Journal articles on the topic 'Longhorn cattle'

AbstractThe Longhorn cattle breed has a long and prestigious history, dating back prior to the livestock pioneers of the 18th century. It was, for a period, the improved breed of choice in the Midland Counties. But the breed gradually fell from favour and, by the early 1970s, only 6 significant Longhorn herds remained in the UK. However, the Longhorn was one of many rare breeds to benefit from the growth of the rare breeds movement in the 1970s, led by the Rare Breeds Survival Trust. A number of factors have helped the breed to recover, including: an active breed society providing registrations and analyses based on these, promoting the breed, organising sales and shows and providing an important social framework for breeders and supporters; creation of a semen bank; niche marketing of meat and hides and the use of the breed in conservation grazing.

Walter Shandy’s fecundity is called into question in several chapters of Tristram Shandy, and so is the ability of his bull. This note draws a socio-historical connection between Walter’s and the bull’s fertility and a common cattle breed likely known by Sterne.

Congenital ocular disease occurs uncommonly in cattle, with multiple abnormalities reported only sporadically in the literature. This report describes a case of anterior segment dysgenesis resulting in glaucoma in a 4-month-old Texas Longhorn steer. On clinical exam, bilateral buphthalmia was present and intraocular pressures exceeded 47 mm Hg in both eyes. On histopathologic examination, the iridocorneal angle and filtration apparatus were distorted due to collapse of the ciliary cleft and anterior displacement of the anterior portion of the ciliary body. No evidence of inflammation or other causes of glaucoma were recognized.

Our objective was to describe key phenotypic characteristics of a population of Rarámuri Criollo (RC) cattle introduced from the Copper Canyon of Chihuahua, México into the Southwestern United States almost two decades ago. We recorded 26 phenotypic traits of 37 RC individuals including mature cows, first-calf heifers, and mature bulls raised at the USDA-ARS Jornada Experimental Range in southern New Mexico. This herd of RC cattle exhibited intermediate body sizes compared to the smaller Corriente and larger Texas Longhorn and Florida Cracker cattle. Coat colors were similar to those described for other Criollo biotypes but horn shape and size of RC appear to be different than that of other US-based Criollo breeds. Though smaller than commercial beef breeds, RC cattle appear to be well-matched to the Southwestern US environments as evidenced by previous studies that evaluated their grazing behavior, weight gains, and carcass quality. Rarámuri Criollo cattle are a genetic resource whose conservation could be critically important for climate change adaptation of ranches in the desert Southwest.

SummaryCharacteristics of lactation performance, based on AM milk offtake and conformation, of Ankole cattle were studied during one year in 37 herds with 606 recorded cows in Mbarara district in southwestern Uganda. Recording of AM milk offtake was undertaken in eight areas of Mbarara district which represent different production systems and vegetation types.The 467 cows with complete lactation cows yielded, on average, a total AM offtake of 252 and 325 kg over first and second or higher lactations, respectively. These offtakes were higher than other African indigenous populations in pastoral systems. Mean body weight was 292 and 341 kg for first and second or higher parities, respectively. Average body measurements for all parities were 161 cm for heart girth, 129 cm for height at withers and 193 cm for body length.The daily AM milk offtake varied from 1.1 kg in the Ruhengere area characterized by thorny Acacia thickets to 1.9 kg in the bush-cleared Kanyanya area with improved pastures. Although the Ankole cows performed best on the improved pastures, their future may relatively be more favourable in the original non-cleared bush areas because of the gradually increasing competition from exotic dairy breeds and their crosses.

Summary Gene frequencies of rbc antigens were determined in Holsteins and Colombian (criollas) cattle living at 3,000 m, and in cattle descended from fighting bulls (Vacas de lidia) living at 2,500 m. These frequencies were compared with those of Holsteins, cattle native to Florida (scrub cattle), longhorns, and native cattle from Brazil (caracu cattle) living at sea level. The criollas, Vacas de lidia, scrub cows, longhorns, and caracu are descendants of original Iberian stock introduced to the Americas. We found that despite common ancestry (scrub cattle, longhorns, criollas, and caracu), genetic differences may have been derived through years of demographic isolation. The most remarkable blood-group differences were found in the high prevalence of the B system phenogroup (heritable group of antigenic factors) BQA'G'34 in the Vacas de lidia, and of the S system phenogroup U1H' in these cattle and in caracu. Furthermore, the gene frequencies differed in the Holsteins maintained at moderately high altitude (descended from Holsteins kept at sea level), and may have been reflective of the need to adapt to moderately high altitude and chronic hypoxemic conditions. Blood group polymorphism was found in all groups of cattle, although it was reduced in the Vacas de lidia, possibly because their breeding has been carefully controlled and they appear to be highly inbred.

Adult worms of a filarial parasite have been found during a survey of cattle at Wau Municipal Abbatoir, Bahr El Ghazal Province, Sudan. Two intact male worms were recovered but no females have been encountered as yet. Both worms were found within intradermal tissues at the umbilicus, and came from separate animals of the longhorned variety of indigenous Zebu cattle, Bos indicus. They were unencapsulated in the tissues from which they were isolated by dissection, fixed in 10% (v/v) formal saline and examined by phase microscopy. Dimensions were calculated from camera lucida drawings and are given as mean values for the two specimens.

SummaryA field and literature survey was conducted to determine the status of cattle genetic resources of sub-Saharan Africa and to identify cattle breeds at risk and those which may have become extinct over the last century. This paper - in two parts - summarises preliminary results of the survey. The survey revealed that sub-Saharan Africa is home to a total of 145 cattle breeds/strains comprising two taurine Longhorns, 15 taurine Shorthorns, 75 zebu (Bos indicus), 30 sanga, eight zenga (zebu-sanga), nine breeds derived from interbreeding of indigenous breeds/strains located in close proximity to each other, and six systematically created composite breeds. Out of the 145 breeds identified from the survey, 47 (about 32%) were considered to be at risk of extinction. Risk categories used were: Critical (most severe), Endangered, Vulnerable, and Rare (least severe). Of the breeds identified to be at risk of extinction, six were in the “Rare”category, 10 were “Vulnerable” another 10 were “Endangered”and 15 were in the “Critical”category. A total of 22 breeds (about 13%) previously recognised in the continent have become extinct in the last century. This number excludes some populations which have lost their individual identity due to admixtures involving two or more originally distinct breeds.

SummaryThis paper summarises preliminary results of a survey conducted as part of a large effort to systematically collate information aimed at assessing the status of cattle genetic resources of sub-Saharan Africa. The 146 indigenous breeds/strains identified from the survey are classified into nine broad groups (Humpless Longhorns, Humpless Shorthorns, Large East African Zebu, Small East African Zebu, West African Zebu, Sanga, Zenga, Recently Derived Breeds and Commercial Composites) some of which are further subdivided into several groups (based on possible genetic relationships) and clusters (based on eco-geographical locations). Each breed is then described in terms of location, physical characteristics, adaptive attributes, if known, current main uses and status in terms of qualitative or quantitative indication of trends, where available, and presence or absence of programmes for its management or further development.

Conservation of criollo breeds in the USA provides for the survival of unique genetic resources that remain productive in challenging environments. Conservation is difficult because most criollo breeds are local and have no formal organization of breeders. Successful conservation has depended on establishing accurate breed definitions and investigations of phenotype, history, and genetics. Organization of breeders and of breeding has been essential for the final success of conservation efforts. Each specific breed has met its own unique challenges. Among cattle breeds, Texas Longhorns needed an accurate breed definition as well as genetic investigations, whereas Florida Crackers needed organization. Spanish goats required definition, organization, and research into their productive potential. This has led to the Spanish goat now being secure as a popular choice for extensive production of goat meat. Navajo Churro sheep are maintained by ongoing phenotypic evaluation at each generation and careful attention to the frequency of phenotypic characteristics within the population. The other criollo sheep breeds in the USA (Louisiana, Gulf Coast, and Florida) have benefitted from genetic studies that demonstrate differences among the breeds and guide conservation of each of these related types in isolation one from the others. The organization of criollo swine has lagged behind the others, with the Duroc standing out as an exception that has become one of the main breeds in commercial hog production.

Salorn, a new breed of lean beef cattle, is under development in the United States. The Salorn is comprised of 5/8 French Salers and 3/8 Texas Longhorn blood. This combination of genetics utilizes the most historically adapted breed of cattle in America-the Texas Longhorn-with the Salers, which is claimed to be the most proven carcass quality breed.

Mycobacterium avium ssp. paratuberculosis (MAP) is the cause of Johne's disease (JD) in a wide range of domestic and wild ruminants. Single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in several genes including solute-like carrier 11A1 (SLC11A1), interferon gamma (IFNγ), Toll-like receptor 4 (TLR4), nucleotide-binding oligomerization domain 2 gene (NOD2), and bovine peptidoglycan recognition protein 1 (PGLYRP1) have been implicated in influencing the infection outcome of MAP in cattle. We have carried out a survey in a population of Ankole cattle from three districts in the central region of Uganda including Isingiro, Lyantonde, and Rakai to determine the role played by several SNPs on the above genes in the infection outcome of local cattle in Uganda. Nine hundred fifty-five heads of cattle obtained from 93 herds were tested using ELISA. Thirty-five ELISA-positive cattle and 35 negative herd mates from a total of 955 cattle tested for MAP were genotyped using iPLEX MassARRAY genotyping systems to detect the presence of a total of 13 SNPS in five different genes (SLC11A1, IFNγ, TLR4, NOD2, and PGLYRP1). The cow-level prevalence of MAP infection in Ankole Longhorn cattle in the three districts was 3.98% (35/955), while the herd-level prevalence was 27.9% and within-herd prevalence was 12 ± 1.5% (95% CI = 9.1–14.8%). The genotypes and allele frequencies of the MAP-positive cattle were compared with those of their ELISA-negative herd mates to determine the significance of the polymorphisms. The results showed that SNPs rs109915208, rs110514940, and rs110905610 on SLC11A1, c.480G>A and c.625C>A on PGLYRP1, and c.2021C>T on TLR4 were monomorphic in both seropositive and seronegative cattle and therefore had no influence on the infection outcome. The remaining SNPs studied in the five genes [SLC11A1: rs109614179; TLR4: rs29017188 (c.226G>C), c.2021C>T; NOD2: rs110536091, rs111009394; PGLYRP1: c.102G>C, c.480G>A, c.625C>A; IFNγ: rs110853455] were polymorphic, but their allele and genotype frequencies did not show any significant difference between the seropositive and seronegative cattle. No significant difference was observed for any haplotype at the gene level.

The Asian longhorned tick, Haemaphysalis longicornis Neumann, also known as the longhorned tick, bush tick (Australia), and cattle tick (New Zealand), is a three-host tick native to East Asia. This tick has been categorized as an invasive species in Australia, New Zealand, and several Pacific Islands. In the U.S., an Asian longhorned tick infestation was recorded in New Jersey during the fall of 2017. This tick is somewhat unique in that females are capable of parthenogenesis, meaning that females can produce offspring without having mated with males. The Asian longhorned tick feeds on a wide range of hosts including birds and mammals, including humans. This tick is considered a medical and veterinary vector due to its ability to transmit pathogens that cause disease in humans and other animals.https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/in1263

Abstract The first established population of the Asian longhorned tick Haemaphysalis longicornis (Neumann, Acari: Ixodidae) was discovered in a northern South Carolina county in June 2022. A coordinated investigation was launched to investigate the invasive tick’s pathogen infection prevalence and blood meal preferences. Almost 2,000 Ha. longicornis ticks were collected from one cattle field. A majority of collected ticks had evidence of cattle and dog blood meals, and multiple samples were tested positive for Borrelia burgdorferi s.l. and Theileria orientalis—first reports for these pathogens in this tick species in South Carolina. This investigation was the direct result of a collaborative education campaign and tick surveillance program launched earlier in the year with multiple state partners.

Abstract We describe the first known established Asian longhorned tick (ALT) (Acari: Ixodidae: Haemaphysalis longicornis Neumann) population in Ohio, USA. In mid-summer 2021, we collected ALTs from an infested pasture in response to an alert that grazing cattle had been infested with ticks, and 3 of them had died. No ALTs were reported following pesticide treatment of the pasture in fall 2021. In the laboratory, we identified 9,287 ticks to species, representing all 3 life stages, as ALTs and tested 100 of the adult females for infectious agents relevant to human and animal health, including Theileria orientalis, a cattle disease agent. Eight field-collected ticks were positive for Anaplasma phagocytophilum (n = 100, 8%); no other infectious agents were detected. Active environmental surveillance showed the return of ALTs in June 2022 despite the tick control efforts in 2021. As ALTs continue to expand their range in the United States, active and passive surveillance studies will be needed to characterize their evolving role in human and animal health.

Abstract Background Theileria orientalis is a tick-borne hemoparasite that causes anemia, ill thrift, and death in cattle globally. The Ikeda strain of T.orientalis is more virulent than other strains, leading to severe clinical signs and death of up to 5% of affected animals. Within the Asia–Pacific region, where it affects 25% of Australian cattle, T.orientalis Ikeda has a significant economic impact on the cattle industry. In 2017, T.orientalis Ikeda was detected in a cattle herd in Albermarle County, Virginia, United States. Months earlier, the U.S. was alerted to the invasion of the Asian longhorned tick, Haemaphysalis longicornis, throughout the eastern U.S. Abundant H.longicornis ticks were identified on cattle in the T.orientalis-affected herd in VA, and a subset of ticks from the environment were PCR-positive for T.orientalis Ikeda. A strain of T.orientalis from a previous U.S. outbreak was not transmissible by H.longicornis; however, H.longicornis is the primary tick vector of T.orientalis Ikeda in other regions of the world. Thus, the objective of this study was to determine whether invasive H.longicornis ticks in the U.S. are competent vectors of T.orientalis Ikeda. Methods Nymphal H.longicornis ticks were fed on a splenectomized calf infected with the VA-U.S.-T.orientalis Ikeda strain. After molting, a subset of adult ticks from this cohort were dissected, and salivary glands assayed for T.orientalis Ikeda via qPCR. The remaining adult ticks from the group were allowed to feed on three calves. Calves were subsequently monitored for T.orientalis Ikeda infection via blood smear cytology and PCR. Results After acquisition feeding on a VA-U.S.-T.orientalis Ikeda-infected calf as nymphs, a subset of molted adult tick salivary glands tested positive by qPCR for T.orientalis Ikeda. Adult ticks from the same cohort successfully transmitted T.orientalis Ikeda to 3/3 naïve calves, each of which developed parasitemia reaching 0.4–0.9%. Conclusions Our findings demonstrate that U.S. H.longicornis ticks are competent vectors of the VA-U.S.-T.orientalis Ikeda strain. This data provides important information for the U.S. cattle industry regarding the potential spread of this parasite and the necessity of enhanced surveillance and control measures.

Abstract Haemaphysalis longicornis Neumann (Asian longhorned tick) is an exotic and invasive tick species presenting a health and economic threat to the United States (U.S.) cattle industry due to its ability to transmit pathogens and infest hosts in large numbers. The objective of this study was to evaluate available products at causing H. longicornis mortality in a laboratory bioassay. The efficacy of products was evaluated at label rates using H. longicornis nymphs collected from a cattle farm in eastern Tennessee in two different bioassays (spray or dip) against untreated controls. After exposure, ticks were transferred to clean petri dishes and checked for mortality at 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 21, 24, and 48 h post exposure. No mortality occurred in the untreated controls, whereas all treated ticks were dead within 24 h of exposure (P < 0.0001). These findings support the hypothesis that currently available spray and pour-on products are effective at causing H. longicornis mortality. We conclude that these acaricides can be used as a component to prevent H. longicornis dispersal and for control in the U.S.

In the contemporary era, media spectacle organizes and mobilizes economic life, political conflict, social interactions, culture, and everyday life. My recently published book Media Spectacle explores a profusion of developments in hi-tech culture, media-driven society, and spectacle politics. Spectacle culture involves everything from film and broadcasting to Internet cyberculture and encompasses phenomena ranging from elections to terrorism and to the media dramas of the moment. For ‘Logo’, I am accordingly sketching out briefly a terrain I probe in detail in the book from which these examples are taken.1 During the past decades, every form of culture and significant forms of social life have become permeated by the logic of the spectacle. Movies are bigger and more spectacular than ever, with high-tech special effects expanding the range of cinematic spectacle. Television channels proliferate endlessly with all-day movies, news, sports, specialty niches, re-runs of the history of television, and whatever else can gain an audience. The rock spectacle reverberates through radio, television, CDs, computers networks, and extravagant concerts. The Internet encircles the world in the spectacle of an interactive and multimedia cyberculture. Media culture excels in creating megaspectacles of sports championships, political conflicts, entertainment, "breaking news" and media events, such as the O.J. Simpson trial, the Death of Princess Diana, or the sex or murder scandal of the moment. Megaspectacle comes as well to dominate party politics, as the political battles of the day, such as the Clinton sex scandals and impeachment, the 36 Day Battle for the White House after Election 2000, and the September 11 terrorist attacks and subsequent Terror War. These dramatic media passion plays define the politics of the time, and attract mass audiences to their programming, hour after hour, day after day. The concept of "spectacle" derives from French Situationist theorist Guy Debord's 1972 book Society of the Spectacle. "Spectacle," in Debord's terms, "unifies and explains a great diversity of apparent phenomena" (Debord 1970: #10). In one sense, it refers to a media and consumer society, organized around the consumption of images, commodities, and spectacles. Spectacles are those phenomena of media culture which embody contemporary society's basic values, and dreams and nightmares, putting on display dominant hopes and fears. They serve to enculturate individuals into its way of life, and dramatize its conflicts and modes of conflict resolution. They include sports events, political campaigns and elections, and media extravaganzas like sensational murder trials, or the Bill Clinton sex scandals and impeachment spectacle (1998-1999). As we enter a new millennium, the media are becoming ever more technologically dazzling and are playing an increasingly central role in everyday life. Under the influence of a postmodern image culture, seductive spectacles fascinate the denizens of the media and consumer society and involve them in the semiotics of a new world of entertainment, information, a semiotics of a new world of entertainment, information, and drama, which deeply influence thought and action. For Debord: "When the real world changes into simple images, simple images become real beings and effective motivations of a hypnotic behavior. The spectacle as a tendency to make one see the world by means of various specialized mediations (it can no longer be grasped directly), naturally finds vision to be the privileged human sense which the sense of touch was for other epochs; the most abstract, the most mystifiable sense corresponds to the generalized abstraction of present day society" (#18). Today, however, I would maintain it is the multimedia spectacle of sight, sound, touch, and, coming to you soon, smell that constitutes the multidimensional sense experience of the new interactive spectacle. For Debord, the spectacle is a tool of pacification and depoliticization; it is a "permanent opium war" (#44) which stupefies social subjects and distracts them from the most urgent task of real life -- recovering the full range of their human powers through creative praxis. The concept of the spectacle is integrally connected to the concept of separation and passivity, for in passively consuming spectacles, one is separated from actively producing one's life. Capitalist society separates workers from the products of their labor, art from life, and consumption from human needs and self-directing activity, as individuals passively observe the spectacles of social life from within the privacy of their homes (#25 and #26). The situationist project by contrast involved an overcoming of all forms of separation, in which individuals would directly produce their own life and modes of self-activity and collective practice. Since Debord's theorization of the society of the spectacle in the 1960s and 1970s, spectacle culture has expanded in every area of life. In the culture of the spectacle, commercial enterprises have to be entertaining to prosper and as Michael J. Wolf (1999) argues, in an "entertainment economy," business and fun fuse, so that the E-factor is becoming major aspect of business.2 Via the "entertainmentization" of the economy, television, film, theme parks, video games, casinos, and so forth become major sectors of the national economy. In the U.S., the entertainment industry is now a $480 billion industry, and consumers spend more on having fun than on clothes or health care (Wolf 1999: 4).3 In a competitive business world, the "fun factor" can give one business the edge over another. Hence, corporations seek to be more entertaining in their commercials, their business environment, their commercial spaces, and their web sites. Budweiser ads, for instance, feature talking frogs who tell us nothing about the beer, but who catch the viewers' attention, while Taco Bell deploys a talking dog, and Pepsi uses Star Wars characters. Buying, shopping, and dining out are coded as an "experience," as businesses adopt a theme-park style. Places like the Hard Rock Cafe and the House of Blues are not renowned for their food, after all; people go there for the ambience, to buy clothing, and to view music and media memorabilia. It is no longer good enough just to have a web site, it has to be an interactive spectacle, featuring not only products to buy, but music and videos to download, games to play, prizes to win, travel information, and "links to other cool sites." To succeed in the ultracompetitive global marketplace, corporations need to circulate their image and brand name so business and advertising combine in the promotion of corporations as media spectacles. Endless promotion circulates the McDonald’s Golden Arches, Nike’s Swoosh, or the logos of Apple, Intel, or Microsoft. In the brand wars between commodities, corporations need to make their logos or “trademarks” a familiar signpost in contemporary culture. Corporations place their logos on their products, in ads, in the spaces of everyday life, and in the midst of media spectacles like important sports events, TV shows, movie product placement, and wherever they can catch consumer eyeballs, to impress their brand name on a potential buyer. Consequently, advertising, marketing, public relations and promotion are an essential part of commodity spectacle in the global marketplace. Celebrity too is manufactured and managed in the world of media spectacle. Celebrities are the icons of media culture, the gods and goddesses of everyday life. To become a celebrity requires recognition as a star player in the field of media spectacle, be it sports, entertainment, or politics. Celebrities have their handlers and image managers to make sure that their celebrities continue to be seen and positively perceived by publics. Just as with corporate brand names, celebrities become brands to sell their Madonna, Michael Jordan, Tom Cruise, or Jennifer Lopez product and image. In a media culture, however, celebrities are always prey to scandal and thus must have at their disposal an entire public relations apparatus to manage their spectacle fortunes, to make sure their clients not only maintain high visibility but keep projecting a positive image. Of course, within limits, “bad” and transgressions can also sell and so media spectacle contains celebrity dramas that attract public attention and can even define an entire period, as when the O.J. Simpson murder trials and Bill Clinton sex scandals dominated the media in the mid and late 1990s. Entertainment has always been a prime field of the spectacle, but in today's infotainment society, entertainment and spectacle have entered into the domains of the economy, politics, society, and everyday life in important new ways. Building on the tradition of spectacle, contemporary forms of entertainment from television to the stage are incorporating spectacle culture into their enterprises, transforming film, television, music, drama, and other domains of culture, as well as producing spectacular new forms of culture such as cyberspace, multimedia, and virtual reality. For Neil Gabler, in an era of media spectacle, life itself is becoming like a movie and we create our own lives as a genre like film, or television, in which we become "at once performance artists in and audiences for a grand, ongoing show" (1998: 4). On Gabler’s view, we star in our own "lifies," making our lives into entertainment acted out for audiences of our peers, following the scripts of media culture, adopting its role models and fashion types, its style and look. Seeing our lives in cinematic terms, entertainment becomes for Gabler "arguably the most pervasive, powerful and ineluctable force of our time--a force so overwhelming that it has metastasized into life" to such an extent that it is impossible to distinguish between the two (1998: 9). As Gabler sees it, Ralph Lauren is our fashion expert; Martha Stewart designs our sets; Jane Fonda models our shaping of our bodies; and Oprah Winfrey advises us on our personal problems.4 Media spectacle is indeed a culture of celebrity who provide dominant role models and icons of fashion, look, and personality. In the world of spectacle, celebrity encompasses every major social domain from entertainment to politics to sports to business. An ever-expanding public relations industry hypes certain figures, elevating them to celebrity status, and protects their positive image in the never-ending image wars and dangers that a celebrity will fall prey to the machinations of negative-image and thus lose celebrity status, and/or become figures of scandal and approbation, as will some of the players and institutions that I examine in Media Spectacle (Kellner 2003). Sports has long been a domain of the spectacle with events like the Olympics, World Series, Super Bowl, World Soccer Cup, and NBA championships attracting massive audiences, while generating sky-high advertising rates. These cultural rituals celebrate society's deepest values (i.e. competition, winning, success, and money), and corporations are willing to pay top dollar to get their products associated with such events. Indeed, it appears that the logic of the commodity spectacle is inexorably permeating professional sports which can no longer be played without the accompaniment of cheerleaders, giant mascots who clown with players and spectators, and raffles, promotions, and contests that feature the products of various sponsors. Sports stadiums themselves contain electronic reproduction of the action, as well as giant advertisements for various products that rotate for maximum saturation -- previewing environmental advertising in which entire urban sites are becoming scenes to boost consumption spectacles. Arenas, like the United Center in Chicago, America West Arena in Phoenix, on Enron Field in Houston are named after corporate sponsors. Of course, after major corporate scandals or collapse, like the Enron spectacle, the ballparks must be renamed! The Texas Ranger Ballpark in Arlington, Texas supplements its sports arena with a shopping mall, office buildings, and a restaurant in which for a hefty price one can watch the athletic events while eating and drinking.5 The architecture of the Texas Rangers stadium is an example of the implosion of sports and entertainment and postmodern spectacle. A man-made lake surrounds the stadium, the corridor inside is modeled after Chartes Cathedral, and the structure is made of local stone that provides the look of the Texas Capitol in Austin. Inside there are Texas longhorn cattle carvings, panels of Texas and baseball history, and other iconic signifiers of sports and Texas. The merging of sports, entertainment, and local spectacle is now typical in sports palaces. Tropicana Field in Tampa Bay, Florida, for instance, "has a three-level mall that includes places where 'fans can get a trim at the barber shop, do their banking and then grab a cold one at the Budweiser brew pub, whose copper kettles rise three stories. There is even a climbing wall for kids and showroom space for car dealerships'" (Ritzer 1998: 229). Film has long been a fertile field of the spectacle, with "Hollywood" connoting a world of glamour, publicity, fashion, and excess. Hollywood film has exhibited grand movie palaces, spectacular openings with searchlights and camera-popping paparazzi, glamorous Oscars, and stylish hi-tech film. While epic spectacle became a dominant genre of Hollywood film from early versions of The Ten Commandments through Cleopatra and 2001 in the 1960s, contemporary film has incorporated the mechanics of spectacle into its form, style, and special effects. Films are hyped into spectacle through advertising and trailers which are ever louder, more glitzy, and razzle-dazzle. Some of the most popular films of the late 1990s were spectacle films, including Titanic, Star Wars -- Phantom Menace, Three Kings, and Austin Powers, a spoof of spectacle, which became one of the most successful films of summer 1999. During Fall 1999, there was a cycle of spectacles, including Topsy Turvy, Titus, Cradle Will Rock, Sleepy Hollow, The Insider, and Magnolia, with the latter featuring the biblical spectacle of the raining of frogs in the San Fernando Valley, in an allegory of the decadence of the entertainment industry and deserved punishment for its excesses. The 2000 Academy Awards were dominated by the spectacle Gladiator, a mediocre film that captured best picture award and best acting award for Russell Crowe, thus demonstrating the extent to which the logic of the spectacle now dominates Hollywood film. Some of the most critically acclaimed and popular films of 2001 are also hi-tech spectacle, such as Moulin Rouge, a film spectacle that itself is a delirious ode to spectacle, from cabaret and the brothel to can-can dancing, opera, musical comedy, dance, theater, popular music, and film. A postmodern pastiche of popular music styles and hits, the film used songs and music ranging from Madonna and the Beatles to Dolly Parton and Kiss. Other 2001 film spectacles include Pearl Harbor, which re-enacts the Japanese attack on the U.S. that propelled the country to enter World War II, and that provided a ready metaphor for the September 11 terror attacks. Major 2001 film spectacles range from David Lynch’s postmodern surrealism in Mulholland Drive to Steven Spielberg’s blending of his typically sentimental spectacle of the family with the formalist rigor of Stanley Kubrick in A.I. And the popular 2001 military film Black-Hawk Down provided a spectacle of American military heroism which some critics believed sugar-coated the actual problems with the U.S. military intervention in Somalia, causing worries that a future U.S. adventure by the Bush administration and Pentagon would meet similar problems. There were reports, however, that in Somalian cinemas there were loud cheers as the Somalians in the film shot down the U.S. helicopter, and pursued and killed American soldiers, attesting to growing anti-American sentiment in the Muslim world against Bush administration policies. Television has been from its introduction in the 1940s a promoter of consumption spectacle, selling cars, fashion, home appliances, and other commodities along with consumer life-styles and values. It is also the home of sports spectacle like the Super Bowl or World Series, political spectacles like elections (or more recently, scandals), entertainment spectacle like the Oscars or Grammies, and its own spectacles like breaking news or special events. Following the logic of spectacle entertainment, contemporary television exhibits more hi-tech glitter, faster and glitzier editing, computer simulations, and with cable and satellite television, a fantastic array of every conceivable type of show and genre. TV is today a medium of spectacular programs like The X-Files or Buffy, the Vampire Slayer, and spectacles of everyday life such as MTV's The Real World and Road Rules, or the globally popular Survivor and Big Brother series. Real life events, however, took over TV spectacle in 2000-2001 in, first, an intense battle for the White House in a dead-heat election, that arguably constitutes one of the greatest political crimes and scandals in U.S. history (see Kellner 2001). After months of the Bush administration pushing the most hardright political agenda in memory and then deadlocking as the Democrats took control of the Senate in a dramatic party re-affiliation of Vermont’s Jim Jeffords, the world was treated to the most horrifying spectacle of the new millennium, the September 11 terror attacks and unfolding Terror War that has so far engulfed Afghanistan and Iraq. These events promise an unending series of deadly spectacle for the foreseeable future.6 Hence, we are emerging into a new culture of media spectacle that constitutes a novel configuration of economy, society, politics, and everyday life. It involves new cultural forms, social relations, and modes of experience. It is producing an ever-proliferating and expanding spectacle culture with its proliferating media forms, cultural spaces, and myriad forms of spectacle. It is evident in the U.S. as the new millennium unfolds and may well constitute emergent new forms of global culture. Critical social theory thus faces important challenges in theoretically mapping and analyzing these emergent forms of culture and society and the ways that they may contain novel forms of domination and oppression, as well as potential for democratization and social justice. Works Cited Debord, Guy. Society of the Spectacle. Detroit: Black and Red, 1967. Gabler, Neil. Life the Movie. How Entertainment Conquered Reality. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998. Kellner, Douglas. Grand Theft 2000. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. Kellner, Douglas. From 9/11 to Terror War: Dangers of the Bush Legacy. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003. Kellner, Douglas. Media Spectacle. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. Ritzer, George. The McDonaldization Thesis: Explorations and Extensions. Thousand Oaks, Cal. and London: Sage, 1998. Wolf, Michael J. Entertainment Economy: How Mega-Media Forces are Transforming Our Lives. New York: Times Books, 1999. Notes 1 See Douglas Kellner, Media Spectacle. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. 2 Wolf's book is a detailed and useful celebration of the "entertainment economy," although he is a shill for the firms and tycoons that he works for and celebrates them in his book. Moreover, while entertainment is certainly an important component of the infotainment economy, it is an exaggeration to say that it drives it and is actually propelling it, as Wolf repeatedly claims. Wolf also downplays the negative aspects of the entertainment economy, such as growing consumer debt and the ups and downs of the infotainment stock market and vicissitudes of the global economy. 3 Another source notes that "the average American household spent $1,813 in 1997 on entertainment -- books, TV, movies, theater, toys -- almost as much as the $1,841 spent on health care per family, according to a survey by the US Labor Department." Moreover, "the price we pay to amuse ourselves has, in some cases, risen at a rate triple that of inflation over the past five years" (USA Today, April 2, 1999: E1). The NPD Group provided a survey that indicated that the amount of time spent on entertainment outside of the home –- such as going to the movies or a sport event – was up 8% from the early to the late 1990s and the amount of time in home entertainment, such as watching television or surfing the Internet, went up 2%. Reports indicate that in a typical American household, people with broadband Internet connections spend 22% more time on all-electronic media and entertainment than the average household without broadband. See “Study: Broadband in homes changes media habits” (PCWORLD.COM, October 11, 2000). 4 Gabler’s book is a synthesis of Daniel Boorstin, Dwight Macdonald, Neil Poster, Marshall McLuhan, and other trendy theorists of media culture, but without the brilliance of a Baudrillard, the incisive criticism of an Adorno, or the understanding of the deeper utopian attraction of media culture of a Bloch or Jameson. Likewise, Gabler does not, a la cultural studies, engage the politics of representation, or its economics and political economy. He thus ignores mergers in the culture industries, new technologies, the restructuring of capitalism, globalization, and shifts in the economy that are driving the impetus toward entertainment. Gabler does get discuss how new technologies are creating new spheres of entertainment and forms of experience and in general describes rather than theorizes the trends he is engaging. 5 The project was designed and sold to the public in part through the efforts of the son of a former President, George W. Bush. Young Bush was bailed out of heavy losses in the Texas oil industry in the 1980s by his father's friends and used his capital gains, gleaned from what some say as illicit insider trading, to purchase part-ownership of a baseball team to keep the wayward son out of trouble and to give him something to do. The soon-to-be Texas governor, and future President of the United States, sold the new stadium to local taxpayers, getting them to agree to a higher sales tax to build the stadium which would then become the property of Bush and his partners. This deal allowed Bush to generate a healthy profit when he sold his interest in the Texas Rangers franchise and to buy his Texas ranch, paid for by Texas tax-payers (for sources on the scandalous life of George W. Bush and his surprising success in politics, see Kellner 2001 and the further discussion of Bush Jr. in Chapter 6). 6 See Douglas Kellner, From 9/11 to Terror War: Dangers of the Bush Legacy. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Kellner, Douglas. "Engaging Media Spectacle " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/09-mediaspectacle.php>. APA Style Kellner, D. (2003, Jun 19). Engaging Media Spectacle . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/09-mediaspectacle.php>