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Journal articles on the topic 'Logic, Medieval'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

O’Meadhra, Uaininn. "Medieval Logic Diagrams." Acta Archaeologica 83, no. 1 (2012): 287–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/16000390-08301011.

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This article describes the finding, documentation and significance of the set of medieval logic diagrams and associated text, all in highly abbreviated Latin minuscule, sketched on an inside wall of the Romanesque tower of the parish church in Bro, near Visby. The diagrams depict the Square of Opposition, the basic concept to be mastered in introductory logic as taught at medieval schools and universities. A date c.1200-1225 is suggested by their being executed in the earliest plaster when wet (tower built c.1200), while up to 1350 is suggested by palaeography. Dating by textual content is still in progress. Either way the Bro diagrams are among the earliest logic texts written in Scandinavia, and this is the first time for such texts to be found outside a manuscript. They are also the earliest known physical evidence of a teaching session or a discourse in logic. Furthermore they contribute to a growing body of evidence of the high standard of learning that existed in medieval Gotland.

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Uckelman, Sara L. "Articulating Medieval Logic." Philosophical Quarterly 66, no. 263 (2015): 432–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pq/pqv061.

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Guerizoli, Rodrigo, and Guy Hamelin. "Preface: Medieval Logic." Logica Universalis 9, no. 2 (2015): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11787-015-0124-x.

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Uckelman, Sara L. "A Quantified Temporal Logic for Ampliation and Restriction." Vivarium 51, no. 1-4 (2013): 485–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341259.

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Abstract Temporal logic as a modern discipline is separate from classical logic; it is seen as an addition or expansion of the more basic propositional and predicate logics. This approach is in contrast with logic in the Middle Ages, which was primarily intended as a tool for the analysis of natural language. Because all natural language sentences have tensed verbs, medieval logic is inherently a temporal logic. This fact is most clearly exemplified in medieval theories of supposition. As a case study, we look at the supposition theory of Lambert of Lagny (Auxerre), extracting from it a temporal logic and providing a formalization of that logic.

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King, Peter, and Alexander Broadie. "Introduction to Medieval Logic." Philosophical Review 99, no. 2 (1990): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185506.

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Ashworth, E. J., and Alexander Broadie. "Introduction to Medieval Logic." Philosophical Review 104, no. 1 (1995): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2186016.

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7

Clarke, P. A., and Alexander Broadie. "Introduction to Medieval Logic." Philosophical Quarterly 40, no. 159 (1990): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2219819.

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8

Longeway, John. "Introduction to Medieval Logic." International Studies in Philosophy 22, no. 3 (1990): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199022313.

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9

Jakobsen, David. "Prior’s Turn to Medieval Logic." KronoScope 21, no. 2 (2022): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341498.

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Abstract The peculiar aspect of medieval logic, that the truth-value of propositions changes with time, gradually disappeared as Europe exited the Renaissance. In modern logic, it was assumed by W.V.O. Quine that one cannot appreciate modern symbolic logic if one does not take it to be tenseless. A.N. Prior’s invention of tense-logic challenged Quine’s view and can be seen as a turn to medieval logic. However, Prior’s discussion of the philosophical problems related to quantified tense-logic led him to reject essential aspects of medieval logic. This invites an evaluation of Prior’s formalisation of tense-logic as, in part, an argument in favour of the medieval view of propositions. This article argues that Prior’s turn to medieval logic is hampered by his unwillingness to accept essential medieval assumptions regarding facts about objects that do not exist. Furthermore, it is argued that presentists should learn an important lesson from Prior’s struggle with accepting the implications of quantified tense-logic and reject theories that purport to be presentism as unorthodox if they also affirm Quine’s view on ontic commitment. In the widest sense: philosophers who, like Prior, turn to the medieval view of propositions must accept a worldview with facts about individuals that, in principle, do not supervene (present tense) on being, for they do not yet exist.

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Archambault, Jacob. "Introduction: Consequences in Medieval Logic." Vivarium 56, no. 3-4 (2018): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341361.

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Abstract This paper summarizes medieval definitions and divisions of consequences and explains the import of the medieval development of the theory of consequence for logic today. It then introduces the various contributions to this special issue of Vivarium on consequences in medieval logic.

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11

Street, Tony, and Joep Lameer. "On Studying Medieval Arabic Logic." Journal of the American Oriental Society 117, no. 3 (1997): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605251.

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12

Cesalli, L. "Postscript: Medieval Logic as Sprachphilosophie." Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 52 (January 2010): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.1.102148.

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13

Uckelman, Sara L. "Arthur Prior and medieval logic." Synthese 188, no. 3 (2011): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-011-9943-3.

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14

Campos Benítez, Juan. "Analogy and Visual Content: The Logica memorativa of Thomas Murner." Philosophies 4, no. 1 (2018): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies4010002.

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In this article, after some thoughts on medieval logic and teaching, we present Thomas Murner’s text, Logica memorativa, showing some of his mnemonic strategies for the student to learn logic quickly. Murner offers a type of “flash cards” that illustrate much of the teaching of logic at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The first impression is visual, because the cards do not contain words that illustrate their content. Murner’s exposition rests on analogies between logic themes that are explained and the visual images presented.

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Parsons, Terry. "The Expressive Power of Medieval Logic." Vivarium 51, no. 1-4 (2013): 511–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341260.

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Abstract This paper is about the development of logic in the Aristotelian tradition, from Aristotle to the mid-fourteenth century. I will compare four systems of logic with regard to their expressive power. 1. Aristotle’s own logic, based mostly on chapters 1-2 and 4-7 of his Prior Analytics 2. An expanded version of Aristotle’s logic that one finds, e.g., in Sherwood’s Introduction to Logic and Peter of Spain’s Tractatus 3-5. Versions of the logic of later supposition theorists such as William Ockham, John Buridan, and Paul of Venice. Version 4 is the logic without relatives (anaphoric pronouns); version 5 adds relatives. I am ignoring modals, conditionals that are not ut nunc, infinitizing negation, exclusives and exceptives, all exponibles, all insolubles, and terms with simple or material supposition, ampliation and restriction, and many other things.

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16

BEUCHOT, Mauricio. "La lógica en la España Medieval." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 3 (October 1, 1996): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v3i.9716.

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The Logic in the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle Ages. In this study we offer the main feature of the Logic as it was cultivated in Spain in the Middle Ages. It's divided in three religious groups: Christians, Jews and Mahometans. In every group there were very important writers, some of which provided a great contribution to the development of the medieval Logic.

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Roques, Magali. "Collectif, Modern Views of Medieval Logic." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 247 (July 1, 2019): 306–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ccm.4367.

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18

H., J. J., and Stephen Read. "Sophisms in Medieval Logic and Grammar." Philosophical Quarterly 43, no. 173 (1993): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2220020.

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Thakkar, Mark. "Articulating Medieval Logic by Terence Parsons." Journal of the History of Philosophy 55, no. 2 (2017): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2017.0036.

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Read, Stephen. "Articulating Medieval Logic, by Terence Parsons." Mind 124, no. 496 (2015): 1353–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/fzv102.

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21

BOH, IVAN. "Four Phases of Medieval Epistemic Logic." Theoria 66, no. 2 (2008): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-2567.2000.tb01159.x.

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22

Dutilh Novaes, Catarina. "Articulating Medieval Logic, by Terence Parsons." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 93, no. 2 (2014): 400–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048402.2014.976832.

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23

CAMPOS BENÍTEZ, Juan M. "El octagon medieval de oposición y equivalencia: tres aplicaciones / The Medieval Octagon of Opposition and Equivalence: Three Applications." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 17 (October 1, 2010): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v17i.6151.

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I describe an octagon of opposition and equivalence developed by fourteenth-century logicians, in particular by Jean Buridan in his Summulae de dialectica. This «square» of opposition displays complex logical relations, one of which is not found in the traditional square of opposition. The octagon allows expression of three kinds of sentences: quantified modal sentences, oblique sentences, and sentences with quantified predicates. The octagon shows that medieval logicians were working with a logic of relations, an identity logic, and a modal logic not unlike the logic of our own day.

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24

Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. "Grammar, Logic, and Cognition: Magnus Hundt (1419-1519) and the Notion of Material Supposition." Mediaevalia Textos e estudos 41 (2024): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21836884/med41a4.

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In a number of late medieval treatises, the question is raised whether material supposition should be treated in logic or in grammar. Traditionally, this kind of supposition was dealt with in logic. How-ever, some late medieval authors argued that it should rather be treated in grammar. At first glance, this debate may seem to be a fruitless scholastic exercise. Upon closer inspection, however, this issue sheds fundamental light on the different ways in which late medieval scholastics understood the relationship between thoughts, terms, and things.In my paper I will focus mainly on the position of Magnus Hundt, who taught the arts at the Uni-versity of Leipzig towards the end of the fifteenth century. He is not often mentioned in the modern literature. His position, however, is highly remarkable. As will become clear, Hundt’s rejection of material supposition as belonging to the field of logic is illustrative of his strategy of separating logic from grammar, in order to bring it closer to the science of metaphysics

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25

Wojtulewicz, Christopher M. "Later Medieval Metaphysics: Ontology, Language, and Logic." Medieval Mystical Theology 24, no. 2 (2015): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20465726.2015.1119428.

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26

Blank, Andreas. "Later Medieval Metaphysics. Ontology, Language & Logic." History and Philosophy of Logic 35, no. 2 (2013): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445340.2013.861998.

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Thom, Paul. "Review of Terence Parsons, Articulating Medieval Logic." History and Philosophy of Logic 36, no. 2 (2014): 178–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445340.2014.964582.

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Geudens, Christophe, and Steven Coesemans. "Introduction to ‘Studies in Post-Medieval Logic’." History and Philosophy of Logic 41, no. 4 (2020): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445340.2020.1803719.

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29

Knuuttila, Simo. "Supposition and Predication in Medieval Trinitarian Logic." Vivarium 51, no. 1-4 (2013): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341249.

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Abstract Many fourteenth-century logicians took affirmative propositions to maintain that the subject term and the predicate term stand or supposit for the same. This is called the identity theory of predication by historians and praedicatio identica (or one form of praedicatio identica) by Paul of Venice and others. The identity theory of predication was an important part of early fourteenth-century Trinitarian discussions as well, but what was called praedicatio identica by Duns Scotus and his followers in this context was something different. After some remarks on Scotus’s view and its background, I shall analyse Adam Wodeham’s explanation of Scotus’s praedicatio identica and how he understood the assumptions pertaining to supposition in the Scotist approach. I also describe Wodeham’s own solution to Trinitarian sophisms, which did not deviate from the identity theory of predication.

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30

Marenbon, John. "Towards a Social History of Medieval Logic." Studia graeco-arabica, no. 2 (2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.12871/978883339614921.

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31

Perry, R. D. "Chaucer’s “Summoner’s Tale” and the Logic of Literature." Poetics Today 41, no. 1 (2020): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03335372-7974072.

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This essay discusses the fart joke that ends Geoffrey Chaucer’s “Summoner’s Tale.” It argues that the joke uses the language of medieval philosophy to satirize the work of medieval Scholastic philosophers. The essay begins by examining Chaucer’s relationship to philosophy more broadly and the scholarly controversies over Chaucer’s familiarity with this field of knowledge. It focuses on the way Chaucer uses disciplinary-specific jargon from philosophy, and from medieval logic more particularly, in “The Summoner’s Tale.” The language and content of the joke in “The Summoner’s Tale” are a burlesque play on the interests of the Merton Calculators, who used the logical thinking Scholasticism had developed in response to theological problems to investigate problems associated with natural philosophy. Chaucer’s joke reveals the way that the logical work of philosophers like Thomas Aquinas and the Merton Calculators relies on formal qualities more closely associated with literature, namely, character and narrative. In making a case that literature and logic rely on these same formal structures, Chaucer affirms literature’s capacity to present examples, concrete manifestations of philosophical or logical problems. He suggests that logic is attempting to make stories to work out problems, something that literature can do more effectively.

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32

Klima, Gyula. "Geach's Three Most Inspiring Errors Concerning Medieval Logic." Philosophical Investigations 38, no. 1-2 (2014): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phin.12075.

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Askar, Leskhan, Berik Atash, and Dinara Pernebekova. "Creative Thoughts of the Arab-Muslim Philosophers and their attitude to Logic." Adam alemi 98, no. 4 (2023): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2023.4/1999-5849.01.

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The article deals with the creative views of thinkers of Arab-Muslim philosophy and their attitude to the teaching of logic. Considering that the creative views and logical teachings of prominent medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, and Ibn Rushd are considered in another article, we paid attention to the analysis of creative thoughts and views of other philosophical movements and their representatives regarding the teaching of logic, especially emphasis was placed on philosophers of the five schools of medieval Arab-Muslim philosophy. Their category includes Kalam, Ismailism, Ishrakism, Sufism, and Falsafa, or Eastern Peripatetism.

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Ashworth, E. J. "New Light on Medieval Philosophy: The Sophismata of Richard Kilvington." Dialogue 31, no. 3 (1992): 517–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300012130.

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The fourteenth-century English philosopher and theologian Richard Kilvington (1302/5–61) presents a useful correction to popular views of medieval philosophy in two ways. On the one hand, he reminds us that to think of medieval philosophy in terms of Aquinas, Duns Scotus and Ockham, or to think of medieval logic in terms of Aristotelian syllogistic, is to overlook vast areas of intellectual endeavour. Kilvington, like many before and after him, was deeply concerned with problems that would now be assigned to philosophy of language; philosophical logic and philosophy of science. He discussed topics in epistemic logic, semantic paradoxes, problems of reference, particularly those connected with the interplay between quantifiers and modal or temporal operators, and problems arising from the use of infinite series in the analysis of motion and change. On the other hand, this very account of his work raises the important issue of conceptual domain. I have spoken as if Kilvington's work can be neatly classified in terms of contemporary interests; and the temptation to read medieval philosophy in modern terms is only strengthened when one recognizes Kilvington as the first member of the group of Oxford calculatores, men such as William Heytesbury and Richard Swineshead, whose discussions of mathematics and physics have caused them to be hailed as forerunners of modern science.

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Laird, W. R. "History 24.406/506 Medieval Intellectual History: The Medieval Arts Curriculum 2001-2002." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (2003): 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.048.

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Our topic this year is the medieval aits curriculum. In the first term we shall consider the classification of knowledge in the Middle Ages, the origins and organization of the medieval arts university in the thirteenth century, and the programme of studies and the methods of teaching. We shall also read some of the standard texts that were taught there. In the second term we shall examine developments in the arts curriculum in the fourteenth century and some of the innovations that arose in logic, metaphysics, and natural philosophy, and ethics.

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Archambault, Jacob. "Consequence and Formality in the Logic of Walter Burley." Vivarium 56, no. 3-4 (2018): 292–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341355.

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Abstract With William of Ockham and John Buridan, Walter Burley is often listed as one of the most significant logicians of the medieval period. Nevertheless, Burley’s contributions to medieval logic have received notably less attention than those of either Ockham or Buridan. To help rectify this situation, the author here provides a comprehensive examination of Burley’s account of consequences, first recounting Burley’s enumeration, organization, and division of consequences, with particular attention to the shift from natural and accidental to formal and material consequence, and then locating Burley’s contribution to the theory of consequences in the context of fourteenth-century work on the subject, detailing its relation to the earliest treatises on consequences, then to Ockham and Buridan.

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Ivlev, V. Y., and M. L. Ivleva. "Historical analysis of formation of logical ideas in the Middle Ages." Izvestiya MGTU MAMI 9, no. 1-6 (2015): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/2074-0530-67009.

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38

Novaes, Catarina Dutilh. "Theory of Supposition vs. Theory of Fallacies in Ockham." Vivarium 45, no. 2 (2007): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217812.

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AbstractI propose to examine the issue of whether the ancient tradition in logic continued to be developed in the later medieval period from the vantage point of the relations between two specific groups of theories, namely the medieval theories of supposition and the (originally) ancient theories of fallacies. More specifically, I examine whether supposition theories absorbed and replaced theories of fallacies, or whether the latter continued to exist, with respect to one particular author, William of Ockham. I compare different parts of Ockham's Summa Logicae, namely III-4 (on fallacies), and the final chapters of part I and first chapters of part II (on supposition). I conclude that there is overlap of conceptual apparatus and of goals (concerning propositions that must be distinguished) in Ockham's theories of supposition and of fallacies, but that the respective conceptual apparatuses also present substantial dissimilarities. Hence, theories of supposition are better seen as an addition to the general logical framework that medieval authors had inherited from ancient times, rather than the replacement of an ancient tradition by a medieval one. Indeed, supposition theories and fallacy theories had different tasks to fulfil, and in this sense both had their place in fourteenth century logic.

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Brumberg-Chaumont, Julie. "Social Uses of Logic in Medieval and Modern Contexts." Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 11, no. 4 (2021): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult20114-5.

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Społeczne użycie logiki w kontekstach średniowiecznych i nowoczesnych W średniowieczu, zwłaszcza od XIII wieku, logika stanowiła dyscyplinę propedeutyczną dla wszelkich form szkolnictwa wyższego, a także osnowę sztuki prowadzenia „sporu” (disputatio), która była zarówno metodą naukową, jak i obowiązkową formą zdobywania stopni uniwersyteckich, co miało społeczną organizację i było kontrolowane przez instytucje edukacyjne. Logika została również niedawno uznana za naukę i technikę doskonalenia ludzkiego intelektu. W ten sposób uzyskała bezprecedensowe znaczenie antropologiczne, prowadząc jednocześnie do zepchnięcia całych grup społecznych, uważanych za pozbawione logiki, do rangi podrzędnych form człowieczeństwa. Średniowieczna logika reprezentowała dominującą kulturę argumentacyjną o silnym znaczeniu normatywnym. Dzisiaj pozostał tylko normatywny wymiar logiki, ale w dużej mierze oderwany od jej podstaw teoretycznych i wartości edukacyjnej. Naszą epokę charakteryzuje zanik formalnego nauczania logiki i koniec praktyki sporu. Pojęcie inteligencji przeszło poważne ewolucje, podczas gdy praktyki intelektualne i naukowe nie są już zgodne ze sztywnym i zrytualizowanym wzorcem logicznym. Samo pojęcie logiki również uległo radykalnej zmianie wraz z rozdzieleniem logiki formalnej i tak zwanej logiki nieformalnej oraz zniknięciem idei logiki jako jednolitej normy, która pojawiła się wraz z wyłonieniem się nieredukowalnego pluralizmu logicznego. Społeczne zastosowania logiki są zasadniczo dyskryminujące, co można zaobserwować pośrednio w testach inteligencji i bezpośrednio w testach logicznych, zgodnie z programem selekcji opartym w dużej mierze na identyfikacji „rodzimych” umiejętności logicznych kandydatów. Troska jednak o edukację logiczną, ale pod inną nazwą, pojawiła się ponownie w XX wieku wraz z ruchem krytycznego myślenia. Refleksje i praktyki, do których ów ruch doprowadził, oferują interesujące podobieństwa ze średniowiecznym usytuowaniem logiki. Badanie średniowiecznego usytuowania logiki pozwala wskazać nieodwracalne zmiany, prześledzić długotrwałe dziedzictwo i pobudzające podobieństwa, ale także zastanowić się nad współczesnymi zastosowaniami logiki z innej perspektywy. Historia zastosowań i wartości nadanych logice w czasie i przestrzeni pomaga pluralizować i uhistoryczniać logikę, zwłaszcza gdy jest używana jako narzędzie do oceny na podstawie logiki „uniwersalnej i naturalnej” stopnia racjonalności jednostek i grup, których zachowanie intelektualne nie pasuje do normy.

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40

Burnett, Charles. "Kyoto: "The Word in Medieval Logic, Theology and Psychology"." Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 47 (January 2005): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.2.303936.

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41

Yu, Wesley Chihyung. "Early Medieval Allegory and the Logic of Found Objects." Studies in Philology 109, no. 5 (2012): 519–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2012.0037.

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42

Paul, Thom. "Three Conceptions of Formal Logic." Vivarium 48, no. 1-2 (2010): 228–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853410x489781.

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AbstractAristotle’s logical and metaphysical works contain elements of three distinct types of formal theory: an ontology, a theory of consequences, and a theory of reasoning. His formal ontology (unlike that of certain later thinkers) does not require all propositions of a given logical form to be true. His formal syllogistic (unlike medieval theories of consequences) was guided primarily by a conception of logic as a theory of reasoning; and his fragmentary theory of consequences exists merely as an adjunct to the syllogistic. When theories of consequences took centre stage in the Middle Ages, the original motivation for the theory of the syllogism was forgotten.

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Curran, Timothy. "Dickens and Eucharist: Sacramental Medievalism in Bleak House." Christianity & Literature 66, no. 3 (2017): 444–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333117708262.

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This essay excavates a subterranean medieval presence in Dickens that squares the uncanny presence-in-absence of the Middle Ages in the nineteenth-century mind with the absent-present sacramental logic that animated the medieval mind. Medievalism properly understood, then, is an exercise more subtle and pervasive than a modern artist’s biased appropriation of a particular medieval topos: I contend that medievalism as a practice is sacramental. I argue that Dickens’s mobilization of medieval sacramentality reveals his participation in a radical form of medievalism concerned with activating and inhabiting traditional symbolic categories, and his interest in making these categories live again according to the very conceptual formulas in which they were originally imagined.

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Azazy, Hany. "The Genesis of Arabic Logical Activities: From Syriac Rhetoric and Jewish Hermeneutics to āl-Šāfi‘y’s Logical Techniques." Studia Humana 6, no. 2 (2017): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2017-0012.

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AbstractThis paper tries to outline a history of development of informal logic in Semitic languages and especially in Arabic. It tries to explain how the first definite formulation of rules of this logic appeared at āl-Šāfi‘y’s Risāla, a work on ’uswl āl-fiqhor methodology of law. It attempts also to provide new theories and hypotheses about the translation movement in the Arabic and Islamic medieval world.

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MARTIN, JOHN N. "PRIVATIVE NEGATION IN THE PORT ROYAL LOGIC." Review of Symbolic Logic 9, no. 4 (2016): 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175502031600023x.

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AbstractIn this paper I argue that negation in The Port Royal Logic is not a failed or incoherent approximation of Boolean complementation as maintained by Sylvain Auroux and Marc Dominicy, but is rather a version of privative negation from medieval logic, and that as such it has a perfectly coherent semantics. The discussion reviews the critiques of Auroux and Dominicy as well as the semantics of privative negation as found in Aristotle, Proclus, Ockham, Buridan, Descartes, and Arnauld.

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Smith, D. Vance. "Fallacy." Representations 140, no. 1 (2017): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2017.140.1.27.

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The precondition of rationality in Aristotelian syllogistic logic is fallacy. Medieval commentaries, in turn, treat fallacy as a nonreferential discourse, developing what is essentially a theorization of fictionality and its practices.

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Chiffi, Daniele, and Alfredo Di Giorgio. "Assertions and Conditionals: A Historical and Pragmatic Stance." Studia Humana 6, no. 1 (2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2017-0004.

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Abstract The assertion candidate expresses a potential logical-linguistic object that can be asserted. It differs from both the act and the product of assertion; it needs not to be actually asserted and differs from the assertion made. We investigate the medieval origins of this notion, which are almost neglected in contemporary logic. Our historical analysis suggests an interpretation of the assertion candidate within the system of logic for pragmatics.

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Ashworth, E. J., and Eleonore Stump. "Dialectic and its Place in the Development of Medieval Logic." Philosophical Review 101, no. 2 (1992): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185545.

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Cohen, Sheldon M. "Dialectic and Its Place in the Development of Medieval Logic." Ancient Philosophy 12, no. 1 (1992): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199212160.

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Cocchiarella, Nino B. "A Logical Reconstruction of Medieval Terminist Logic in Conceptual Realism." History of Philosophy and Logical Analysis 4, no. 1 (2001): 35–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/26664275-00401004.

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