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1

Reesman, J. C. "Jack London's Women." American Literature 75, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-75-2-436.

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Stein, Richard L. "London's londons: Photographing poverty inthe people of the abyss." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 22, no. 4 (January 2001): 587–629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905490108583527.

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Gervais, David. "London's New Turner Gallery." Cambridge Quarterly XVII, no. 1 (1988): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/camqtly/xvii.1.78.

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Whittingham, Selby. "London's New Turner Gallery." Cambridge Quarterly XX, no. 4 (1991): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/camqtly/xx.4.337.

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Petersen, Per Serritslev. "Jack London's Medusa of Truth." Philosophy and Literature 26, no. 1 (2002): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.2002.0016.

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London, Manuel, and Raymond A. Noe. "London's Career Motivation Theory: An Update on Measurement and Research." Journal of Career Assessment 5, no. 1 (January 1997): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106907279700500105.

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Mowry, Melissa. "Eliza Haywood's Defense of London's Body Politic." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 43, no. 3 (2003): 645–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2003.0029.

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Fricker, Karen. "More from London's East End." TDR (1988-) 35, no. 1 (1991): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1146110.

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Pitcher, Edward W. "The Sea-Wolf:Jack London's Swinish Title." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 16, no. 3 (January 2003): 42–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08957690309598216.

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Kalliney, Peter. "Metropolitan Modernism and Its West Indian Interlocutors: 1950s London and the Emergence of Postcolonial Literature." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 122, no. 1 (January 2007): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2007.122.1.89.

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Using archival sources, interviews, and memoirs, this essay documents the surprisingly extensive connections between London's extant modernists and West Indian writers during the 1950s. With the support of Stephen Spender, John Lehmann, T. S. Eliot, and other luminaries, a vibrant group of Caribbean artists quickly established themselves as known literary commodities. Such forms of collaboration between metropolitan intellectuals and their colonial counterparts were structured by shared interests in high culture. London's modernists feared English culture was faced with terminal decline; West Indian writers exploited that fear by insisting that the metropolitan culture industry badly needed an infusion of colonial talent. The brevity and fragility of these bonds, however, led to the emergence of postcolonial literature as a distinct but marginal cultural niche. London's postwar identity as center of global cultural production, I suggest, was intimately connected with the recruitment and assimilation of colonial intellectuals.
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O'Byrne, Alison. "“Everlasting Memorials”: Urban Improvement and the Shadow of Ruin in Mid-Eighteenth-Century London." Eighteenth-Century Life 45, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-9272992.

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This essay explores the relationship between plans for the improvement of London and other forms of writing about the city that imagine its inevitable decline and fall. Those lamenting the appearance of London in the eighteenth century frequently looked back to the Great Fire as a missed opportunity to rebuild the city in a grander, more magnificent manner. For these critics, London's built environment did little to stake the nation's claims to polite refinement and cultural prestige. Such concerns became especially pressing in the wake of Britain's victories in the Seven Years’ War, which made London the center of an extensive global empire. Through an examination of proposals for and accounts of urban improvements as well as works that look to a future moment when visitors survey London's faded glories, this essay considers how imagining London in ruins—a trope thus far explored in the context of the loss of the American colonies and Britain's role in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars—served two competing purposes in mid-eighteenth-century Britain. While, on the one hand, improvers acknowledged the transience of imperial power by arguing that now was the time to build grand monuments to mark the achievements of the present, on the other, a range of writers invoked the trope of future ruin to indicate how the seeds of decline had already been sown. The manifold meanings of ruin to which these works gesture would continue to play out in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
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FRESHWATER, HELEN. "Sex, Violence and Censorship: London's Grand Guignol and the Negotiation of the Limit." Theatre Research International 32, no. 3 (October 2007): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883307003094.

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This article provides analysis of the short-lived London Grand Guignol (1920–2). During its brief existence, this institution became infamous – its presentation of acts of murder and violation provoked strong reactions from its audience, the press and the Lord Chamberlain's office. It has not attracted sustained scholarly analysis since, however, and this article draws upon archival material from the Lord Chamberlain's Plays and Correspondence Files, London's Theatre Museum and the Mander and Mitchenson collection in order to assess its audience's scopophilic – and often very physical – responses, as well as the ocularcentric preoccupations of the genre. The article illuminates censorious, critical and academic definitions of value, drawing upon Foucault's essay ‘A Preface to Transgression’ and the work of Georges Bataille.
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13

Tichi, C. "Canonizing Economic Crisis: Jack London's The Road." American Literary History 23, no. 1 (January 3, 2011): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajq068.

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14

Barnes, James J., and Patience P. Barnes. "LONDON'S GERMAN COMMUNITY IN THE EARLY 1930s." German Life and Letters 46, no. 4 (October 1993): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1993.tb01433.x.

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Cleere, Eileen. "London's Underground Spaces: Representing the Victorian City, 1840-1915." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 38, no. 2 (February 12, 2016): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2015.1136985.

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Dean, Ann C. "Court Culture and Political News in London's Eighteenth-Century Newspapers." ELH 73, no. 3 (2006): 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/elh.2006.0023.

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17

Richards. "Model Citizens and Millenarian Subjects: Vorticism, Suffrage, and London's Great Unrest." Journal of Modern Literature 37, no. 3 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jmodelite.37.3.1.

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18

Ozaralli, Nurdan. "A Study on Conflict Resolution Styles Employed by Theory-X and Theory-Y Leaders and Perceived Leader Competence." Vision: The Journal of Business Perspective 6, no. 2 (July 2002): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097226290200600208.

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The purpose of this study is to find out which conflict resolution strategies are preferred by Theory X (autocratic) and Theory Y (democratic) leaders in conflict situations. A sample of (n = 150) MBA students who work assessed their superiors' conflict resolution behavior by Howat and London's (1980) Conflict Resolution Strategies Instrument which identified five conflict resolution strategies – Confrontation, Withdrawal, Forcing, Smoothing, and Compromise. The students also assessed their superiors' leadership style on a scale as Theory X (autocratic) and Theory Y (democratic) leaders, as well as their effectiveness as leaders. In this study, mostly preferred conflict resolution strategies employed by autocratic and democratic leaders were identified. The findings of the study pointed out that High-X leaders were more confronting and forcing in resolving conflict compared to Low-X managers. Besides, they withdrew less from conflict situations. High-Y leaders, on the other hand, use confrontation, smoothing, and compromising styles in conflict situations significantly more often compared to Low-Y leaders. They use forcing and withdrawal less than Low-Y leaders. The three conflict resolution styles—confronting, compromising and smoothing were found to be good contributors of managerial competence. In addition, as managers were evaluated high on the Theory Y scale, the managerial competence perceptions of employees and their satisfaction with their supervisor increased.
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Felton-Dansky, Miriam. "Clamorous Voices: Seven Jewish Children and Its Proliferating Publics." TDR/The Drama Review 55, no. 3 (September 2011): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00106.

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How can a play go viral? Following its 2009 premiere at London's Royal Court Theatre, Caryl Churchill's Seven Jewish Children—a politically provocative mini-drama staging the contested history of Israeli-Palestinian relations—did just that, spawning counter-plays and performative revisions that proliferated worldwide, in physical theatres and in the internet's intangible arena.
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20

Labor, Earle, and David Mike Hamilton. ""The Tools of My Trade": The Annotated Books in Jack London's Library." American Literature 59, no. 3 (October 1987): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927152.

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Colombino, Laura. "Negotiations with the system: J.G. Ballard and Geoff Ryman writing London's architecture." Textual Practice 20, no. 4 (January 2006): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502360601058862.

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22

Scriven, Tom. "The Jim Crow Craze in London's Press and Streets, 1836–39." Journal of Victorian Culture 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2014.889426.

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Abstract In 1836, American actor Thomas D. Rice first arrived in Great Britain to tour the creation that had made him famous in the USA, Jim Crow. This blackface depiction of a raggedy, runaway slave, with his infectious songs, eccentric dancing and demotic appeal soon took London by storm. The Jim Crow craze lasted for three years, with Rice finding fame, fortune and success and his imitators becoming ubiquitous in the capital's theatres and on its streets. Although the act and its character have been acknowledged as a precursor to the evolution of British minstrelsy and blackface traditions throughout the Victorian period, the craze itself has not been substantially studied in its British context. This essay will look beyond Rice's act and the performance of Jim Crow in the theatres to look instead at Jim Crow's appropriation in print satire and street performance. It will argue that these requisitions of Jim Crow illustrate how Georgian traditions of carnival and grotesque humour were redeveloped for the early Victorian context. In print, Jim Crow was widely utilized in caustic bodily humour that attacked insincere politicians. On the streets, this same humour was seen as obscene and was repressed and contained, paving the way for the respectable, mainstream Victorian blackface act. However, integral to both appropriations of Jim Crow was the figure of the black buffoon, and the act rapidly provided an archetype for the belittling and persecution of London's black population.
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23

Sawin, Lewis. "Alfred Sutro, Marie Stopes, and her Vectia." Theatre Research International 10, no. 1 (1985): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330001049x.

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A somewhat unlikely conjunction of personalities involving Marie Stopes, well-known sexologist and birth control advocate, and Alfred Sutro, writer of society dramas for London's West End, occurred during the last weeks of 1927. Part of the story has been told by Marie Stopes's biographer Ruth Hall, but hitherto unpublished letters from the vast Stopes Collection and elsewhere fill in the outlines of the brief, revealing encounter.
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24

Donald Pizer. "Jack London's "To Build a Fire": How Not to Read Naturalist Fiction." Philosophy and Literature 34, no. 1 (2010): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.0.0078.

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25

Mitchell, Lee Clark. ""And Rescue Us from Ourselves": Becoming Someone in Jack London's The Sea-Wolf." American Literature 70, no. 2 (June 1998): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902840.

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26

WRIGHT, LOUISE E. "Talk about Real Men: Jack London's Correspondence with Maurice Magnus." Journal of Popular Culture 40, no. 2 (April 2007): 361–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2007.00383.x.

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BISHOP, JENNIFER. "UTOPIA AND CIVIC POLITICS IN MID-SIXTEENTH-CENTURY LONDON." Historical Journal 54, no. 4 (November 7, 2011): 933–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000343.

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ABSTRACTDuring the seven years of Edward VI's reign, a variety of ideas about how best to reform the religious, economic, political, and social structures of the English commonwealth were devised, debated, and enacted. London's citizens and governors were increasingly occupied with developing legislative and institutional solutions for pressing social ills such as poverty and vagrancy: the question of how best to govern the commonwealth was not just a philosophical dilemma, but a practical concern. It was within this context that the first English translation of Thomas More's Utopia appeared in London. Published in 1551 by a group of citizens with a keen interest in social reform, the English Utopia may best be described as constituting an engagement with ideas of ‘good government’. This article draws on surviving evidence for the activities and concerns of Utopia's producers, and in particular the sponsor and instigator of the translation, George Tadlowe, in order to demonstrate that this publication represented a timely combination of humanist theory and political practice typical of the civic culture of the Edwardian reformation.
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Hanrahan, J. "Blackmail, Scandal, and Revolution: London's French Libellistes, 1758-92." French Studies 62, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knn060.

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Bartolovich, Crystal. "London's the Thing: Alienation, the Market, andEnglishmen for My Money." Huntington Library Quarterly 71, no. 1 (March 2008): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hlq.2008.71.1.137.

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30

Anderson, Douglas. "Bums on Seats: Parties, Art, and Politics in London's East End." TDR (1988-) 35, no. 1 (1991): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1146109.

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Photinos, Christine. "Tracking Changes in Jack London's Representation of the Railroad Tramp." Journal of American Culture 30, no. 2 (June 2007): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2007.00507.x.

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Barbour (book author), Richmond, and Shankar Raman (review author). "Before Orientalism: London's Theatre of the East 1576-1626." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i1.8955.

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Dobraszczyk, Paul. "Sewers, Wood Engraving and the Sublime: Picturing London's Main Drainage System in the Illustrated London News, 1859-62." Victorian Periodicals Review 38, no. 4 (2005): 349–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vpr.2006.0005.

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Hillier, Russell M. "Crystal Beards and Dantean Influence in Jack London's “To Build a Fire (II)”." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 23, no. 3 (July 30, 2010): 172–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08957691003712363.

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COOLIGAN, COLETTE. "THE UNRULY COPIES OF DON JUAN." Nineteenth-Century Literature 59, no. 4 (March 1, 2005): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2005.59.4.433.

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While Lord Byron was among the literary elite of Romantic print culture, his combination of blasphemy, political sedition, and hedonistic morality also made him a great favorite among underground publishers with radical allegiances and unconventional morality. Byron's long poem Don Juan (1819-1824) was the fulcrum for colliding communities within London's rapidly expanding print culture of the 1820s. Increasingly aligned with an underground radical, libertarian, and obscene press, Byron's poem animated debates about the proliferation and mass consumption of popular print. The pirating of Don Juan's later scandalous harem cantos only escalated the debates and ultimately led to legal deliberation over the poem's copyright. In this paper I argue that the controversy that erupted over Don Juan was connected to the emergence of obscenity as a trade and reveals how obscenity began to gather meaning in relation to reprographic media, popular consumption, and orientalism.
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Baer, Ben Conisbee. "Schiz-ability." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 3 (May 2014): 484–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.3.484.

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The visitor to Karl Marx's Grave in London's highgate cemetery is confronted by a large polished granite plinth, atop which squats an imposing bronze head and shoulders of Marx. Although the artist Laurence Bradshaw designed the rectangular plinth as a proxy for Marx's body, the effect is still to emphasize the head, the supposed locus of Geist, esprit, intellect. Marx was a headworker, it is true. Even in the depths of poverty, plagued by bodily ailments, he was never obliged to purvey körperliche Arbeit (“body work,” “manual labor”) in the restricted sense—that is, a körperliche Arbeit located in a social split that structurally denies the body worker access to the abstractions of a developed geistige Arbeit (“intellectual labor”).
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SWAFFORD, KEVIN R. "Resounding the Abyss: The Politics of Narration in Jack London's The People of the Abyss." Journal of Popular Culture 39, no. 5 (October 2006): 838–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.2006.00308.x.

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Ferrall, C. "Jack London's Hobo Writing and Some Previously Unnoted Slang Words, Usages and Expressions." Notes and Queries 60, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjt043.

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Roberts, P. B. "The Poets' Cold War: Dekker, Marston, and the Prologue to Volpone." Ben Jonson Journal 25, no. 2 (November 2018): 277–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2018.0227.

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Recent commentators on the “Poetomachia” have stressed its ludic and commercially-driven aspects. By the time Volpone appeared in 1605, they claim, any animosity on Jonson's part towards his former adversaries Dekker and Marston had faded away. After all, in 1604 he had collaborated with Dekker on London's entertainment for James I, and Marston had written flatteringly of Jonson in The Malcontent. This note presents evidence that in fact the enmity lingered long after Jonson formally declared his retreat from the quarrel in Poetaster. Editors of Volpone have not previously noticed that when, in the Prologue, Jonson boasts of having written the play without the aid of a “journeyman”, this alludes to Marston and Dekker. In Poetaster, Jonson repeatedly describes the Dekker character, Demetrius, as “journeyman” to the gentlemanly Crispinus (a representative of Marston), and Dekker picks up on this when replying in Satiromastix. Jonson insulting Dekker by calling him Marston's “journeyman” is typical in several respects: he habitually applies the language of craft and commerce to his literary enemies in a contemptuous way (he represents Dekker in Poetaster as a mere hack, without Horace-Jonson's exalted sense of vocation); and in his “Poets' War” plays, he portrays Dekker as Marston's subordinate.
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COX, EMMA. "Victimhood, Hope and the Refugee Narrative: Affective Dialectics in Magnet Theatre'sEvery Year, Every Day, I Am Walking." Theatre Research International 37, no. 2 (May 3, 2012): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788331200003x.

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Contemporary theatricalized refugee narratives are often understood to communicate the profound trauma associated with forced displacement, even as this trauma is made ‘meaningful’ or ‘recognizable’ to audiences by the identification, however nebulous, of hope. This article examines some of the ways in which an affective dialectic of victimhood and hope functions inEvery Year, Every Day, I Am Walking(2006–), a small-scale international touring work directed by Mark Fleishman and produced by Cape Town-based Magnet Theatre. Paying attention to questions of narrative and performative form, I investigate how, and for whom, victimhood and hope function in and through the work, constructing its emotional and political tensions. I trace some of the conditions of its circulation, with particular emphasis on its transnational work with respect to a metropolitan audience at London's Oval House Theatre in 2010. In this, my purpose is to probe the question of who is served (as well as who is implicated and mobilized) by refugee narratives that may occupy all too easily a generalized geopolitical imaginary: ‘far from here’.
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Elwick, James. "The Philosophy of Decapitation: Analysis, Biomedical Reform, and Devolution in London's Body Politic, 1830-1850." Victorian Studies 47, no. 2 (2005): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2005.0060.

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Pike. "Into the Belly of the Beast: Exploring London's Victorian Sewers, by Paul Dobraszczyk." Victorian Studies 55, no. 1 (2012): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.55.1.151.

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Elwick, James. "The Philosophy of Decapitation: Analysis, Biomedical Reform, and Devolution in London's Body Politic, 1830-850." Victorian Studies 47, no. 2 (January 2005): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2005.47.2.174.

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Lundblad, Michael. "From Animal to Animality Studies." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 496–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.496.

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When Jack London's human characters interact with dogs and wolves in texts such as the call of the wild (1903) and White Fang (1906), erotic fireworks often light up the wild. The love between the dog Buck and his human partner, John Thornton, in The Call of the Wild is characterized as “[l]ove, genuine passionate love. … love that was feverish and burning, that was adoration, that was madness” (59–60). In White Fang, the half wolf of the title experiences a love for Weedon Scott that “manifested itself to [White Fang] as a void in his being—a hungry, aching, yearning void that clamored to be filled. It was a pain and an unrest; and it received easement only by the touch of the new god's presence” (244). Instead of reading these passionate nonhuman characters as “real” animals, literary and cultural critics often read them as “men in furs,” in Mark Seltzer's memorable phrase, leading to interesting and important discussions of, for example, homoerotic interactions between men.
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Weltman, Sharon Aronofsky. "Melodrama,Purimspiel, and Jewish Emancipation." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 2 (2019): 305–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318001560.

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Long forgotten, Elizabeth Polack (fl. 1835–43) is the earliest known Jewish woman playwright in England. This essay argues that her first play,Esther, the Royal Jewess,or the Death of Haman!(1835), performed at a public playhouse in the Jewish working-class neighborhood of London's East End, radically realigns diverse genres and populations in advocating both Jewish emancipation and a voice for women. By way of a very brief introduction, I first point out the applicability here of Judith Butler'sNotes toward a Performative Theory of Assembly. Butler explores how group protest, such as Tahir Square or Occupy Wall Street, serves as a kind of communal bodily signification. Of course, her point is not to address how people come together in a public theater, where the cast arrives daily for salaried jobs and the audience plunks down cold cash for a fun night out. Yet something else meaningful can occur in assembly within the theater. Theatrical performances can take on the discursive power of political assembly that Butler defines, signifying “in excess of what is said,” bringing actors and audience together with potentially political valence. Butler helps us understand the stakes of theatrical performance and public assembly and why it is important to examineEsther, the Royal Jewessbeyond recovering a neglected author, though that too is part of my object.
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Kreps, Barbara. "Elizabeth Pickering: The First Woman to Print Law Books in England and Relations Within the Community of Tudor London's Printers and Lawyers." Renaissance Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2003): 1053–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261979.

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AbstractElizabeth Pickering took over Robert Redman's press when he died in 1540, thus becoming the first woman known to print books in England. Her books tell us simply that she was Redman's widow. Wills and other legal documents in the London archives permit us to know much more. The documents examined here illuminate aspects of her personal life, but also reveal connections between a group of law-printers and lawyers that appear to have influenced the printing of law books in Tudor London. The first part of the essay traces this microhistory of family and community relations. The second half examines the books Elizabeth Pickering published.
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Mohlmann, Nicholas K. "Making a Massacre: The 1622 Virginia "massacre," Violence, and the Virginia Company of London's Corporate Speech." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 19, no. 3 (2021): 419–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.2021.0014.

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48

Smith, A. F. M. "George Edward Pelham Box. 10 October 1919 — 28 March 2013." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 61 (January 2015): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2015.0015.

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George Box was a British industrial and academic statistician who made seminal contributions to theory and practice in the areas of quality control, time-series analysis, the design of experiments, and Bayesian inference, and was the recipient of many awards and honours. He left school at the age of 16 years and, following his early interest in chemistry, found employment as the assistant to the chemist who managed the local sewage treatment plant. While working at the plant, he enrolled for a chemistry degree course with the University of London's External System, but soon after the outbreak of World War II he joined the army and ceased working on the degree. While in the army he was tasked with conducting biochemical experiments relating to the effects of mustard gas but came to realize that the real expertise required was that of a statistician rather than a chemist. After the war he enrolled at University College London and obtained a BSc in mathematics and statistics. From 1948 to 1956 he was employed as an industrial statistician at Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI). While at ICI he took a year's leave of absence in 1953 to serve as a visiting professor at the North Carolina State University at Raleigh. He then returned to ICI but in 1956 accepted a post at Princeton University as director of the university's Statistical Techniques Research Group. In 1959 he left Princeton for the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where in 1960 he founded the University of Wisconsin's Department of Statistics, retiring as an emeritus professor in 1991. He was a man of great personal humour and warmth who cared deeply about his colleagues and was much loved in return by his many students and collaborators.
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Lansdale, Janet. "Ancestral and Authorial Voices in Lloyd Newson and DV8's ‘Strange Fish’." New Theatre Quarterly 20, no. 2 (April 21, 2004): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x04000028.

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Abstract:
Lloyd Newson has worked in Europe for some twenty-three years with DV8 Physical Theatre, creating powerful socio-political pieces which address sexuality and interpersonal relationships. These works are generally created with performers through workshop processes and collaboratively with composers. London's experimental dance and theatre scenes in the 1980s and early 1990s provided a challenging context for Lloyd Newson's early creative endeavours. Here, Janet Lansdale takes one work, Strange Fish, as the locus of her discussion on narrative positions in relation to dominant forms of modern dance and issues of sexuality, homophobia, and politics within physical theatre. She conceptualizes and contextualizes ‘voices’ as ‘authorial’ and ‘ancestral’, and traces their manifestation in readings of the work. Complementary and sometimes competing voices from author, text, reader, and cultural history are articulated through a range of intertextual perspectives. This is the second in a series of articles on this work. Janet Lansdale is Distinguished Professor in Dance Studies at the University of Surrey, where she was Head of Department, and later Head of the School of Performing Arts. She is the author and editor of four books on dance theory, history, and analysis, the most recent being Dancing Texts: Intertextuality in Interpretation (1999).
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50

Singleton, Brian. "Before Orientalism: London's Theatre of the East, 1576–1626. By Richmond Barbour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. xii + 238. £45; $60 Hb." Theatre Research International 30, no. 2 (July 2005): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883305231413.

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