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1

Grinsell, L. V. "Barrows in the Anglo-Saxon Land Charters." Antiquaries Journal 71 (September 1991): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500086820.

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The Saxons used beorh for prehistoric barrows and hlæw for their own barrows, but pleased themselves which term to use for prehistoric barrows containing intrusive Saxon burials (e.g. Rough Barrow, Cheselbourne 8b, Dorset; Cwicelmes Low, Ardley, Oxon.; the better known Cwichelmes Low (East Hendred, Oxon. ex Berkshire) is mentioned not in a charier but in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Long barrow Swell IV, Glos., contained Saxon intrusive burials.There are more than twenty rough barrows but only one rough low (in Chetwode-Hillesden, Buckinghamshire, S 544), implying that the Saxons normally kept their own barrows tidy but did not bother much about those of earlier date.They sometimes distinguished between long and round barrows (e.g. Long Barrow, Swell IV, Glos.; ‘the barrow which lies between the two long barrows’, Wonston, Hants. They never distinguished between round barrows of bowl, bell, disc and saucer types.Scrutiny of the charters has led to the discovery of a few barrows previously unknown to the Ordnance Survey Archaeology Division, e.g. Buckland Newton I, Dorset; Cheselbourne 17, Dorset; Tetbury Upton 3, Glos.As the charters were written more than a thousand years ago they recorded many barrows long before they had been reduced to their present sorry state by ploughing and other agencies.
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2

Jones, Dilwyn. "Long Barrows and Neolithic Elongated Enclosures in Lincolnshire: An Analysis of the Air Photographic Evidence." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 64 (January 1998): 83–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00002188.

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The long barrows of Lincolnshire have been the subject of long-term but intermittent interest. One aspect not investigated hitherto is the air photographic evidence for plough-levelled long barrows. Recently completed mapping work in the county by the Aerial Survey section of the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England (RCHME), as part of the National Mapping Programme, has made possible the analysis of the air photographic evidence. This article presents an evaluation of that evidence and considers its significance in terms of the Neolithic of the region.A comprehensive survey of air photo collections has dramatically increased the number of long barrows known in the county, identifying over 50 examples of levelled sites. The majority are found on the chalk Wolds where the dozen surviving earthwork monuments are located. The distribution of long barrows in the county may now be extended onto the Jurassic Limestone ridge to the west where five examples have been recorded. The Lincolnshire long barrow enclosures have three categories of shape; oval, trapeziform, and oblong. The ditch plan is predominantly full-enclosing, and is found as the distinct form in the eastern region of England. The morphology and dimensions of two sites suggests they may have been a long mortuary enclosure or short cursus.At Harlaxton in the southern Limestone a long barrow enclosure forms part of an extensive later Neolithic ritual complex which incorporates a multiple pit-alignment as a principal component. The form of the complex appears to be unique and underlines the importance of Harlaxton as an inter-regional link.
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3

Evans, J. G., and D. D. A. Simpson. "I. Giants' Hills 2 Long Barrow, Skendleby, Lincolnshire." Archaeologia 109 (1991): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261340900014016.

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The Neolithic long barrow whose excavation is described in this report is one of a pair known as Giants' Hills, situated in the parish of Skendleby, Lincolnshire (NGR: TF(53)429709; Lat. 53° 12′ 40″ N., Long. 0° 8′ 30″ E.). The general geographical location is an outlier of the chalk at the southern extremity of the Lincolnshire Wolds (fig. 1). The site lay at between 56 and 58m O.D. along the gentle south-facing slope of a small river valley (fig. 2). The maximum slope is 7 degrees. Orientation was approximately south-east/north-west with what can be considered the more important end of the barrow (the front) towards the south-east. The dimensions of the preserved mound were 65 × 13m (maximum) (originally 77 × 19m), and of the entire site from the original outer edges of the ditch, 89 × 29m (maximum).The other barrow of the pair, Giants' Hills 1, was excavated by C. W. Phillips (1936). To the south-east beyond a low chalk ridge and in a topographical position similar to that of the Giants' Hills barrows lies another pair of long barrows, the Deadmen's Graves (fig. 2). On a broader geographical scale, both pairs belong to a group of about fifteen long barrows situated on the Lincolnshire Wolds (fig. 1).Excavation took place under the direction of the authors at the instigation of the Department of the Environment (now the Historic Buildings and Monuments Commission for England) because of damage sustained by ploughing. As well as being a rescue operation, the work can be seen as an integral part of research into prehistoric chalkland environments and Neolithic burial practices. Thus, financial support was provided not only by the DoE, but also by University College Cardiff and the University of Leicester. There were three field seasons. In the first two, from 4–28 September 1975 and 27 March to 10 April 1976, the western end of the site (west of line AL, fig. 4) was excavated totally. The main excavation took place between 14 August and 25 September 1976.
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4

Wojciechowski, Włodzimierz. "Grobowce megalityczne na przedpolu Sudetów." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 13 (November 1, 2018): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2005.13.12.

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A cemetery of megalithic long barrows of the so-called Kujavia type was discovered in autumn of 1995 near Muszkowice in the foothills of the Sudety Mountains. It consists of 6 trapezoidal structures made of stone and sand. It has been the first megalithic cemetery discovered in south-west Poland to date. Only one of the barrows (No. 2) has been partly excavated so far. Its dimension, use of stones as a building material and unchambered construction resemble similar structures known from Pomerania (the Łupawa type). The barrow has been dated back to the Funnel Beaker Culture.
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5

Borodovskiy, Andriey P., Marek Krąpiec, and Łukasz Oleszczak. "Radiocarbon Dating of Barrows of the Pazyryk, Karakoba, and Bystrianka Cultures from the Manzherok Region, Russia." Radiocarbon 59, no. 5 (June 21, 2017): 1263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2017.41.

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AbstractThis paper presents radiocarbon (14C) dating of Scythian period sites discovered in Northern Altai, Russia, in the 1990s, including large, unlooted barrow cemeteries in the Manzherok region. The results indicate that barrows attributed to the Karakoba culture may represent a long time span from the beginning of the 9th century BC until the beginning of 1st century BC, while those linked with the North Pazyryk culture generally keep within the Scythian period: from the beginning of the 5th century BC to the late 1st century AD. 14C analysis has confirmed the viability of traditional archaeological dating and the contemporaneity of barrows belonging to various cultural traditions (North Pazyryk, Karakoba), and also allowed correlating the horizons of burials to the seismic phenomena observed at the site.
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6

Mischka, Doris. "The Neolithic burial sequence at Flintbek LA 3, north Germany, and its cart tracks: a precise chronology." Antiquity 85, no. 329 (August 2011): 742–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00068289.

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Radiocarbon dating of 32 stratigraphic samples aided by Bayesian analysis has allowed the author to produce a high precision chronology for the construction and development of a continental Neolithic long barrow for the first time. She shows when and how quickly people living on the shore of the Baltic adopted pit graves, megalithic chambers and long barrows. Better than that, she provides a date for the famous cart tracks beneath the final barrow to 3420–3385 cal BC. Although other parts of the package — ploughing and pottery — are late arrivals, her analysis of the global evidence shows that Flintbek remains among the earliest sightings of the wheel in northern Europe.
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7

Holst, Mads Kähler, Marianne Rasmussen, Kristian Kristiansen, and Jens-Henrik Bech. "Bronze Age ‘Herostrats’: Ritual, Political, and Domestic Economies in Early Bronze Age Denmark." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 79 (August 21, 2013): 265–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2013.14.

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In this article we argue that within the Danish Bronze Age there was a short-lived period (roughly 1500–1150 bc) that witnessed a dramatic investment of resources into the construction of monumental architecture in the form of barrows and long houses. These investments had far-reaching long-term effects on the local landscape with negative consequences for agricultural productivity. We use two extraordinary well-documented excavations of a barrow (Skelhøj) and a long house (Legård) as a model for labour organisation and resource allocation, which is calculated against the number of barrows and long houses recorded in the Danish Sites and Monuments database for the period. An astonishing minimum of 50,000 barrows were constructed, devastating an estimated 120,000–150,000 hectares of grassland. During the same time period an estimated 200,000 long houses were constructed and renewed every 30–60 years. In densely settled regions the effects are easily recognisable in pollen diagrams as a near-complete deforestation. Thereby, the productive potential of the economy was, in effect, reduced.The situation was unsustainable in a long-term perspective and, at least on a local scale, it implied the risk of collapse. On the other hand, the exploitation of resources also appears to have entailed a new way of operating in the landscape, which led to a new organisation of the landscape itself and a restructuring of society in the Late Bronze Age. The intense character of these investments in monumental architecture is assumed to rely primarily on ritual and competitive rationales, and it exemplifies how the overall economy may be considered an unstable or contradictory interplay between ritual, political, and domestic rationales.1
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8

Gibson, Alex. "Some Recent Research at Two Yorkshire Long Barrows: Denby House, Rudston & Esh's Barrow, Helperthorpe." Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 83, no. 1 (August 2011): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/008442711x13033963454327.

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9

Jankowska, Dobrochna. "O pochodzeniu pomorskich grobowców bezkomorowych kultury pucharów lejkowatych." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 13 (November 1, 2018): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2005.13.10.

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The article presents a short overview of discussion on the origin of the Funnel Beaker Culture in particular regions of Pomerania. In particular, an origin of the Pomerania long barrows with a stone construction is debated. The study implies that prototypes o f these monuments are to be found in the Lower Elbe region and influences from Kujavia are only detectable in the latest phase. The article tackles also a theory linking an emergence of long barrows with the late Danubian tradition („long houses”).
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10

Thomas, Richard, and Lesley McFadyen. "Animals and Cotswold-Severn Long Barrows: a Re-examination." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 76 (2010): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00000463.

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In this paper new collaborative research is presented following a re-examination of the faunal remains and architectural evidence from a selected number of Cotswold-Severn long barrow sites. Five different loci of deposition are considered: ‘pre-barrow’ contexts; the chambers; the superstructure of the barrow and the ditches; the forecourt; and blocking material. These spatial locations were chosen following research that has demonstrated that these areas are likely to represent different temporal, as well as spatial, patterns of activity. While the faunal remains are diverse in character, common themes observed at the sites include: the deposition of complete or partial remains of foetal and young animals within chambers; the use of teeth and cranial elements within blocking material; and, within each temporal context, the absence of clear evidence for feasting and the importance of cattle, and the small but constant inclusion of wild mammals. This complexity of practice has the potential to mature our thinking regarding the nature of human–animal relationships within the early Neolithic of Britain and provide a secure foundation of evidence for subsequent interpretations.
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11

Mikhaylova, Elena. "Barrows in Khotovsky Bor: rereading the predecessors." Archaeological news 28 (2020): 377–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2020-28-377-405.

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Basing on the results of the most recent investigations, this article systematizes the materials from excavations of 1879 conducted by students of the Saint Petersburg Archaeological Institute in the urochishche (isolated terrain) of Khotovsky Bor. The complex of burial monuments in Khotovsky Bor comprises several groups of tumuli and separate mounds of the Culture of Pskov Long Barrows, as well as a large mounded and zhalnik-grave (graves bordered with stones) burial ground separated from the cemeteries of the long barrows by a certain chronological gap.
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12

Wysocki, Michael, Alex Bayliss, and Alasdair Whittle. "Serious Mortality: the Date of the Fussell's Lodge Long Barrow." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 17, S1 (January 30, 2007): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774307000170.

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Twenty-seven radiocarbon results are now available from the Fussell's Lodge long barrow, and are presented within an interpretive Bayesian statistical framework. Three alternative archaeological interpretations of the sequence are given, each with a separate Bayesian model. It is hard to decide between these, though we prefer the third. In the first (following the excavator), the construction is a unitary one, and the human remains included are by definition already old. In the second, the primary mortuary structure is seen as having two phases, and is set within a timber enclosure; these are later closed by the construction of a long barrow. In that model of the sequence, deposition began in the thirty-eighth century cal. bc and the mortuary structure was extended probably in the 3660s–3650s cal. bc; the long barrow was probably built in the 3630s–3620s cal. bc; ancestral remains are not in question; and the use of the primary structure may have lasted for a century or so. In the third, preferred model, a variant of the second, we envisage the inclusion of some ancestral remains in the primary mortuary structure alongside fresh remains. This provides different estimates of the date of initial construction (probably in the last quarter of the thirty-eighth century cal. bc or the first half of the thirty-seventh century cal. bc) and the duration of primary use, but agrees in setting the date of the long barrow probably in the 3630s–3620s cal. bc. These results are discussed in relation to the development and meanings of long barrows at both national and local scales.
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13

Louwe Kooijmans, L. P. "Grafheuvels bij Arnhem. Opgravingen op het landgoed Warnsborn 1947-’48." Palaeohistoria 60 (December 14, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5beab025422ba.

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Barrows near Arnhem; excavations on the Warnsborn estate, 1947-’48.In 1947 and 1948 six barrows were excavated on the Warnsborn estate, to the west of Arnhem. Although seemingly initiated for purely scientific purposes, no report was ever published, only some very short notes. This paper gives an account of the organization, the procedures followed and a critical (re)interpretation of the findings, on the basis of the field drawings and the field journal. The conclusion differs in many respects from the excavators’ original interpretations. It may be viewed as a cautionary tale for those relying on records of earlier investigations of this kind. The research was initiated and supervised by prof. Van Giffen, but in fact executed rather independently by his experienced field technician and draughtsman, assisted by two students, who some years later were to be appointed university professors and as such shaped post-war archaeology in the Netherlands. It was the period in which the State Service (ROB, now RCE) was founded, which, headed by Van Giffen, ultimately must have been the responsible institution. The barrows to be excavated were an arbitrary selection from the numerous mounds in the shallow valleys of the Heelsum and Wolfheze brooks: four dating to the Bronze Age, along the valley floor, and two from the Beaker period, slightly apart. All six appear to be part of a long row, as found in many regions across the country, comprising19 barrows. One of the Beaker burials (IV) had a characteristic early Single Grave inventory and was surrounded by a narrow palisaded ditch. The reliability of the observation of a corpse silhouette must however be doubted. The other Beaker barrow (V) was dated only on the basis of its appearance and the fossil soil conditions. It only shows some features that are hard to interpret. The group of four Bronze Age burials offers us a glimpse of the changing burial customs among a small local community. They are characterized by the absence of cremations and the exclusive practice of inhumation in all 27 burials documented. All recorded bodies were supine, with only one exception, a slightly flexed burial. None of these were equipped with any imperishable grave goods. It is remarkable that this small community in the interaction zone of the southern and northern burial traditions had exclusively followed the northern practice of extended inhumation. In the absence of radiocarbon dates and artifacts, dating had to be based purely on circumstantial evidence; with Middle Bronze Age A as the result, with a possible extension into MBA-B, i.e. 1800-1400 cal BC. Two of the Bronze Age barrows (I and II) are relatively small, simple and one-phased, with a single, supine central inhumation, one of these accompanied by a subsequent child burial. The two others (III and the large, so-called ‘Meelworstenberg’) had started similarly, but had grown to larger dimensions, up to 15 and 18 m in diameter, by the addition of new construction phases linked with new central graves. The larger one incorporated a small and low sand dune already present. The barrows became more complex and significantly different also by the introduction of secondary burials, in the form of 6 and 15 shaft graves respectively, orientated tangentially all along the barrows’ margins, and the raising of surrounding post circles. In one case this circle was only partially preserved and documented, but it was of quite impressive dimensions around the larger barrow, and seemingly not connected with a central burial, but with the secondary burials only. In both cases we observe a fundamental shift from a function as an exclusive tomb for selected individuals from the local community, as customary in earlier times, to a communal cemetery for numerous members of the community. This change in burial custom may serve as an argument for the contemporaneity of the last phase of both barrows, the simple barrows representing the earlier stage only.
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14

Mullin, David. "Long Barrows of the Cotswolds and Surrounding Areas. By TimothyDarvill." Archaeological Journal 162, no. 1 (January 2005): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2005.11020631.

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15

Gorczyca, Krzysztof. "The Kleczew enclave of the Kujavian long barrows. An overview." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 13 (November 1, 2018): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2005.13.09.

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The article is aimed at general overview o f the long barrows o f the Funnel Beaker Culture discovered in the Kleczew vicinity, Konin district. These tombs are largely destroyed and thus presented analysis is mostly based upon archive materials. According to accounts from the early half of the 19th century, there were 150 tombs in this area. Only 22 of them can be localised at present.
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16

Cooper, Anwen. "Other Types of Meaning: Relationships between Round Barrows and Landscapes from 1500 bc–ac 1086." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26, no. 4 (October 25, 2016): 665–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774316000433.

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This paper is about Bronze Age round barrows and the ways in which they became caught up in human practices over an extended time period. At one level it belongs to a flourishing body of work that examines the ‘re-use’ or ‘biography’ of prehistoric monuments. Rather than treating the latter as a generic group, however, this study focuses on chronologies of one specific monument type—round barrows—over a 2600-year period from 1500 bc–ac 1086. By bringing together evidence and interpretations generated mainly within period specialisms, significant homogeneities are revealed in terms of how activities at prehistoric monuments have previously been understood. The possibilities for seeking out different interpretative ground are duly explored. Using a case study from the east of England and drawing on evidence and ideas from much more broadly, the approach taken places particular emphasis on examining relationships between round barrows and other aspects of landscape. The findings offer fresh insight into the temporality of activities undertaken at round barrows, question existing characterizations of past people's historical understandings, and explore the long-term coherence of ‘round barrows’ as a category.
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17

Darvill, Timothy, Friedrich Lüth, Knut Rassmann, Andreas Fischer, and Kay Winkelmann. "Stonehenge, Wiltshire, UK: High Resolution Geophysical Surveys in the Surrounding Landscape, 2011." European Journal of Archaeology 16, no. 1 (2013): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957112y.0000000025.

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An extensive high-resolution geophysical survey covering 2 km2was undertaken to the north of Stonehenge in June and October 2011. The survey is important in providing, for the first time, abundant detail on the form and structure of the Stonehenge Cursus, including the recognition of entrances in both of the long sides. Much additional information about the internal form of round barrows in the Cursus Round Barrow Cemetery, the course of the Avenue, the course of the so-called Gate Ditch, and numerous tracks and early roads crossing the landscape was recorded. A series of previously unrecognized features were identified: a pit-arc or cove below a barrow on the west side of King Barrow Ridge, a square-shaped feature surrounded by pits on the east side of Stonehenge Bottom, and a linear ditch on the same solstical axis, and parallel to, the southern section of the Stonehenge Avenue. An extensive scatter of small metallic anomalies marking the position of camping grounds associated with the Stonehenge Free Festival in the late 1970s and early 1980s raise interesting conservation and management issues.
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18

Thomas, Aline, Philippe Chambon, and Pascal Murail. "Unpacking burial and rank: the role of children in the first monumental cemeteries of Western Europe (4600–4300 BC)." Antiquity 85, no. 329 (August 2011): 772–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00068307.

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Examining the earliest grand mortuary monuments of the Neolithic, the authors question the assumption that they mark the resting place of society's higher ranks. Using the skeletal remains, the grave goods and the burial rites, they find no great differences in commemoration between the monumental cemeteries, with their long barrows, and the flat graves, without structures. In this analysis, the children proved to be the most vivid players: while the very young are largely excluded, some toddlers were selected to carry hunting equipment, a distinction shared with selected adult males. Some children were also laid to rest in the long barrows, with some adults. Thus hunting has a spiritual value for these agriculturalists, and whether inherited or marked at birth, the children signal something more variable and subtle than linear rank.
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19

Siekerska, O. P. "ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL COMPLEXES OF SCYTHIAN BARROWS." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 33, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 373–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2019.04.29.

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Archaeozoological studies of the complexes of the Scythian burial mounds Babina and Vodyana Mohyly, the Berdyansk Kurhan and barrow group 1 near the town of Kamenka-Dneprovska allow to make the following generalizations. As the studied materials show, the horse was widely used in the funeral rites of the Scythians. Parts of the carcasses of horses were placed in the burial as a farewell food, meat horses were used for conducting funeral rites, horses were buried with their owners. Sheep and cattle were also used as food. During the funeral rites parts of the carcasses of wild animals — European deer and wild boar — were used as well. In some cases sex and age of animals that were selected for ritual and funeral rites can be established. Commonly the horses of two age categories — young (4—5 years) and middle age (9—10 years), were used in funeral rites. The vast majority of the horses belonged to the groups of stunted (128—136 cm at the withers) and medium growth (136—144 cm) horses according to their sizes. The exception are the horses from the Vodyana Mohyla: the Mare from burial 3 (very small, height 118.96 cm); the horse from the ditch and horse 2, which had above-average growth and belong to the group of tall. According to the indices of massiveness of metacarpal and metatarsal bones, horses belonged to the groups of thin-legged (2 specimens), half-thin-legged (8 specimens) and medium-legged (4 specimens) horses, that is, most animals were half- thin-legged. Horse 2 and horse from the ditch of the Babina Mohyla: moved fast gaits (trot and gallop) quite often, whereas horse 1 rarely resorted to it. Horse 1, obviously, a significant part of the first half of life could graze in the herd, where it formed a type of movement slow gait. This horse could inherit the massiveness of the leg from their ancestors, which were brought from another region. Horses from the Vodyana Mohyla: probably has moved mostly at a slow pace — by-step and slow trot. Horses from the Berdyansk Kurhan were half-thin-legged, small and medium height at withers. They were formed on fairly hard and dry soils, and their type of movement was mainly fast. Horses from the tumulus 1 of Kamenka-Dneprovska was a thin-legged and half-thin-legged, mostly — average growth and was approaching the horses running type. A mixture of features, which are characteristics of horses of various types and, respectively, adaptation of animals to different types of movement may be indicative of their content in the herds for a long time. As a rule, such mixture of signs characterizes the wild animals that do not fall under targeted selection. However, in this case we can talk about large portion of the population of the Scythian horses, which is not selected «under the saddle» of persons of high social status.
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20

Weber, Andrzej, and Janusz Piontek. "Social context of the unchambered megalithic long barrows in Middle Pomerania, Poland." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 4, no. 2 (June 1985): 116–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0278-4165(85)90006-6.

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21

Iwaniszewski, Stanislaw. "The power of the dead in Neolithic landscapes: an agricultural-celestial metaphor in the funerary tradition of the Funnel Beaker Culture in the Sandomierz Upland." Documenta Praehistorica 43 (December 30, 2016): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.43.22.

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FBC earthen long barrows were roughly oriented along the East-West axis, with deviations not exceeding the frame of the solar arc. Also, the Sandomierz Group monuments display this general pattern. The paper brings together archaeoastronomy, landscape archaeology and symbolic archaeology.
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Whittle, Alasdair. "A late Neolithic complex at West Kennet, Wiltshire, England." Antiquity 65, no. 247 (June 1991): 256–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00079709.

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The Avebury region has been given World Heritage status for its complex of Neolithic sites - Avebury itself, Silbury Hill, the West and East Kennet long barrows, and others. New fieldwork reveals a further complex of sites on the edges of the Kennet valley bottom.
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23

Buckley, D. G., H. Major, B. Milton, N. Brown, R. Holgate, C. Turner, and H. Walker. "Excavation of a Possible Neolithic Long Barrow or Mortuary Enclosure at Rivenhall, Essex, 1986." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 54 (1988): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00005776.

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Aerial survey in Essex has revealed a number of elongated enclosures interpreted as either long barrows or mortuary enclosures of Neolithic date. Excavation of one of these sites at Rivenhall in 1986 produced finds of flintwork and pottery which help to substantiate this hypothesis. A surface collection survey of the field containing the enclosure produced Mesolithic and Neolithic flintwork. A short discussion considers the Essex sites in their wider context.
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Needham, Stuart, Andrew J. Lawson, and Ann Woodward. "‘A Noble Group of Barrows’: Bush Barrow and the Normanton Down Early Bronze Age Cemetery Two Centuries On." Antiquaries Journal 90 (September 2010): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581510000077.

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AbstractTwo hundred years after William Cunnington and Sir Richard Colt Hoare’s excavations into Bronze Age barrows on Normanton Down, Wiltshire, we offer a fresh appraisal of this renowned cemetery, which lies within sight of Stonehenge. The paper focuses specifically on burial deposits of Early Bronze Age Period 3, seen as representing a dynastic succession that controlled access to Stonehenge for a while and presided over the ceremonies therein. Pre-eminent are the finds from the Bush Barrow grave group, now housed in the Wiltshire Heritage Museum, Devizes, and still without close parallel. Long-held notions that the skeleton was extended are dispelled; instead, the grave assemblage is reconstructed around the universal crouched inhumation rite of the period, giving rise to important new implications. Special attention is also given to two probable female graves nearby; essentially contemporary, their accompaniments contrast in a number of respects, pointing to very distinct affiliations. Our capacity to reinterpret such burial complexes is a tribute to the records made by the pioneer excavators.
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Weiler, U., R. Claus, M. Dehnhard, and S. Hofäcker. "Influence of the photoperiod and a light reverse program on metabolically active hormones and food intake in domestic pigs compared with a wild boar." Canadian Journal of Animal Science 76, no. 4 (December 1, 1996): 531–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4141/cjas96-080.

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The pattern of food intake, IGF-I and testosterone secretion were monitored in entire and castrated domestic boars (n = 4/group) either under a light program simulating changes of the natural photoperiod ("natural photoperiod") or a light program simulating the natural photoperiod with a shift of 6 mo ("light reverse program") over a 14-mo period. For comparison, a European wild boar was also investigated under a light reverse program for 23 mo. Under decreasing and short daylength, testosterone secretion increased in the wild and the domestic boars. During the testosterone maximum, the wild boar refused food for about 6 wk (25% weight loss). In parallel, IGF-I concentrations decreased by 50%, whereas under long daylength, IGF-I concentrations reached their seasonal maximum of about 200 ng mL−1. In domestic boars and barrows, lowest IGF-I concentrations (boars: 105 ng mL−1, barrows: 76 ng mL−1) were measured under early increasing daylength (natural photoperiod: February March; light reverse program: August/October). In boars, IGF-I concentrations started to increase under long daylength and reached a maximum of 155 ng mL−1 in October (photoperiod) or April (light reverse program). In barrows, maxima (105 ng mL−1) were measured m September (photoperiod) or March (light reverse program). In domestic boars, IGF-I secretion was stimulated by gonadal steroids even if the food intake was significantly reduced by testosterone. Key words: Pig, wild boar, food intake, photoperiod, testosterone, IGF-I
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Manby, T. G. "Non-Megalithic Long Barrows and Allied Structures in the British Neolithic. By IanKinnes." Archaeological Journal 150, no. 1 (January 1993): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1993.11078077.

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Van Beek, Roy, and Guy De Mulder. "Circles, Cycles and Ancestral Connotations. The Long-term History and Perception of Late Prehistoric Barrows and Urnfields in Flanders (Belgium)." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 80 (October 28, 2014): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2014.8.

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The perception of and interaction with ancient relics in past societies has been intensively debated in the archaeology of north-western Europe. This paper aims to make a contribution to this debate by reconstructing the long-term history of late prehistoric barrows and urnfields in Flanders (Belgium). The period between the Late Bronze Age and High Middle Ages (c. 1100 calbc–ad1300) is centred on. Contrary to Germany, Scandinavia and especially Britain, data from the Low Countries (Belgium and the Netherlands) have so far barely played a role in wider international and theoretical discussions on the role of the past in the past. Previous studies on reuse practices in the Low Countries mainly focused on the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt region of the southern Netherlands and north-eastern Belgium, which partly overlaps Flanders. These studies are combined and summarised. Their main outcomes are tested by means of a detailed inventory of reused late prehistoric cemeteries in Flanders. This study differs methodologically from most others in that it both offers an evidence-based overview of regional diachronic trends (documented at 62 barrow cemeteries and 13 urnfields) and discusses the developments at six sites yielding high resolution data. The observed reuse practices and site biographies appear to be remarkably dynamic and more diverse than previously suggested.
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Malashev, Vladimir U., Rabadan G. Magomedov, Felix S. Dzutsev, Hamid M. Mamaev, and Mikhail V. Krivosheev. "Security and rescue research of the burial ground "Brotherly 1st barrows"on the territory of the Chechen Republic in 2018." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 14, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch144195-206.

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In June-October 2018 Terek complex archaeological expedition ("scientific and production center "Dagestan archaeological service"), Caucasian expedition (Institute of archeology RAS) and Chechen expedition (Institute of humanitarian research of the Academy of Sciences of the CR), bringing together experts from Vladikavkaz, Volgograd, Grozny, Makhachkala, Moscow, Simferopol, etc., at the expense of PJSC "Gazprom" / LLC "Gazprominvest" (St. Petersburg) and LLC "Kirus" (Grozny), we conducted security and rescue research in the territory of the super – terrechny district of the Chechen Republic in the area of construction of the main gas pipeline "Mozdok-Grozny". Of greatest interest are the materials of the burial ground "Fraternal 1st mounds" (162 burial complex), Dating from the III-IV centuries ad and is the necropolis of the Fraternal 1st settlement, Dating from the early stage of the Alanian culture. The named necropolis occupies an approximate territory of 6.5 x 3.5-2 km. In the present article the General review of the investigated burials of the named barrow burial ground which many embankments are destroyed as a result of economic activity is presented. The result of this work was excavated barrow 162 and beskarkasnyh funeral complex. The vast majority of burials were made in catacombs of type I (the long axis of the chamber is perpendicular to the long axis of the entrance pit). The investigated sample of burials makes it possible to consider this monument a reference to the territory of the Middle Primerica at the specified time. The population, which left the burial grounds type "Fraternal 1st barrows", participated in the cultural and historical processes in the territory West of the Caspian sea, where their presence is recorded in the Terek-Sulak interfluve in the second half of the III century ad, and from the middle of IV century BC, in southern Dagestan, where, according to information from written sources, localized "Country land".
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Tkachev, А. A. "«Long» barrow in the Menovnoe VI burial ground." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 4 (51) (November 27, 2020): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-51-4-4.

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The pre-Mongolian time materials in the territory of the Irtysh River basin in Kazakhstan are associated with the functioning of the Kimak-Kipchak proto-state federation that existed in the end of the 1st — beginning of the 2nd mil. AD. Due to the nomadic lifestyle of these ethnic groups, the sites are represented by barrow cemeteries, the majority of which consists of «chains» of individual burial structures aligned in meridian direction. The most inter-esting funerary objects are the «long» mounds, usually ending the system of memorial structures in the northern or southern sector of the burial ground. Particular features of these objects include the presence of several attached enclosures under a common mound, which developed in the meridian direction, as well as the burial of children and adolescents, virtually unknown from individual Kimak-Kipchak mounds. Here, we analyse the materials of the «long» barrow of the Menovnoye VI burial ground, located in the Upper Irtysh region 1.5 km southeast from the village of Menovnoye, Tavrichesky District, East Kazakhstan Oblast. Under the kurgan mound, there was an en-closure with two extensions containing burials of two men, a teenager, and a child. The buried were laid stretched on their backs, with their heads towards the east. The remains of men and the teenager were accompanied by horses, and those of the child — with sheep bones. An adult man, buried within the central enclosure, apart from horse, was accompanied for his afterlife by a dog. The grave goods discovered with the buried represent wea-ponry items, military and horse equipment. The weaponry included fragments of a sword, a bone grip, arrowheads, combat and household knives. Horse harness items included stirrups and a bit made of iron, a bronze figured buckle with flexible iron prong. The child was accompanied by a bronze teardrop-shaped amulet pendant and a small cattle astragalus used for playing dice. The number of «long» mounds in the cemetery ranges from one or two to three or four. The number of individuals in them varies from 2–3 to 8–11, which emphasizes the familial proximity of adults and children buried together. The «long» barrows of the «Menovnoye VI type», which contained burials of male members of the society, reflected the presence of patriarchal family ties within the tribal communities on the one hand, and formation of patriarchal-feudal relations in the context of development of the Kimak-Kipchak nomadic proto-state on the other.
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Bradley, Richard. "Time Signatures: The Temporality of Monuments in Early and Middle Neolithic Britain." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 86 (June 18, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2020.3.

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Analysis of radiocarbon dates has established the chronological contexts of three kinds of Neolithic monument in Britain: long mounds or long cairns, causewayed enclosures, and cursuses. It is more difficult to appreciate how such structures developed over time. The building of a barrow or cairn was sometimes the final act in a place that had already experienced a longer history. The construction of the monument brought activities to an end, and the site was effectively closed. Individual sequences were shorter than once thought but might be repeated at different locations over several hundred years.On the other hand, the construction of causewayed enclosures according to a widely accepted template occurred almost simultaneously. Once those earthworks were established some went out of use, but a few others were adapted and changed so that they could play an increasing variety of roles over a longer period. The same contrasts are illustrated by cursuses. Timber structures in the north had finite histories before they decayed or were destroyed by fire, whilst earthworks had a wider distribution and enjoyed a longer currency. A similar approach might shed light on later monuments, including henges, stone circles, and round barrows. It is important to consider how the chronologies of all these structures are related to past conceptions of time.
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Evans, J. G. "Notes on some Late Neolithic and Bronze Age Events in Long Barrow Ditches in Southern and Eastern England." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 56 (1990): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00005065.

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This note draws attention to similar sequences of archaeology and environment in three long barrow ditches on the Chalk of southern and eastern England. Although the data have already been, or will shortly be, published in individual site reports, the events warrant consideration as a group because they are of regional importance. They are significant specifically for the later Neolithic use of long barrows and more generally for the identification of areas of arable, pasture and abandoned land in the later Neolithic and Bronze Age. The state of the Bronze Age soils has implications for their later use.To start, the basic lithopedostratigraphy of a large ditch infilling on chalk (Evans 1972.) is iterated. There are four main stages:(1) Primary fill. Coarse rubble with finer layers and turves derived from the contemporary soil. Formed by high energy, but seasonally intermittent, processes of physical weathering and gravity.(2) Secondary fill. Loam, generally fining upwards and becoming increasingly humic as chemical weathering supersedes deposition. Formed by low energy processes of soil creep, rainwash of earthworm casts and others subsumed under the term colluviation; the details are unknown because such deposits have never been observed forming.(3) Soil. Formation of soil profile after the natural depositional processes have ceased. Essentially this involves the increasing humification and weathering of the deposits as infilling slows down and ultimately ceases, so there is a merging boundary between the secondary fill and the soil.
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32

Kinnes, Ian. "The Origin and Function of the Earthen Long Barrows of Northern Europe. By MagdalenaS. Midgley." Archaeological Journal 143, no. 1 (January 1986): 375–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1986.11021146.

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Saville, Alan, John A. J. Gowlett, and Robert E. M. Hedges. "Radiocarbon dates from the chambered tomb at Hazleton (Glos.): a chronology for neolithic collective burial." Antiquity 61, no. 231 (March 1987): 108–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0007263x.

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The social organization of prehistoric British societies has been a busy interest recently, with the hypothesis that the Neolithic was characterized by lineage societies, very likely egalitarian in character, whose dead were placed into communal ‘tombs for the ancestors’. But how secure is the evidence for burial in chambered or unchambered long barrows over many generations? Hazleton provides the key example, for it is the first neolithic burial-site to benefit from the full resources of AMS dating and the new calibration.
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Żurkiewcz, Danuta, Jakub Niebieszczański, and Cezary Bahyrycz. "The First Megalithic Long Barrows of the Funnel Beaker Culture in the Central Greater Poland in Sobota." Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 72, no. 1 (2020): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.23858/sa/72.2020.1.015.

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35

Cusick, Suzanne, and Lucia Becker Carpena. "Barroco em contexto." Per Musi, no. 19 (2009): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1517-75992009000100002.

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Quem produziu música durante o longo período histórico que hoje chamamos "Barroco"? Quem a escutou? Como a prática musical teria articulado relações de poder, tanto dentro das culturas européias nas quais as estéticas barrocas nasceram quanto nas terras americanas que estas mesmas culturas colonizaram? Por que, no século XXI, poderíamos continuar a achar esta música interessante e bonita? Por que uma compreensão maior do Barroco pode ser útil nos dias de hoje? Este ensaio abordará estas questões preliminarmente situando a música barroca em relação aos sistemas emergentes de representação, trocas econômicas, poder político e produção artística que caracterizaram a longa transição das crises epistemológicas do final do século XVI da cultura européia, que se interligava com a resolução destas crises nos paradigmas da modernidade iluminista do século XVIII.
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36

Bayliss, Alex, Peter Marshall, Michael W. Dee, Michael Friedrich, Timothy J. Heaton, and Lukas Wacker. "IntCal20 Tree Rings: An Archaeological Swot Analysis." Radiocarbon 62, no. 4 (August 2020): 1045–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2020.77.

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ABSTRACTWe undertook a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis of Northern Hemisphere tree-ring datasets included in IntCal20 in order to evaluate their strategic fit with the demands of archaeological users. Case studies on wiggle-matching single tree rings from timbers in historic buildings and Bayesian modeling of series of results on archaeological samples from Neolithic long barrows in central-southern England exemplify the archaeological implications that arise when using IntCal20. The SWOT analysis provides an opportunity to think strategically about future radiocarbon (14C) calibration so as to maximize the utility of 14C dating in archaeology and safeguard its reputation in the discipline.
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37

Mikhaylova, E. "Kurgan traditions of the North-West of the Russian Plain: the problem of the evolution and continuity." Archaeological News 31 (2021): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2021-31-196-207.

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The funerary kurgan traditions of the 1st millennium (culture of the Pskov long barrows, a kurgan presumably of the East-Lithuanian type, Mologa-Suda kurgans, sopki) are considered in this paper in comparison with the data on unmounded cemeteries with cremations. Many features of the burial rite of the two groups of cremation burials are similar (scattered deposition of the cremated remains, their incompleteness, the presence of collective burials, the presence of animal bones). The kurgans with inhumations of the Old-Russian period demonstrate a qualitatively dif- fering phenomenon as part of the Old-Russian Christian culture spreading, together with other cultural features, from urban centres to the rural localities.
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Marshall, Alistair. "Neolithic long barrows: use of integrated remote sensing at high resolution to establish general layout and detect foreground structure." Archaeological Prospection 5, no. 2 (June 1998): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-0763(1998060)5:2<101::aid-arp103>3.0.co;2-#.

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39

Meadus, WJ, R. MacInnis, and ME Dugan. "Prolonged dietary treatment with conjugated linoleic acid stimulates porcine muscle peroxisome proliferator activated receptor gamma and glutamine-fructose aminotransferase gene expression in vivo." Journal of Molecular Endocrinology 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1677/jme.0.0280079.

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Peroxisome proliferator activated receptors (PPARs) represent a family of DNA binding proteins that are activated by a variety of dietary and endogenous fatty acids. The PPAR proteins are expressed throughout the body and are the target of a variety of lipidaemic and insulin sensitizing drugs. Conjugated linoleic acid (CLA) is a collective name for octadecadienoic acid isomers with conjugated double bonds, which can also act as ligands for some of the PPAR family. To gain better understanding of the long-term effects of PPAR activation, CLA was fed at 11 g/kg of feed for 45 days to castrated male pigs (barrows). These barrows had a significant repartitioning of subcutaneous fat to lean tissue in the carcass: fat was reduced by 9 x 2% and lean muscle was increased by 3 x 5%, but intramuscular fat content was also increased by 14% (P<0 x 05). PPARgamma, glutamine-fructose aminotransferase (GFAT), adipocyte fatty acid binding protein (AFABP), but not PPARalpha mRNA levels were significantly increased (P<0 x 05) in the CLA-fed pigs. The increased expression of PPARgamma and AFABP indicates that CLA induced the development of preadipocytes from stromal-vascular (s-v) stem cells to promote intramuscular fat content. The increase in the expression of GFAT mRNA indicates that the glucose supply of the muscle cells had been increased with the CLA diet, possibly sparing intramuscular fatty acid reserves.
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Platonova, N., and T. Zheglova. "Zapolye-3 — a site of the “pre-sopki” culture in the Upper Luga River region." Archaeological News 31 (2021): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2021-31-179-195.

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Under the mound of sopka no. 4 near the village of Peredolsky Pogost, there were revealed flat-grave burials in small pits and a concentration of pits of an unclear purpose including pillar holes. Some of them were 14С dated to within the interval of the 4th–7th century. The pottery from two of the pits has parallels in the “pre-sopki” antiquities and the culture of the Pskov long barrows. The buried topsoil in this area is almost sterile, but two finds of the Roman period were recovered from the surface of the virgin soil layer. Possibly, the cultural layer was deposited in the course of ritual activities performed in the sacral zone of the burial ground in different epochs.
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41

Mazurkevich, Andrey N., Ekaterina V. Dolbunova, Aleksandr L. Aleksandrovsky, Jorg W. E. Fassbinder, Mikhail V. Sablin, and Ivan G. Shirobokov. "Preliminary results of an investigation of a single Barrow near the village of Serteya (Smolensk region)." Światowit 57 (December 17, 2019): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6793.

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A single burial mound is located on the right bank of the Serteyka River (north-western Russia). It was discovered by E.A. Schmidt in 1951 and is attributed to the Old Russian Period. New researches on the burial mound conducted in 2013 and 2014 have uncovered several diachronic constructions. The first stage was connected to a flint knapping site, which was located on a natural ele- vation. It can be attributed to the 6th millennium BC on the basis of the Early Neolithic pottery fragments found nearby. The next period is dated to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, when a ritual platform was created. Moreover, on another mound, a ditch was created, which can be attributed to the Long Barrow Culture due to a ceramic fragment found there. Samples from burnt bones and charcoal indicate that the first and second stages of this construction could be dated to between the middle and the second half of the 3rd millennium BC – the late stage of the Zhizhitskaya Culture of pile-dwellers and the initial stage of the Uzmenskaya Culture. Animal bones were cremated along with bronze items, as evidenced by the patina visible on the surface of the bones. Such a rite has been recorded for the first time. Furthermore, a ritual fire-place was set on a flat platform, and additional fireplaces were situated on the slope of the burial mound. This complex, which can be interpreted as a site of worship from the Late Neolithic through the Early Bronze Age, existed for a long period of time. Nowadays, it is difficult to find analogies to such ritual complexes from the 3rd millennium BC from the territory of Poland and the Upper Dnepr region; only the kurgans and burial mounds of the Corded Ware Culture dating to the 3rd millennium BC are known. It might also be supposed that some of the sites with such a sepulchral rite, usually attributed to the Long Barrows Culture, could also be ritual sites – this, however, would require further research.
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42

Espinosa, Charmaine D., Maryane S. Sespere Faria Oliveira, Joseph Limbach, Natalia Fanelli, Markus Wiltafsky-Martin, and Hans H. Stein. "212 Conditioning and Expansion Increases Nutritional Value of Soybean Expellers." Journal of Animal Science 99, Supplement_1 (May 1, 2021): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jas/skab054.135.

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Abstract Two experiments were conducted to test the hypothesis that different combinations of conditioning and expansion of soybean expellers increases nutritional value. Non-heat-treated soybean expellers (L-1) and soybean expellers conditioned for 60 s at 90ºC followed by expansion at 110ºC (L-2) were used. Two additional sources of soybean expellers (L-3 and L-4) were processed as L-2 with the exception that the initial conditioning was followed by long-term conditioning for 12 or 48 min at 100ºC before expansion. Analyzed trypsin inhibitor activity in L-1, L-2, L-3, and L-4 was 34.0, 23.1, 4.2, and 2.4 mg/g, respectively. In experiment 1, 10 cannulated barrows (54.22 ± 4.54 kg) were allotted to a replicated 5 × 4 Youden square with 5 diets and 4 periods and 8 replicates per diet. Each source of soybean expellers was included in one diet, and a N-free diet was also used. Data were analyzed by ANOVA using the Mixed Procedure of SAS. The standardized ileal digestibility (SID) of all amino acids (AA) in L-1 was less (P &lt; 0.01) compared with L-2, L-3, and L-4 (Table 1), and SID of all AA in L-2 was less (P &lt; 0.01) than in L-3 or L-4. In experiment 2, 40 barrows (17.52 ± 1.63 kg) were housed in metabolism crates and fed a corn diet or 4 diets based on corn and each source of soybean expellers. Feces and urine were collected using the marker-to-marker approach with 5-d adaptation and 4-d collection periods. Data were analyzed as in Exp. 1. The metabolizable energy (ME) in L-1 was less (P &lt; 0.01) than in L-2, L-3, and L-4 (Table 1). In conclusion, the SID of AA in soybean expellers was maximized if 12 or 48 min of conditioning at 100ºC was used before expansion, but long-term conditioning did not increase ME.
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43

Arnoldussen, Stijn, and David Fontijn. "Towards Familiar Landscapes? On the Nature and Origin of Middle Bronze Age Landscapes in the Netherlands." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 72 (2006): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00000864.

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In many regions in north-west Europe, the Middle Bronze Age is seen as the first period in which a ‘humanly-ordered’ agrarian landscape took shape that has resonance with rural landscapes of historical periods. But what did this ‘ordering’ actually involve? Basing ourselves on a survey of the rich evidence from the Netherlands – including the evidence on everyday settlement sites as well as the use of the non-everyday ‘ritual’ zones in the land – we argue that from c. 1500 cal BC onwards the landscape was organised and structured by specific, ideological concepts of regularity and categorisation that are distinct from those of the preceding Neolithic and Earlier Bronze Age. We will show that elaborate three-aisled farmhouses of very regular layout emerged here around c. 1500 cal BC and argue that this profound architectural change cannot simply be explained by assuming agricultural intensification combined with indoor stalling of cattle, as conventional theories would have it. Also, we will argue that the way in which the settled land was used from this period onwards was also different than before. Neolithic and Early Bronze Age settlements, far from being ‘ephemeral’, seem to have been organised along different lines than those of the Middle Bronze Age-B (MBA-B: 1500–1050 cal BC). The same holds true for the way in which barrows structured the land. Although they were significant elements in the organisation of the landscape from the Late Neolithic onwards and do hardly change in outer form, we will show that MBA barrows played a different role in the structuring of landscape, adhering to long-term categorisation and zoning therein. A similar attitude can also be discerned in patterns of object deposition in ‘natural’ places. Practices of selective deposition existed long before the MBA-B but, because of different subsistence bases of the pre-MBA-B communities, their interpretations of unaltered ‘natural’ places will have differed significantly. The presence of multiple deposition zones in the MBA-B also must have relied on a unprecedented way of persistent categorisation of the ‘natural’ environment. Finally, the evidence from ‘domestic, funerary and ritual’ sites is recombined in order to typify what the Dutch Middle Bronze Age landscape was about.
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Nogaj-Chachaj, Jolanta. "The stone-packed graves of the Funnel Beaker culture in Karmanowice, site 35." Antiquity 65, no. 248 (September 1991): 628–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080261.

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Three groups of the Funnel Beaker culture in the middle Neolithic have been distinguished in Poland: East, Southeast and Silesian-Moravian (Kowalczyk 1970: Jażdżewski 1984), dated to 5250–4450 b.p. (4095–3245 BC) (Wiślański 1979). The earliest research was carried out on the cemeteries of the East Group, and a variant form, the Kujavian grave type, recognized (FIGURE 1A).Kujavian graves are usually considered to be megalithic (Midgley 1985; Hoika 1990). They have stone-bordered barrows of triangular or trapezoid shape, being on average 50–100 m long and 3.5–15 m wide (Chmielewski 1952; Jażdżewski 1969). The majority of the Kujavian graves had a central grave usually located near the base of the construction. The number of burials varies between one and four, comprising extended inhumation, with the body lying on its back in a shallow pit which was sometimes had oval settings of stones round them (Chmielewski 1952).
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Islanova, Inna. "Msta-Mologa group of antiquities of the mid-1st millennium AD at the Volga-Baltic watershed." Archaeological news 28 (2020): 249–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2020-28-249-257.

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A separate cultural and chronological Msta-Mologa group of sites of the mid-1st millennium AD was defined through the available archaeological evidence, in the area of the Volga-Baltic watershed. Pottery complexes from two regularly investigated settlement-sites — Troitsa 1 and Ovsishche 1, are the main markers of this group. The mass material is similar to the pottery distributed in the Moshchiny culture and late Dyakovo settlements in the Upper Volga region. The initial territory of the new population, according to the evidence of pottery and other finds, possibly was that of the basin of the Upper Mologa (left tributary of the Volga). The presence of derivatives of the pottery of the Msta- Mologa group in the burial monuments of the culture of Pskov long barrows in this region suggests that the population of the group under consideration dissolved in the massif of that early mediaeval culture.
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46

Marina, Zoia, and Oleksandra Romashko. "Barrows of the Eneolithic-Early Iron Age in the Kalinovka in the Dnieper Nadporozhye." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (October 17, 2020): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190221.

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The main aim of this article is description and publication of the materials of two barrows which was explored by the expedition of the Dmytro Yavornytsky National Historical Museum of Dnipro by L. P. Krylova in 1973. They located near the Kalinovka village of the Solonyansky raiion of the Dnipropetrovska oblast. Methods: comparative-historical, typological, chronological, descriptive. Main results. The barrows near the Kalinovka village of the Solonyansky raiion of the Dnipropetrovska oblast belonged to a large burial ground, which was partly destroyed. Only the mound with a sign of triangulation remained was saved at the time of excavation. The mound 1 was build in two construction receptions. The primary mound, fixed on the V-shaped ditch, is filled for the main grave 7 of post-mariupol culture. It is connected with the device of a near-tomb pavement made of wood with separate inclusions of stones and a peculiar covering of the sub-square site with a layer of clay. Both ritual actions are known in a member of post-mariupol burials of the territorial variant of the Steppe Dnipro and the Dnipro Nadporizhzhya. The main markers of the burial rite of the post-mariupol burials are the shape of the burial pit, elongated position of the deceased on the back, orientation to East, the presence of ocher carmine color. The group of pit burials (№№ 3,5,6,9) forms the second cultural-chronological horizon. One of them may be associated with a ring filler, which brought the mound to a modern size. The most recent are burials of zrubna culture (№№ 2,8), in one of which ceramic fragments were found. Cultural identity of grave 1 has not been established. Barrow 2 was 4 m high and 30 m in diameter, was erected for four simultaneous Scythian burials. The embankment was surrounded by a ditch with two bridges at the East and Nord edges, 1,5 m in length and bones of animals from the reed. Outside the pit, vertically standing stones of the cromlech are traced. All the graves are made in the same type of catacomb, which are distributed in the Northern Black Sea in the IV–III centuries BC. The main grave 3 was collective – two adults (a man and a woman) and a child. The surviving in situ parts of the male skeleton testify to the position of the burials elongated on the back, the head to the East. The burial was repeatedly robbed. At the entrance to the chamber, from the inside, a part of the wall of a bronze boiler was found. For the chronological definitions, well-dated categories of inventory (arrowheads and ect.) are involved, allowing to date grave 3 to the second half of the IV and beginning of the III BC. The life-long social status of a man of grave 3 in the hierarchy of the caldron-holders is related to the head of the genus of the lower aristocratic stratum of the Scythian society. The three graves contained various age burials of children, accompanied by ornaments. Their status is ambiguous since may reflect both generic or tribal affinity with those buried in grave 3, and a dependent position relative to the child in grave 3 as a possible heir to a sufficiently high social rank of the father. Concise conclusions. The obtained materials allow to determine the time of occurrence of a burial mound near the Kalinovka village by the Eneolithic in the presence of post-mariupol burials, which mark the appearance of a mound rite in the Steppe and Pre-Dnipro Ukraine. Its further functioning is connected with the Bronze Age, represented by pit and log complexes. The later cultural and chronological layer is formed by the Scythian burials, which reflect the processes of social stratification of the society. Practical meaning. The published materials can be used in generalizing research of the problems of archeology of the Early Iron Age of Ukraine. Scientific novelty. The cultural and chronological features of mound construction and burial complexes near the Kalinovka village of the Solonyansky raiion of the Dnipropetrovska oblast had been determine. Type of article: analytical.
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47

Whittle, Alasdair, and Alex Bayliss. "The Times of Their Lives: from Chronological Precision to Kinds of History and Change." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 17, no. 1 (January 30, 2007): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774307000030.

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In preparing for the publication of the seven papers in the special supplement of Cambridge Archaeological Journal, we were concerned to find an outlet that could find a worldwide audience, as we believe that these papers have more than regional or period significance. That is a big claim. The case studies presented in the supplement are all of early Neolithic long barrows and long cairns of the fourth millennium cal. bc in southern England. Why should a study of the dating of constructions that held the remains of selected human dead, from a particular region of northwest Europe, at a particular point in the regional Neolithic sequence, have any wider importance? We offer two reasons. First, we are applying, perhaps for the first time to a group of monuments rather than to individual sites, a method for the interpretation of radiocarbon dates which enables much more precise estimates of chronology. Secondly, from this promise of far more robust and precise dating come many implications for the kinds of agents that we may wish to people our pasts, for the kinds of lives they lived, and for the histories that we can try to write about them. These are two developments, we suggest, which any archaeology needs to embrace.
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48

Hey, Gill. "Long Barrows of the Cotswolds and Surrounding Areas. By Timothy Darvill. 250mm. Pp 320, ills. Stroud: Tempus Publishing Ltd, 2004. ISBN 0752429078. £19.99 (pbk)." Antiquaries Journal 86 (September 2006): 414–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500000287.

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49

Ivanova, Svitlana. "Ancient Burial Mounds as a Symbolic System." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 16, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2021.01.017.

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Analysis of early dates and stratigraphy of burial mound complexes (the second half of the V millennium BC) led to the conclusion, that they are not directly related to the burial embankment, but relate to complex monumental structures — sanctuaries. The sanctuaries preceded the burial mounds in chronological aspect, and they functioned for a long time without creating an embankment above them. The part of sanctuaries had astronomical reference points and were connected to calendar-zodiac symbolism. Sometimes burials were carried out on the territory of sanctuaries; these burials had sacral nature. These were flat burials and the mound above them were not erected. Burial mounds above the sanctuaries began to appear after burials of later epochs were carried out in sacral places (not earlier than 38/37 BC.). These mounds erroneously are associated with flat burials or ground sanctuaries. The dating of burial mounds by the dating of sacral flat burials (or by the dating of «pillar sanctuaries») mistakenly depreciated the dating of appearance of the first mounds in the Steppe Black Sea region and Transcaucasia. The separation of these complexes in time and space (the flat ground sanctuary and the burial mound itself) allowed drawing conclusions about the existence of this sanctuaries in 45—40 BC. The burial mounds appear later, their installation in the place of sanctuaries is connected with the sacral nature of the place. Throughout Europe, barrows appear almost simultaneously, in 38/37 BC, although in different cultures. It is possible to assume the Central European and Lower Danube influence on the formation of ideological ideas of the Steppe population. In particular, the phenomenon of sanctuaries of the Middle Eneolithic may have originated under Central European influence. It obviously had structural similarities with other complexes built in accordance with the movement of the celestial luminaries in the late Neolithic of Central and Atlantic Europe. The appearance of sanctuaries can be attributed to the circle of archaeological evidence of the interaction between the world of early farmers of Southeast and Central Europe and the "steppe" world of the pastoralists. The barrows of the Black Sea and Caucasian steppe are synchronous with European burial mounds, and their ancientization and equation with the dating of sanctuaries is erroneous.
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50

Bandrivskyi, Mykola. "Slotted zoomorphic pommel on iron pins from barrow 2 in Kotsyubynchyky in the context of elite burials of Western Podillia." Materials and studies on archaeology of Sub-Carpathian and Volhynian area 24 (December 20, 2020): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/mdapv.2020-24-317-330.

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The article deals with bronze slotted zoomorphic pommels on iron pins – one of the phenomena in material culture of Ukrainian Forest-Steppe from the beginning of Early Iron Age. One of the best preserved complexes of them was discovered by archeological expedition of I. Krypiakevych Institute of Ukrainian Studies of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, led by the author, in outskirts of village of Kotsyubynchyky near Chortkiv in Ternopil region. Almost all pommels of this type known today are divided by the author into two groups: products with socket and ones on iron pins. It has been suggested that this technological feature may reflect not only slightly different functional specificity of their use, but also differences in religious and funeral context for which, in fact, the above-mentioned pommels were made. It is confirmed that all pommels of this type were found exclusively in forest-steppe zone of modern Ukraine, in Carpathian region and in Caucasus – historical Kuban. Moreover, fact of complete absence of zoomorphic slotted pommels on iron pins in this period in steppe zone of Ukrainian Black Sea region (and in Eastern European steppe in general) needs to be explained. Mapping such slotted pommels on pins, gave the author a reason to identify four areas of their compact distribution: 1 – Pre-Caucasus region (Ulskie barrows, Kelermes, Krasnoznamenskiy barrow, Hoverdovsky khutor near Maykop); 2 – Posullya region (Starsha Mohyla, Vovkivtsi, Budky, Popivka); 3 – Region of the Right Bank of Dnipro River (Repyahuvata Mohyla, Matusiv, Zhurivka, Smela, Mezhyrichka); 4 – Carpathian region (Mihályfa, Gernyeszeg, Gyöngyös and two items from the museum in Bucharest). On the territory between these four compact and clear areas of distribution of slotted zoomorphic pommels on iron pins (except for researched complex in Kotsyubynchyky 2 barrow), other objects of such type were not detected. Suggestions made at the article that such compactness of their distribution indicates their exclusive use only for a narrow category of privileged persons within limited area. On the other hand, at that time there could be certain «sacred» border within which such pommels were used and to cross through which cult regulations of that time did not allow. Analysis conducted by the author gave grounds to assume that zoomorphic pommels from the barrow of Kotsyubynchyky 2 can be included neither to the group of pommels of Carpathian region (it is contradicted by image on the pommels from Kotsyubynchyky only of the head of fallow deer, and not the whole figure, which, as were shown above, is a striking feature of the products from Carpathians), nor to a group of similar pommels from the areas of Eastern European forest-steppe, among which images of heads of fallow deer are almost unknown. Hence, it is concluded that mentioned zoomorphic pommels from Kotsyubynchyky 2 barrow represent, by all signs, an intermediate link between pommels of Eastern European forest-steppe and ones from Carpathian region. Material presented at the article shows that those long-noticed examples of interrelationships and interactions between cultures of Early Iron Age of Carpathian-Dnister region, South Caucasus and Western Asian states penetrated into various spheres of life of communities of that time; including such, seemingly, very conservative and delicate sphere of their life as religious preferences and related funeral traditions. Key words: bronze slotted zoomorphic pommels, Western Podillia, barrow 2, Kotsyubynchyky.
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