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1

Sætra, Henrik Skaug. "The limits of a Lockean Environmentalism: God, Human Beings, and Nature in Locke's philosophy." Barataria. Revista Castellano-Manchega de Ciencias Sociales, no. 27 (June 22, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20932/barataria.v0i27.521.

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God gave us the Earth, to use and enjoy. So says the Bible, and so says John Locke (1632-1704). The individualism and liberalism in Locke’s philosophy makes it decidedly modern and appealing to us today. However, he often uses God as a source of truth and premises in his arguments. This undermines the modern appearance and leaves us with a philosophy that is at times contradictory, at times brilliant, and at all times fixed to the anthropocentric rail that guides his philosophy. In this article, the element of Locke’s philosophy that concerns humanity’s relationship with the natural world is e
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Samad, J. "John Locke and Muslim Liberalism." Journal of Church and State 53, no. 1 (2010): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csq109.

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STANTON, TIMOTHY. "JOHN LOCKE AND THE FABLE OF LIBERALISM." Historical Journal 61, no. 3 (2018): 597–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000450.

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AbstractThis article explores the ways in which John Locke was claimed by liberalism and refashioned in its image. It was Locke's fate to become the hero of what I term ‘the fable of liberalism’, the story liberalism recounts to itself about its origins and purposes. Locke is a pivotal figure – perhaps the pivotal figure – in this story, because he put into currency conceptions which contributed centrally to the emergence and spread of liberal ways of thinking about politics which continue to ramify. It was Locke who established that the legitimacy of a political authority was a necessary cond
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Nelson, Richard. "Liberalism, Republicanism and the Politics of Therapy: John Locke's Legacy of Medicine and Reform." Review of Politics 51, no. 1 (1989): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500015849.

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The current historiographical debate over the relation of John Locke's philosophy to the republican political tradition has ignored the medical orientation which Locke brought to his political writings. Recognizing that Locke wrote within a medical paradigm, which he derived from Calvinist religious thought, permits us to see that Locke was working within a variation of republicanism and not in opposition to it. Locke attempted to “cure” political corruption, much as Puritans had tried to cure their society of sin's corruption. The failure of Locke's therapeutic approach to political virtue ha
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Taylor, Talbot J. "Liberalism in Lockean Linguistics." Historiographia Linguistica 17, no. 1-2 (1990): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.17.1-2.09tay.

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Summary In the Essay concerning human understanding (1690) John Locke (1632–1704) suggests that man misunderstands the relationship between ideas, words, and things, assuming that there exists a ‘double conformity’. This assumption is at the core of our misunderstanding of our epistemological status, the misunderstanding from which Locke must free his readers if they are to grasp the foundations of human knowledge. To this extent Locke is a communicational sceptic. He believes that the linguistic communication of ideas is ‘imperfect’. Left to our natural powers to form ideas and signify them b
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Mills, Charles W. "Racial Liberalism." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (2008): 1380–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1380.

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Liberalism is globally triumphant, the dominant political ideology of the modern age. In recent decades, it increasingly has been based on the social contract tradition of John Locke and Immanuel Kant, which has been spectacularly revived by John Rawls's 1971 A Theory of Justice. Debates about the justice or injustice of the existing social order overwhelmingly use a liberal framework, typically centering on the comparative defensibility of social democratic or welfarist conceptions of liberalism versus free market, neoliberal conceptions. But there is a debate orthogonal to these familiar lef
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Rabkin, Jeremy. "Grotius, Vattel, and Locke: An Older View of Liberalism and Nationality." Review of Politics 59, no. 2 (1997): 293–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026644.

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Liberalism is now thought to be particularly inclined toward internationalism, so that international guarantees of human rights are regarded as a quintessentially liberal project. Classical liberal thought had a different view. So Vattel's mid-eighteenth-century Law of Nations, which is much more insistent on individual rights, is also much more sympathetic to national claims than the pre-liberal doctrines of Grotius. Even John Locke's classical liberalism is quite attentive to the claims of nationality. The national element in classical liberal thought remains evident in the thought of the Am
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Menard, Andrew. "The Enlarged Freedom of Frederick Law Olmsted." New England Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2010): 508–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00039.

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Frederick Law Olmsted's city parks represent a view of freedom derived from the offsetting influences of an orderly, systematic, public space. The author traces this view to the works of Francis Bacon, John Locke, Archibald Alison, Horace Bushnell, and the liberalism of nineteenth-century New England Whigs.
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Ziyang, Pan, and Liang Shan. "John Locke’s Doctrine of Limited Government: Establishment, Limitations and Criticisms." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 3 (2021): p25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n3p25.

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John Locke was a famous political philosopher in the 17th century. The theory of limited government proposed by Locke in the Second Treatise of Government has delivered a profound impact on the modern politics. Based on the theoretical foundation of liberalism, Locke argues that, for the purpose of defending the right to private property, only when the majority agree can we establish a government after signing the social contract and shifting from the state of nature to the political society. By analyzing the limitations of the source, affiliation and range of government power, this paper demo
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10

Ward, Lee. "Thomas Hobbes and John Locke on a Liberal Right of Secession." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 4 (2017): 876–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917717818.

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Contemporary political theorists remain divided over (1) whether a right to secede exists, and (2) under what conditions such a right could be legitimately exercised. This study seeks to shed light on this complex issue by examining the works of two of the philosophical founders of liberalism: Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. I will argue that while neither Hobbes nor Locke discussed secession directly in terms of the categories political theorists use today, we can discern important elements of their political teaching that contribute toward the formulation of two distinct forms of a secession r
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Claeys, Eric R. "THE PRIVATE SOCIETY AND THE LIBERAL PUBLIC GOOD IN JOHN LOCKE'S THOUGHT." Social Philosophy and Policy 25, no. 2 (2008): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052508080242.

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This essay interprets John Locke's teachings about private societies, or free private associations. The essay proceeds by interpreting Locke's mature writings on ethics, politics, and philosophy, and then by illustrating Locke's teachings as they apply to two contemporary problems in associational freedom. Although Locke wrote about private societies primarily in the course of arguing for religious toleration, throughout his mature corpus he develops an internally consistent general theory of associational freedom. At first glance, Locke seems to suggest that all citizens are entitled to assoc
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COFFEY, JOHN. "MILTON, LOCKE AND THE NEW HISTORY OF TOLERATION." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 3 (2008): 619–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001820.

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For three centuries now, John Milton and John Locke have been hailed as heroic advocates of religious freedom. Securely ensconced in the pantheon of liberal icons, they continue to be enlisted in the cause of liberty. In the wake of 9/11, a number of writers have retold the tale of how enlightened progressives rescued the West from the forces of theocratic repression. Milton and Locke loom large in that story. They have starring roles in Perez Zagorin's study ofHow the Idea of Religious Toleration Came to the West(2003), and they feature prominently as “two champions of liberty” in the philoso
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Ruderman, Richard S., and R. Kenneth Godwin. "Liberalism and Parental Control of Education." Review of Politics 62, no. 3 (2000): 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050004167x.

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Liberalism has always had a powerful concern with the education of its citizens. But who should exercise final authority over the education—parents or the state? The answer rests, in large part, on our understanding of the character of the self-rule or autonomy to be taught. For as “autonomy” comes to mean unpredetermined “choice,” it becomes ever more difficult to justify parental control of education. In fact, parental control, supported by the earliest liberals, is now thought to produce “ethical servility.” Liberal theorists—such as John Dewey, Amy Gutmann, and Eamonn Callan—break with thi
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Bell, Derek. "How can Political Liberals be Environmentalists?" Political Studies 50, no. 4 (2002): 703–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00003.

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It is often assumed that neutralist liberalism and environmentalism are incompatible because promoting environmentally friendly policies involves endorsing a particular conception of the good life. This paper questions that assumption by showing that one important version of neutralist liberalism, John Rawls's ‘justice as fairness’, can allow two kinds of justification for environmental policies. First, public reason arguments can be used to justify conceptions of sustainability and environmental justice. Second, comprehensive ideals (including non-anthropocentric ideals) can be used to justif
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15

Fatovic, Clement. "The Political Theology of Prerogative: The Jurisprudential Miracle in Liberal Constitutional Thought." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (2008): 487–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081243.

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Liberalism ordinarily requires authorities to provide a full public account of their actions so that citizens can critically evaluate those actions for themselves, but in times of life-threatening emergency, liberalism sometimes evinces a willingness to place unquestioning faith in executives who promise to deliver it from such evil. In doing so, liberalism violates its moral and epistemological commitment to “make public use of one's reason in all matters.” This article uses the framework provided by Carl Schmitt's concept of political theology to analyze the reluctance of liberals to ask que
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Alwino, Alfensius. "Diskursus Mengenai Keadilan Sosial: Kajian Teori Keadilan dalam Liberalisme Locke, Persamaan Marx, dan 'Justice as Fairness' Rawls." MELINTAS 32, no. 3 (2017): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/mel.v32i3.2696.309-328.

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Through the history of philosophy, the theme of justice has become a very important topic. Thinkers of the theories such as utilitarianism, intuitionism, eudaimonism, perfectionism, liberalism, communitarianism, and socialism have discussed the theme. As French philosopher Alain Badiou has pointed out, the central of political studies from the time of Plato to the present day is justice. The question is what is justice? For John Rawls, justice is the supreme virtue of human. In <em>A Theory of Justice</em>, Rawls asserts that justice is the first priority in social institutions, as
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17

Liebell, Susan P. "The Text and Context of “Enough and as Good”: John Locke as the Foundation of an Environmental Liberalism." Polity 43, no. 2 (2011): 210–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pol.2010.28.

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18

Otteson, James R. "THE LEVELLERS AND THE BIRTH OF LIBERAL POLITICAL ECONOMY." Social Philosophy and Policy 37, no. 1 (2020): 170–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052520000102.

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AbstractWhen did liberal political theory, or perhaps liberal political economy, begin? Although many would trace their beginnings to the writings of Adam Smith, David Hume, or perhaps John Locke, in fact many of the propositions we today recognize as forming the core of liberalism were articulated in the first half of the seventeenth century by an unduly neglected group called the Levellers and their leader John Lilburne. In this essay, I first give some historical background and context to the Levellers and Lilburne. Next, I articulate several of their liberal positions, including freedom of
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19

Kang, Jung In. "Revisiting Liberalism of John Locke and J. S. Mill : Focusing on the Creation and Innovation of the Liberal Paradigm." JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICS 11, no. 2 (2018): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52594/jcp.2018.08.11.2.5.

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20

Nazar, Hina. "John Baltes : The Empire of Habit: John Locke, Discipline, and the Origins of Liberalism. (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2016. Pp. vi, 157.)." Review of Politics 80, no. 1 (2018): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051700081x.

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21

Schouls, Peter A. "Ruth W. Grant John Locke’s Liberalism. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press1987. Pp. ix + 220. US$24.95." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 19, no. 1 (1989): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1989.10716472.

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There are no intimate connections between Locke's political thought and his general philosophical position — that, at least, is the longestablished view, the accepted orthodoxy. Locke's Second Treatise of Government, so it is held, presents doctrines which are unrelated to, or perhaps even in conflict with, those of the Essay concerning Human Understanding.For contemporary students and scholars this view is firmly established through Peter Laslett's influential ‘Introduction’ to his edition of Locke's Two Treatises of Government.At the moment it receives powerful support from a magisterial wor
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22

Rosen, F. "Knud Haakonssen, ed., Traditions of Liberalism: Essays on John Locke, Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill, Sidney, Centre for Independent Studies, 1988, pp. xxi + 201." Utilitas 4, no. 1 (1992): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800004453.

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23

Bouillot, Celine. "THE CONFLICT IN THE LOCKEAN STATE OF NATURE." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, no. 4 (2019): 511–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837218000585.

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Through his philosophical treatises, John Locke is perceived as the founder of political liberalism. However, from a different perspective, he can also be seen as a mercantilist. To show that there is no complete incompatibility between Locke’s philosophical treatises and his economic essay, I stress the central role of money. Money leads to a conflict, which is usually described as a conflict between “haves” and “have nots” (Macpherson 1962; Vaughn 1980; Caffentzis 1989). I complete this analysis showing that the introduction of money in the state of nature also leads to an uncommon conflict
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Little, David. "The Recovery of Liberalism: Moral Man and Immoral Society Sixty Years Later." Ethics & International Affairs 7 (March 1993): 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00149.x.

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This essay is a discussion of Reinhold Niebuhr's 1932 classic Moral Man, which critiques the Liberal Movement up to the 1930s. Little reviews some of the books fundamental conclusions. First, according to Niebuhr, to believe that individual self-interest is fulfilled in a collective good is to subscribe to a “utopian illusion”. He faults liberals for allowing themselves to be victims of the Enlightenment, i.e. being incurable optimistically rational about morals and politics. Second, he addresses the issue of the will for power inevitably dominating the will for good. Liberalism, in the sense
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Hoston, Germaine A. "The State, Modernity, and the Fate of Liberalism in Prewar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (1992): 287–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058030.

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The Political Histories of Western Europe and the United States over the past three hundred years illustrate powerfully how the evolution of fully functioning liberal democratic politics has been linked intimately to the presence of vigorous thinkers and activists dedicated to the pursuit of a liberal polity. The social contract theory of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the constitutionalism of Baron Charles de Montesquieu, the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith, and the reflections of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton on the challenges of competitive politics al
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Butterworth, Charles E. "Worlds of Difference." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (2003): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1883.

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This is an appealing and clearly written account of how European thinkersfrom late medieval to early modern times reflected upon and explored thequestion of what to do about people of different religions and cultures. Inother words, how should their divergent opinions be understood and, eventually,what practical dispositions should be taken toward them? CaryNederman devotes the introduction and first chapter to an excellent,detailed explanation of the book’s focus and goals. Simply put, he is intentupon challenging two currently dominant views: that toleration emerged inEurope only at the time
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Tlolka, Jakub. "Feeding Truffles to Porcupines." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.2.

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Traditionally, the West has promoted the commendable cause of human rights because it was here that its contours were eloquently outlined by the champions of early liberalism. We uphold the western societal model because it results from our cumulative efforts to introduce into practice the noble standards conceptualised by John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, Thomas Paine, and other influential contractualists. Naturally, we are eager to share its fruits with the world. However, in the process of attempting to export western values we tend to disregard completely the fact that they took centuries to sol
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Fabricius Møller, Jes. "Grundtvigs betydning for samfundet." Grundtvig-Studier 66, no. 1 (2015): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v66i1.26337.

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Grundtvig’s Impact on SocietyThis article revisits the assumption commonly made in literature aboutthe significance of N.F.S. Grundtvig to Danish society, that his importancehardly can be overrated. In a re-evaluation of his influence 1) onthe Danish welfare state, 2) on the first folk high schools, and 3) on theDanish constitution of 1849, the study comes to the following mainlynegative conclusions: 1) While he is credited for intitiating the Danishwelfare state model, in fact, he did not want poor relief to be financed by ageneral tax. Grundtvig is often quoted as saying that there are “a fe
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Halapsis, Oleksy. "INDIVIDUALISM ALLOWED ACCESS." Politology bulletin, no. 80 (2018): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.80.35-45.

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The purpose of the article is to identified the origin and essence of Western individualism. Methods of research. I used the methodology of post-nonclassical metaphysics of history, as well as the methods of epistemological polytheism and com parative. Results. The first sprouts of individualism can be detected in Greek poleis. It is the crisis of the polis system in Ancient Greece that predetermined the disappointment of the Greeks in the old collectivist ideals. Roman collectivism quite naturally got along with ideas about civil liberties and the dignity of an individual citizen. The idea of
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 Mou, Quia. "Visions of Community in the Writings of John Locke." Inquiry@Queen's Undergraduate Research Conference Proceedings, December 7, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/iqurcp.7959.

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Liberal political theory is often accused of hindering the development of communities because it encourages people to be individualistic. As one of its founding fathers, critiques of liberalism date back to the writings of John Locke in the seventeenth century. This research project looks at the writings of Locke within their historical context. In examining Locke’s views on religious toleration, social policy and economics, this project proposes to show how Locke envisioned a particular form of community. This study also incorporates contemporary debates on liberalism. Specifically, it addres
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Feldman, Leonard. "Schmitt, Locke, and the Limits of Liberalism." Konturen 1, no. 1 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/konturen.1.1.1271.

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This article brings Carl Schmitt's Political Theology into conversation with John Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Two fundamental issues are considered: the relationship between Locke's theory of prerogative power and Schmitt's sovereign/commissarial distinction, and the place of the theological—in particular the “miraculous” nature of the exception. While some have claimed that Locke's theory of prerogative fits the model of “commissarial dictatorship” I argue that Locke actually complicates the sovereign/commissarial distinction by maintaining the tensions between prerogative, law and
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Rodríguez Guerra, Roberto. "Propiedad, democracia y monarquía en John Locke. (¿Era Locke un partidario de la igualdad política y la democracia?)." Contrastes. Revista Internacional de Filosofía 20, no. 2 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/contrastescontrastes.v20i2.2329.

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RESUMENEl presente trabajo discute aquellas interpretaciones de Locke como un continuador del radicalismo leveller y un partidario inequívoco de la igualdad política y la democracia. Sostiene que su obra y pensamiento político persigue más bien un retorno a «our ancient government» y «its original constitution», esto es, un modelo de «monarquía moderada» o «mixta» que no sólo representa un retroceso democrático respecto al «republicanismo popular» de los levellers sino también una forma de gobierno en la que los elementos democráticos e igualitarios quedan debilitados. PALABRAS CLAVELOCKE, LIB
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Bailey, Jennifer Leigh, and May Thorseth. "Value and Growth: Rethinking Basic Concepts in Lockean Liberalism." Etikk i praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics, February 26, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/eip.v11i1.1967.

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<p>This article argues that protection of the environment requires reconsidering basic liberal ideas relating to value and growth. It selects a central thinker in the liberal tradition, John Locke, as a starting point. The article first shows how Locke’s political writings at first glance might support a “possessive individualist” position that gives primacy to individuals and their rights to property in a way that blocks governmental action to protect the environment, much as some modern versions of liberalism and libertarianism maintain. However, there are other aspects of Locke’s writ
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"BREXIT AS A MANIFESTATION OF THE CRISIS OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkov National University. Issues of Political Science, no. 35 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2019-35-10.

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The publication is devoted to the analysis of the UK exit from the European Union as a manifestation of the systemic crisis of the liberal democracy model. The causes and difficulties of this process are analyzed under the conditions of the failure of the political system to make political decisions. The problematic issues of liberal ideology and the model of liberal democracy were examined. The differences in the ideological convictions of the two founders of liberalism – Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, as well as the role of these differences in the modern functioning of liberal democracy in t
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Kelly, Elaine. "Growing Together? Land Rights and the Northern Territory Intervention." M/C Journal 13, no. 6 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.297.

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Each community’s title deed carries the indelible blood stains of our ancestors. (Watson, "Howard’s End" 2)IntroductionAccording to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term coalition comes from the Latin coalescere or ‘coalesce’, meaning “come or bring together to form one mass or whole”. Coalesce refers to the unity affirmed as something grows: co – “together”, alesce – “to grow up”. While coalition is commonly associated with formalised alliances and political strategy in the name of self-interest and common goals, this paper will draw as well on the broader etymological understanding of coal
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