. We aimed to verify whether this incentive policy can improve the efficiency of environmental governance and whether this governance method has long-term effects. In addition, we sought to identify mechanisms through which the policy can improve environmental governance. Method We take the rating and praise campaign of the Establishment of National Sanitary Cities (EONSCs) as a quasi-natural experiment and use the panel data for 174 cities from 2004 to 2016 and the propensity score matching-difference in differences (PSM-DID) method to test the impact of rating and praise campaigns on environmental governance efficiency. Results EONSCs campaign can improve the efficiency of environmental governance by 0.7595 (p<0.01), which is significant at the 1% level; the effects are clearly significant during the evaluation process and the year in which cities are named National Sanitary Cities (NSCs) but decrease annually thereafter. The EONSCs campaign has a significant promoting effect on public services provision, such as public infrastructure investment, public transportation and education. Conclusions (1) The rating and praise campaigns can effectively improve the efficiency of environmental governance; (2) the incentive effect is distorted and is not a long-term effect; (3) the impact of the rating and praise campaign of EONSCs on the efficiency of environmental governance is mainly realized through the provision of corresponding public services that are closely related to environmental protection. The findings of this paper provide empirical support for the effectiveness of the central government’s rating and praise campaigns and could motivate local governments to actively participate in environmental governance. Moreover, the findings provide an important reference for further improving the rating and praise campaigns and the level of environmental governance.

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Darku, Esther Naa Dodua, and Wilson Akpan. "Selling culture: a buy local campaigns in the Ghanaian and South African textile and clothing industries." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 14, no. 4 (July 14, 2020): 643–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-09-2019-0088.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine the paradoxes of buy local campaigns. These are popular strategies for marketing products in domestic markets aimed at supporting the local economy. Their scope can be national, regional, community or sectoral (such as agriculture, tourism, clothing or textiles). Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the paradoxes associated with these campaigns, using two cases and a mixed methods study of buy local campaigns in the Ghanaian and South African textiles and clothing industries. Findings The study found that both economic and cultural streams of the two campaigns have different outcomes and that the dominance of one aspect does not directly influence the other. Practical implications The use of buy local campaigns by countries as an intervention for reclaiming domestic market spaces can produce contradictory outcomes concurrently in the same campaign. Originality/value The author concludes with a brief discussion, which spells out the anatomy of buy local campaigns and the usefulness of the different aspects of these campaigns.

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Tamhankar, Ashok J., Ramesh Nachimuthu, Ravikant Singh, Jyoti Harindran, Gautam Kumar Meghwanshi, Rajesh Kannan, Nachimuthu Senthil Kumar, et al. "Characteristics of a Nationwide Voluntary Antibiotic Resistance Awareness Campaign in India; Future Paths and Pointers for Resource Limited Settings/Low and Middle Income Countries." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 24 (December 16, 2019): 5141. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16245141.

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Antibiotic resistance has reached alarming proportions globally, prompting the World Health Organization to advise nations to take up antibiotic awareness campaigns. Several campaigns have been taken up worldwide, mostly by governments. The government of India asked manufacturers to append a ‘redline’ to packages of antibiotics as identification marks and conducted a campaign to inform the general public about it and appropriate antibiotic use. We investigated whether an antibiotic resistance awareness campaign could be organized voluntarily in India and determined the characteristics of the voluntarily organized campaign by administering a questionnaire to the coordinators, who participated in organizing the voluntary campaign India. The campaign characteristics were: multiple electro–physical pedagogical and participatory techniques were used, 49 physical events were organized in various parts of India that included lectures, posters, booklet/pamphlet distribution, audio and video messages, competitions, and mass contact rallies along with broadcast of messages in 11 local languages using community radio stations (CRS) spread all over India. The median values for campaign events were: expenditure—3000 Indian Rupees/day (US$~47), time for planning—1 day, program spread—4 days, program time—4 h, direct and indirect reach of the message—respectively 250 and 500 persons/event. A 2 min play entitled ‘Take antibiotics as prescribed by the doctor’ was broadcast 10 times/day for 5 days on CRS with listener reach of ~5 million persons. More than 85%ofcoordinators thought that the campaign created adequate awareness about appropriate antibiotic use and antibiotic resistance. The voluntary campaign has implications for resource limited settings/low and middle income countries.

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Kabullah, Muhammad Ichsan, Feri Amsari, Wein Arifin, and Fauzan Misra. "Accountability Dysfunction in Campaign Finance Regulations: A Case Study of the 2018 Jambi Simultaneous General Elections." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.225-236.

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The regulations of campaign finance have highly problematic for local electios (Pilkada) in Indonesia. However, the campaign finance system changed gradually over the following years, many alleged campaign violations committed by candidates during local elections. In this study, the researcher wants to assess campaign finance regulations based on the accountability concept. The measurement of accountability in the campaign finance regulations has been divided into two perspectives, which are legal and finance. The study used a qualitative method with a case study approach in Jambi's three regions, which held local elections (Pilkada) in 2018. This study argues that the current regulations have not solved the whole problem of campaign funds. The level of corruption by candidates remains stubbornly high due to less authority and weak sanctions. At the same time, most campaign finance regulations have never been enforced. As a result, revising Acts on the election, enhancing law enforcement, and raising public awareness need to promote for ensuring the quality of local democracy.

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Revelles Benavente, Beatriz. "Feminist Political Discourses in the Digital Era: A new materialist discursive analysis of the #BringBackOurGirls cyber-campaign." Debats. Revista de cultura, poder i societat 5 (December 30, 2020): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/debats-en.2020-14.

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Increasing use of cyber-campaigns is being made by social movements and political groups. Nevertheless, this popularity is often accompanied by undesirable consequences for social movements such as the violence denounced by contemporary feminism. Thus, some digital mobilisations create a rift between the physical and digital worlds — something that often gives rise to homogenisation of socio-cultural categories such as gender, race, and age. In this paper, we analyse the #BringBackOurGirls campaign, which sprang to life five years ago. Its path reveals the success of these cyber-campaigns in the field of contemporary feminism. Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis (FCDA) is used to take a feminist genealogical approach to new materialisms. In doing so, it examines the temporal and spatial trajectory of the campaign to reshape affirmative feminist politics. These politics involve reconfiguring pre-established notions such as ‘girl’, ‘agency’, and ‘otherness’ to provide social movements with the capacity to respond. We therefore undertake an ethnographic examination of the hashtag (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015) to compare the beginning of the campaign with the situation now. We draw on these results to localise the shift from the local scale to the global one, in which structural powers, individual agency, and ‘glocal’ [local-global] and feminist affirmation policies become diluted.

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Hassell, Hans J. G. "Local racial context, campaign messaging, and public political behavior: A congressional campaign field experiment." Electoral Studies 69 (February 2021): 102247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102247.

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Guite, Jangkhomang. "Representing Local Participation in INA–Japanese Imphal Campaign." Indian Historical Review 37, no. 2 (December 2010): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698361003700206.

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Ingalls, Gerald L., and Theodore S. Arrington. "The Role of Gender in Local Campaign Financing:." Women & Politics 11, no. 2 (June 3, 1991): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v11n02_04.

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Lilleker, Darren G. "Local Campaign Management: Winning Votes or Wasting Resources?" Journal of Marketing Management 21, no. 9-10 (November 2005): 979–1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1362/026725705775194166.

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Howarth, D., and S. Butler. "Communicating water conservation: how can the public be engaged?" Water Supply 4, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2004.0041.

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In 2001 the Environment Agency and Thames Water completed a collaborative research project “The Effectiveness of Marketing Campaigns in Achieving Water Efficiency Savings”. The project attempted to assess the effectiveness of a water efficiency campaign in a residential area of 8000 properties. The results showed that the campaign had no significant effect on water demand both at the individual property level and the total flow into the area. Responses to direct questions about the campaign indicated that at most 5% had noticed it despite the fact that 25% claimed to read the local newspaper and listen to the local radio station used for the campaign, and the fact that a leaflet was sent to all households. The market research provided some clues as to why the customer response to this campaign was so disappointing, principally because the public regard water as low priority compared to other environmental issues. Other research is reviewed that provide additional reasons for the unwillingness of the public to engage on this issue. This paper reviews “success stories” from Phoenix, Arizona and Singapore and identifies the main learning points from these programs. Article 14 of the Water Framework Directive calls for active involvement in water policy. An assessment is made of what this might mean for public participation in water conservation programs.

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Suseno, Bayu, and Anwar Hidayat. "Local Pride Movement as A Local Sneaker Branding Strategy." Journal of Indonesian Applied Economics 9, no. 2 (2021): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jiae.2021.009.02.6.

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This study aims to determine the awakening of the local pride tagline or slogan as a movement for the community to be proud to use a local sneaker brand. In this study, branding theory is used to analyze the formation of a tagline for local pride or pride in Indonesian-made products. The results of this study illustrate that the local pride campaign which is influenced by the practice of cross-industry collaboration with influencers is able to build brand personality for local shoe products towards consumer buying interest. The level of consumer ethnocentrism in the community forms brand awareness which has a significant effect on purchasing decisions for local shoe products, this is also in line with government policy through restrictions on imported commodities for products or goods that can be made domestically. The use of digital marketing content carried out by local products with the theme of being made proud of Indonesian products becomes a brand campaign through the hashtag #LocalPride to increase sales of local shoes (footwear) products, as well as a promotional tool that has proven to be very effective in increasing the number of followers of social media accounts.

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Negrine, Ralph. "The role of the UK local press in the local constituency campaign." Journalism Studies 6, no. 1 (February 2005): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670052000328249.

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Boulouta, Ioanna, and Danae Manika. "Cause-Related Marketing and Ethnocentrism: The Moderating Effects of Geographic Scope and Perceived Economic Threat." Sustainability 14, no. 1 (December 28, 2021): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14010292.

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Amongst the various factors that managers need to consider when designing a CRM campaign is the cause’s geographic scope, i.e., should the CRM campaign benefit local, national, or international communities? Although previous research has examined the importance of geographic scope in the effectiveness of the CRM campaigns, it has largely ignored consumer reactions to CRM campaigns from a local cultural identity perspective, such as ethnocentric identity. This study brings together these two important factors to examine (through the lens of Social Identity Theory) how consumer ethnocentrism affects CRM effectiveness in campaigns varying in geographic scope. We test our hypotheses through an experimental study of 322 British consumers and three different geographic scopes (UK, Greece, and Ethiopia). Our results show that ethnocentric consumers show a positive bias towards products advertised through national CRM campaigns; however, there is a diversity of reactions towards different international geographic scopes, based on the levels of ‘perceived economic threat’. Ethnocentric consumers prefer international CRM campaigns that benefit people located in a country posing a lower vs. a higher economic threat to the domestic economy and the self. Our study contributes to a broader understanding of factors affecting the effectiveness of CRM campaigns and help managers design better CRM campaigns by carefully selecting the geographic scope, after considering a rising consumer segment: the ethnocentric consumer.

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Johnston, Ron, Charles Pattie, and Todd K. Hartman. "Local knowledge, local learning and predicting election outcomes: voter assessments of likely party success in Scotland's constituencies at the 2015 and 2017 general elections." Scottish Affairs 28, no. 1 (February 2019): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2019.0263.

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Political scientists often debate how much information people have and deploy when making electoral decisions. Some scholars suggest that voters are aware of which party is likely to win in their local constituency at British general elections; however, this might not be the case in situations when there is substantial and spatially varying change in the relative fortunes of two or more parties between elections. That argument is evaluated here using as a case study the 2015 and 2017 general elections in Scotland: at the first, the SNP's vote share more than doubled, and it won 56 of the country's 59 seats, having won just six at the previous contest; at the second, its vote share fell by about a third, and it lost 21 of those 56 seats. Analysis of British Election Survey data collected before and during the campaigns preceding those elections shows that most respondents were aware of the SNP's surge in 2015 and expected their victory in every constituency. In 2017, most voters were aware which of the SNP's three competitors was the biggest threat in each constituency, and that awareness became clearer during the campaign; yet, voters – especially those who identified with the SNP and were contacted by it during the campaign – still (incorrectly) anticipated a local SNP victory.

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Van Montfort, Kees, Vinitha Siebers, and Frank Jan De Graaf. "Civic Crowdfunding in Local Governments: Variables for Success in the Netherlands?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 1 (December 25, 2020): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14010008.

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By using information technology, local governments can develop alternative forms of citizen engagement. Civic crowdfunding campaigns supported by online platforms enable citizens to participate financially in social projects and can be matched with government funding. As such, an alternative for subsidies seems to be developing. In this paper, we assess empirically the success of civic crowdfunding campaigns in the Netherlands by using data collected during 2018 from 269 civic crowdfunding projects and local demographic data from the neighborhoods of these projects. The factors—the use of match-funding, the target amount of money, and the theme of the project, as well as the age structure, the province, and the degree of urbanization of the neighborhood of the civic crowdfunding project—turn out to be empirically related to the success of a civic crowdfunding campaign.

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Lefebvre, R. Craig. "Partnerships for Social Marketing Programs: An Example from the National Bone Health Campaign." Social Marketing Quarterly 12, no. 1 (March 2006): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15245000500488468.

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Partnership development for national social marketing campaigns is a much copied, but poorly researched, area of practice. As part of the development of Phase II of the Centers for Disease Control's National Bone Health Campaign, several needs-assessment and market analysis activities were conducted to develop partnership strategies that were responsive to the needs of both potential campaign priority audiences and those of possible partner organizations. We discuss how the findings present strategic options for partnership recruitment and some of the key marketing issues that need to be considered in crafting an effective partnership model at the local, state and national level.

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Trumm, Siim. "What Does It Take to Get Elected in a Post-Communist Democracy?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 1 (April 21, 2015): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415577862.

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The literature on post-communist democracies has traditionally suggested that organisational strength is considerably less important for electoral success than extensive media-based campaigns. Recent studies on party-level electoral dynamics, however, indicate that this might not be the case any longer. Building on these insights, this study goes beyond the party-level analyses of electoral success and failure by focusing on the electoral fortunes of individual candidates in a post-communist democracy. Using original data from the 2011 Estonian Candidate Survey, this article looks at the comparative impact of candidates’ campaign spending and the strength of their local party organisation, alongside other potentially relevant characteristics, on their likelihood of getting elected and vote share. The findings suggest that candidates’ electoral performance in Estonia is still first and foremost shaped by their own campaign spending. In addition, I find evidence that candidates fare better if they have prior local-level and national-level political experience, conduct more personalised campaigns, and are positioned higher up on their party’s district-level list.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Local campaign'

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