Academic literature on the topic 'Lomé Agreement'

The signing in Mauritius on 4 November 1995 of the amended fourth Lomé Convention, the aid and trade co-operation agreement between the European Union (EU) and the ACP Group of 70 African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries, brought the Mid-Term Review to its formal completion after protracted negotiations. Established in 1975, Lomé has long been the centre-piece of EU development assistance. In quantitative terms, the European Development Fund, the financial instrument of Lomé, has comprised the largest single portion of EU aid, averaging almost 45 per cent of all disbursements in recent years.1 Qualitatively, Lomé has been regarded as a model of North—South cooperation, mainly due to three special features: it was founded on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and interdependence; it is a legally binding contract negotiated between two sets of countries; and it involves ongoing dialogue through three joint institutions, the ACP—EU Council of Ministers, the Committee of Ambassadors, and the ‘parliamentary’ Joint Assembly.

To end the civil war in Sierra Leone the government and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) signed a peace agreement guaranteeing power-sharing in July 1999. Such power-sharing is a widely used, often recommended political arrangement to overcome deep divisions between groups. However, scholars disagree on whether power-sharing causes peace, or, on the contrary, causes continuing violence. One reason for this is the literature's tendency to neglect how power-sharing is actually put into place. But post-agreement implementation is essential if we are to judge the performance of power-sharing. Therefore, we investigate the role played by power-sharing in terminating the civil war in Sierra Leone. We argue that the government was able to use the peace agreement to pursue its goal of ending the war through marginalising the RUF.

The Bananas decision demonstrated that WTO dispute settlement panels and the Appellate Body are capable of effectively and clearly analyzing whether extremely complex measures are consistent with WTO rules. The trade-liberalizing decision established the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) as a meaningful constraint on discriminatory measures with an impact on both goods and services and clarified the nature of the GATS Most-Favoured Nation (MFN) obligation. The decision also severely constrained the ability of the EU to justify non-tariff discriminatory measures such as the quota allocation system at issue in Bananas based on the Lomé waiver.

AbstractThe Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.

Abstract The Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.

Stellung und Aufgaben Internationaler Rohstofforganisationen sind häufig ambivalent. Schwächen hat insbesondere das Scheitern des Internationalen Zinnrates 1987 aufgezeigt. Der Beitrag erläutert deren Ursachen und verknüpft die Vorschriften der Rohstoffabkommen mit dem Welthandels- und dem allgemeinen Völkerrecht.

This paper aims to examine and evaluate the relationship between the EU and ACP countries from the Lomé Conventions to the current Cotonou Agreement, and, in particular, the new Economic Partnership Agreements which will affect the ACP countries by far more than the European Union. This paper is structured as following: At first, a short overview about the development of the trade relations between the European Community and later on the European Union and the ACP-countries will be shown. Further on, the main reasons for the changed development policy will be shown as well as the success of the Lomé era will be evaluated. In the fourth and fifth part the current situation of the trade negotiations, i. e. trade relations under the Cotonou Agreement, and the future Economic Partnership Agreements as well as their expected impact on the ACPs seen from the different perspectives views and expectations expressed by the European Union on the one hand, and by the Non-Governmental-Organizations (NGOs) and the ACP countries on the other hand - will be examined and evaluated as far as possible at the moment.

"This work is arranged into six chapters. Beyond the introduction, chapter two highlights atrocities of the war and evaluates the diplomacy process, which eventually resulted in the creation of the TRC. It briefly examines the Abidjan and Conakry Peace Plan and specifically elaborates on the Lome Peace Accord, which finally culminated in the promulgation of the Truth and Reconciliation Act of 2000. The human rights and humanitarian law dimension of the conflict will also be addressed. Chapter three gives a general description of truth commissions and analyse the TRC with specific refernce to its structure, function, jurisdiction, mandate, proceedings, evidence, and its investigative methods, which is the backbone of the Truth Commission. It will aslo assess whether naming names would be a potent tool for the Commission to bring perpetrators to shame. From a human rights perspective chapter four address issues such as healing and reconciliation, truth, forgiveness, and assesses whether they are effective remedies for human rights violations. The issue of amnesty, especially Article IX of the Lome Peace Accord, will be evaluated. This chapter will also discuss the issue of impunity. Chapter five deliberates on the relationship between tribunals and truth commissions generally and specifically elaborate on the TRC and the Special Court with specific reference to their legal framework, composition, jurisdiction, information sharing, and whether both institutions serve as accountability mechanisms. Chapter six concludes the dissertation by determining whether or not there are any lessons one can learn from the Commission. It closes by making recommendations for the smooth functioning of the Commission and how it can effectively contribute to the needs of traumatised societies." -- Chapter 1.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Jean Allain at the Department of Political Sciences, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, the American University in Cairo, Egypt
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

Ce travail poursuit deux objectifs principaux: un objectif juridique et un objectif d'ordre épistémologique. Il s'agit tout d'abord de rendre compte d'un point de vue juridique et empirique les implications du passage des Conventions de Lomé à l'Accord de Cotonou. Nous examinons les implications de la redéfinition des accords de coopération sur les politiques de développement des Etats ACP, et plus précisément l'évolution des obligations à la charge des deux groupes de pays dans les domaines du commerce international et des droits humains. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la non réciprocité des obligations commerciales entre les deux groupes de pays qui caractérisait les Conventions de Lomé est définitivement écartée au profit d'obligations réciproques et identiques pour les deux groupes de pays en conformité des dispositions de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce. Le principe de l'inégalité compensatrice est abandonné au profit de la libéralisation commerciale. Le traitement spécial et différencié, pourtant consacré dans l'Accord instituant l'OMC, apparaît ainsi dépourvu d'une grande partie de son intérêt. Dans un deuxième temps, ce sont les obligations relatives au respect des droits humains qui retiennent notre attention. L'élargissement du champ de la coopération à des questions considérées depuis l'indépendance comme des questions relevant de la compétence interne des Etats, se traduit par une remise en cause de la souveraineté des Etats ACP. Le principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures, héritage de la décolonisation, est ainsi remis en question. Mais surtout, nous établissons que tous les droits humains ne sont pas concernés par cet élargissement. Le deuxième objectif de ce travail est d'ordre épistémologique. Il VIse à démontrer le caractère heuristique d'une analyse constructiviste du droit pour la compréhension de notre objet mais aussi l'intérêt de ce type d'approche au regard des débats qui structurent le champ disciplinaire sur les rapports entre les droits humains et le droit du commerce international. A travers l'étude de l'Accord de Cotonou, nous tentons de mettre en lumière le fait que les droits humains et règles de l'OMC n'évoluent ni de manière complémentaire ni séparément et qu'il ne suffit pas de raisonner en termes de «rattrapage» et de correctifs ponctuels afin d'harmoniser ces deux champs de règles. En conclusion nous constatons que cinq ans ont suffi aux institutions européennes pour réaliser un véritable «exploit» politique. Elles ont réussi à renverser l'ensemble des obligations économiques qui étaient à la charge des deux groupes de pays, à supprimer les protocoles produits en faveur des ACP, à faire adopter un programme de libéralisation commercial qui va au-delà de tout ce qui a été négocié jusqu'ici au niveau multilatéral et ce, sous couvert de mise en conformité avec les dispositions de l'ÜMC. Enfin, l'DE a fragilisé le Groupe ACP en le morcelant en six régions, dont certaines n'ont aucune existence institutionnelle, avec lesquelles elle négocie actuellement un vaste programme de libéralisation commerciale. En ce qui a trait au respect des droits humains on constate qu'à la différence des normes de l'OMC qui font l'objet de négociations permanentes et structurent le cadre institutionnel et le fond de la coopération, le respect des droits humains ne fait pas ou peu l'objet de négociations entre les deux groupes de pays. De plus, s'ils occupent désormais une place centrale dans le discours des institutions communautaires en charge du développement, le seul mécanisme mis en oeuvre pour sanctionner leurs violations est utilisé d'une manière partiale et sélective. Seule l'DE peut l'utiliser et elle ne choisit de le faire que quand la sanction infligée à un pays ACP ne met pas en péril ses propres intérêts. Bref, l'intégration des droits humains dans le cadre de la coopération contribue davantage aujourd'hui à une remise en cause de l'égalité souveraine des Etats qu'à la promotion des Pactes de 1966, au respect des normes de l'OIT ou du droit des réfugiés.
This work pursues two aims. The first one is to seek to understand and to explain the stakes and the implications of the transformation of the Lomé convention into the Cotonou agreement, from a constructive approach of law. It is then a question of contributing to the legal thought concerning the degree of complimentary and coherence between the two fields of the internationallaw, human rights and international trade law. The second aim led us to look into the question of the real integration, which proved to be selective, of the standards coming from these two fields of law into the Cotonou Agreement. In the cooperation, the breach of human rights, as the OMC standards, is appreciated in a subjective and unilateral way by the E.U. Far from contributing to a complementary approach, the cooperation reinforces the dichotomy between these two fields of internationallaw, by treating them on a hierarchical basis.
"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université de Montréal en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en Droit (LL.D.) Et à A la faculté de droit Jean Monnet en vue de l'obtention du doctorat en Sciences Juridiques"

There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Political Sciences
unrestricted

Abstract The continuous negotiations between the EU and the ECOWAS on the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) started in September 2002, with an aim of completing these negotiations before end of December 2007, which was set up by the EU. The essence of the EPA is to replace the longstanding preferential trade that allowed the ACP countries to export their goods to the EU market without reciprocating. Since, preferential trade was not compatible with the World Trade Organisation rules. This study examines the negotiation process between the EU and the ECOWAS, with an aim of examining whether the proposed EPAs would stimulate regional integration in West Africa or it would undermine it. This study is an attempt to show how the EU has intended to foster this agreement in the region through its various offensive strategies, and it explores responses by West African states. The ECOWAS region is negotiating the EPAs with an intention of achieving a development focused trade agreement that is going to take into account developmental challenges of the region. In addition, it has become clear that Nigeria is not prepared to sign the interim EPAs with the EU; instead, it is working hard to ensure that the EPAs have a development dimension attached to it. Subsequently, this would mean that regional collective interests are promoted under the EPAs in order to ensure that development achieved in West Africa is not reversed.

This chapter examines the evolution of the European Union's development policy since the Treaty of Rome. It shows how the EU has used development policy as part of its wider external relations agenda in an attempt to establish itself as an influential global actor. The chapter first considers the transformation in the EU's (post)colonial development policy before discussing the changes introduced since 2000, including the attempt to project a common vision on international development and to promote synergies between foreign aid and other policies. In particular, it analyses the EU partnership with ACP (African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States), the Lomé Convention, and the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. The chapter concludes with an assessment of EU development policy in the context of international relations.