Journal articles on the topic 'Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee'

Sport, as a part of social life, is existing just recently. Sport development, as we know, starts at the end of 19th centuary, but its zenith and beginning are shaped through Olympic spirit. Тhe meaning of the Olympic spirit today represents the rule of fair competition, leaving domains of Machiavellism and old principle that the goal justifies the means. Organizing Olympic games means very complicated and responsible sum of legal affairs, because it includes different contracts and participation of different contract partners. The results themselves are sometimes visible only after a long period of time. The most important contract refered to organizing Olympic games is Host city contract, concluded between International Olympic committee and the city that organize the Olympic games.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the perception of public and private officers of stakeholder at the PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games 2018. This event was selected as the subject of this research as it is the most recent mega-scale international sporting event and, given that the organizing committee (OC) is currently operating, it afforded a unique opportunity to investigate the staff of the organization. To clarify the research questions, this research identified stakeholders of Olympic Games.Design/methodology/approachThe research questions were examined by a stakeholder analysis that measured and compared perceptions conducted according to the stakeholder theory (Freeman, 2010) and previous research (Naraine et al., 2016).FindingsThis study identifies eight stakeholders of the 2018 Winter Olympic Games: the OC, the International Olympics Committee, National Olympic Committee, central government, local government, media, sponsors and non-government organizations. The authors pointed out that public officers are more sensitive to the opinions and movements of community members than private staff. Conversely, the authors found that the private staffs regard the media and influential stakeholders as more important compared with public officers.Originality/valueBased on the findings from the Olympics committee, this study contributes to the academic literature related to sporting events and their stakeholders by providing the most up-to-date identification of stakeholders.

The Olympic and Paralympic Games is a megaproject that involves huge investment and time effort from public and private entities to take place, which has been facing issues to find host candidate cities recently. This paper focus on the private side of the megaproject and discuss the Organizing Committee for Olympic Games (OCOG) project governance and structure taking advantage of Rio2016 case to detail project phases, reporting and governance structures. The paper presents the OCOG as a single purpose entity (SPE) and uses Rio2016 as a case study. A multi-method qualitative research was conducted to understand OCOG project environment and particularities. The role and participation of International Olympic Committee (IOC) in OCOG daily life could be improved to support the pressure for Games cost reduction, as well as, to increase the Games hosting attractiveness. This work contributes for the Olympic Games project environment understanding by future OCOGs

This article examines how Olympic ambush marketing stakeholder power and transfer of sponsorship, as well as ambush marketing knowledge, have influenced institutional processes leading to the institutionalization of antiambush legislation over the years. Using a qualitative case study design and network analysis, findings show the International Olympic Committee and Organizing Committees for the Olympic Games demonstrate the greatest stakeholder influence within the Olympic ambush marketing network. The power and influence resulting from the structure of Olympic ambush marketing networks was argued to impact the institutional processes of objectification and sedimentation. Various knowledge transfer tools, as well as challenges and issues faced in this area, seem to act as moderators for the relationship between network structures and the process of institutionalization.

Abstract NOlympics in Amsterdam! The struggle for urban space and the politics of Amsterdam's Olympic Bid, 1984-1986 This article examines the protests against the social impact of Amsterdam’s bid to host the Olympic Summer Games of 1992. Although sporting mega-events have become the topic of a growing body of interdisciplinary scholarship, both the related histories of popular protest and governance remain relatively underexplored. The Dutch government established an Olympic organizing committee, consisting of governmental, commercial, and sporting stakeholders, which promoted the Amsterdam Olympics as a catalyst for economic and urban growth. By contrast, city inhabitants as well as local governmental bodies, squatters, and activist groups claimed their right to the city and contested the bid on the grounds of its negative impact on the quality of life and the environment in Amsterdam. International sporting events have always been contested for political reasons, but Amsterdam was one of the first cities where protesters opposed the Olympics’ overarching social impact. Although the protest’s scale remained relatively limited, protesters successfully targeted the International Olympic Committee and international press to present a negative image of Amsterdam as an Olympic host city. Activism against Amsterdam’s Olympic bid is an important precursor to more contemporary protest movements against sporting mega-events.

The study aims to assess current trends in the construction of sports infrastructure, considering the development and improvement vectors of the Olympic movement. Materials and methods. The study utilizes literature analysis, statistical methods, expert assessment method and legal analysis. Results. Trends in the development of sports infrastructure facilities for the Olympic Games have been identified and substantiated. The currentdifficulties regarding organizing and holding of the Olympic Games and the uprising contradictions in the activities of international sports organizations have been structured. Analysis of trends in the development of the Olympic movement in the XXI century and recent decisions of the International Olympic Committee revealed particular problems in the organization of the Games. The proposed new model of the modern Olympic Games allowing to overcome problems and contradictions of the Olympic movement is described. Conclusion. The modern stage of development of the Olympic movement is characterized by a number of contradictions and problems that need to be solved: gigantism of the Olympic Games, subjectivity of refereeing at sports competitions, safety at sports events, etc. The proposed model of the organization of the Olympic Games in the form of long-term competitions during the Olympic Year may help to overcome existing contradictions.

Abstract This article explores scholarship regarding diplomatic processes and actors engaged in recent international sport events hosted by the United Kingdom and Japan. The article points to the range of actors involved, focusing on organizing committees, and assesses the effectiveness of sports diplomacy at a range of levels that go beyond a focus on the state. It uses international sport events documentation, global media archives, and public and private comments related to the United Kingdom and Japan. The article addresses three key issues: 1) Olympic-dominant discourse: the dominance and shift in process between hosting an Olympic Games and onto other events; 2) Western-dominant discourse: the differences between Japan and the UK in demonstrating distinct “East” and “West” sports diplomacy approaches; 3) State-dominant discourse: the role of knowledge exchange and elite networks that transcend the state and involve a range of different actors, such as the organizing committee.

Aims. In 2012 Kraków together with Zakopane and the Slovak Republic applied to International Olympic Committee for organization of Winter Olympic Games in 2022. This article aims to illustrate in what aspects Kraków, Małopolska and Poland could suceed or fail as a result of being the Olympic Games organizer. Methods. By applying in our research multicriterial decision support methods AHP/ANP we will show Benefits (B), hidden Benefits - Opportunities (O), and on the other side - Costs (C) and hidden costs - Risks ( R ). Hypotheses. We assumed the following decision scenarios for organizing the Olympic Games in Poland: A. Organization of the Winter Olympic Games 2022 - with limited benefits and relatively low costs; B. Organization of the Winter Olympic Games 2022 with average costs and relatively high costs C. Organization of the Winter Olympic Games 2022 - with high benefits and relatively high costs. Results. AHP/ANP model included 39 BOCR criteria, including economic, technological, political and social factors determining Winter Olympic Games in Kraków, Zakopane and Slovak Republic. Pairwise comparison was made, with help of experts, of criteria individually to each BOCR (benefits - B, opportunities - O, costs - C and risk - R) value, next subcriteria to criteria, in four control hierarchy (in T.L. Saaty's fundamental scale). Relative weights of criteria are the result of pairwise comparison of each criterion against each other. The results of pairwise comparisons of BOCR eigenvalues support the profitability of organizing the Winter Olympics in Poland and Slovakia. Sensitivity analysis can slightly change the values of priorities for analyzed alternatives, but that requires taking extreme assumptions for BOCR ((benefits - B, opportunities - O, costs - C and risks - R) prioritization and their control criteria. As a result of prioritization for all criteria and subcriteria the following synthetic comparison. results for analyzed decision alternatives for organizing Winter Olympic Games in Kraków were obtained: 1. model B (0.40) - with average costs and relatively high costs; 2. model A ( 0.35) – with limited benefits and relatively low costs; 3. Model C (0.25) – with high benefits and relatively high costs. Conclusions. 1.The organization of the Winter Olympics in Poland and Slovakia she off could pay off; 2. As a result of prioritization, two math formulas give the same results for organizing Winter Olympic Games 2022 with relatively average costs and high benefits, as the best alternative. Results. AHP/ANP model included 39 BOCR criteria, including economic, technological, political and social factors determining Winter Olympic Games in Kraków, Zakopane and Slovak Republic. Pairwise comparison was made, with help of experts, of criteria individually to each BOCR value, next subcriteria to criteria, in four control hierarchy (in T.L. Saaty's fundamental scale). Relative weights of criteria are the result of pairwise comparison of each criterion against each other. As a result of prioritization for all criteria and subcriteria the following synthetic comparison. results for analyzed decision alternatives for organizing Winter Olympic Games in Kraków were obtained: 1. model B (0.40) - with average costs and relatively high costs, 2. model A ( 0.35) – with limited benefits and relatively low costs 3. Model C (0.25) – with high benefits and relatively high costs. Sensitivity analysis can slightly change the values of priorities for analyzed alternatives, but that requires taking extreme assumptions for BOCR prioritization and their control criteria. Conclusions. As a result of prioritization, two math formulas give the same results for organizing Winter Olympic Games 2022 with relatively average costs and high benefits, as the best alternative.

PurposePlanning and managing the transportation services for Olympic host cities is a complex task. This paper contributes to the event management literature by presenting empirical evidence of the public transportation issues using a case study of a local community-focused Olympic host city. Key factors underpinning transportation issues outcomes are identified.Design/methodology/approachThe Rio 2016 Olympic city was selected as a case study. To develop a scale of public transportation issues, four stages of scale development were conducted: a construct definition and content domain; item generation and expert review; a quantitative study for the purification of the scale; and a quantitative study to validation of the scale. Data were collected among local citizens who lived in the Olympic host city (n = 513).FindingsThe construct of public transportation issues was assigned to five main categories: planning, infrastructures, information, insecurity and urban mobility. The scale shows internal consistency, reliability, construct validity and nomological validity. Transport issues perceived of Olympic host city tend to increase the negative social impact perceived among local citizens.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the harmful impacts discussion of hosting sport mega-events and introduces the transportation issues that the Local Organizing Committee (LOC) needs to know when hosting the Olympic Games. The scale application for the future Olympic host countries is discussed.

Sport mega-event organizing committees have three uniquely challenging characteristics: They grow rapidly; they are temporary; they are accountable for event symbolisms. Effects of these characteristics are examined via participant observation and in-depth interviews with twelve lower-level employees of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG) two years before the Beijing Olympics. Four themes about their working lives were identified: The daily work is mundane; BOCOG is bureaucratic; privilege has its privileges; my immediate working environment nurtures me. The mega-event context was also important; workers described it using: The Olympics are great and grand; the Olympics are valuable for China; the Olympics illustrate the challenges that China faces in the 21st century; BOCOG is uniquely high profile; BOCOG helps us to understand Chinese society. Employees used four themes to describe the coping strategies they applied to manage the challenges of working for the organizing committee: I have to confront or adjust; my work at BOCOG allows me to develop myself; working at BOCOG represents a passionate life with idealism; I get to be part of history. Findings suggest that social support, the symbolic significance of the event, and learning through event work mitigate the stresses of working to host a mega-event. Future work should examine the workers’ lives longitudinally over the lifespan of an organizing committee to delineate the dynamics of meanings and experiences in mega-event work.

BackgroundTendon abnormalities are prevalent among both elite and non-elite athletes. Cross-sectional imaging modalities are used to confirm and evaluate the severity of such lesions.AimTo describe the demographics, prevalence, anatomical location and characteristics of tendon abnormalities in athletes who participated in the Rio de Janeiro 2016 Summer Olympic Games.MethodsWe recorded all sports injuries reported by the National Olympic Committee (NOC) medical teams and the Organizing Committee medical staff during the Rio 2016 Summer Olympics. Diagnostic imaging was performed through the official IOC clinic within the Olympic Village, using digital ultrasound machines and 3T and 1.5T MR scanners. Image interpretation was performed centrally by board-certified musculoskeletal radiologists with expertise in sports injuries.ResultsIn total, 11 274 athletes (5089 women (45%), 6185 men (55%)) from 207 NOCs were included. NOC and Rio de Janeiro 2016 medical staff reported 1101 injuries. Central review of radiological images revealed 156 tendon abnormalities in 109 athletes (51.2% male, mean age: 26.8, range 18–39). The supraspinatus tendon was the most commonly involved tendon (31 cases, 19.9%), followed by the Achilles tendon (20 cases, 12.8%) and patellar and infraspinatus tendons (12 cases, 7.7%). Tendon abnormalities were most commonly seen in track and field athletes (54 abnormalities, 34.6%).Conclusion156 tendon abnormalities were reported, most commonly in track and field athletes, and involving mainly the shoulder tendons, as well as Achilles and patellar tendons.

The 21st International Symposium on Chironomidae was originally scheduled for Tsukuba, Japan in July 2021. However, the COVID-19 pandemic is far from ending and Tokyo Summer Olympic Games were postponed to 2021. Many international conferences including the International Congress of Entomology or the Congress of the International Society of Limnology were also reported to next year. The organizing committee wishes to welcome the whole community of chironomid researchers to Tsukuba under safer and the best possible conditions. For this reason, the organizing committee decided to postpone the symposium to summer 2022. As many colleagues agreed, a physical meeting will yield more fruitful exchanges in our field rather than an online symposium. This is also one point that motivated our decision to postpone the 21st International Symposium on Chironomidae to 2022. As soon as the new dates for the Symposium are fixed, we will make a new announcements in the Chironomus Journal, on the Chironomid Home Page and in the Chironomidae list server (chironomidae@vm.ntnu.no). We wish you all good health and look forward to welcome all of you in Tsukuba!

This study examines the environmental discourses surrounding the 2018 PyeongChang Olympics in the Korean public sphere. Specifically, it compares the dominant environmental discourse of the government and Olympic organizing committee with the counter-Olympic discourse of Korean civil society. Our study indicates the state has actively mobilized ecological modernization (EM) discourses. Their three discursive conventions of EM—cultural, institutional, and technocratic—and its environmental reforms are revealed as powerful tools in the public communication. The parallel environmental discourse engaged in by Korean civic organizations is shown to be the basis for strategic political engagement in uncovering unknown and silenced knowledge. In short, the environmental reforms led by the government are seen to be illustrative of the prioritizing of economic development over environmental protection with little reflexive or rigorous application of EM principles. In contrast, the parallel discourse is seen to pose a compelling challenge to the dominant. That is, while their activism was limited to a nature-protectionist, dominated by urban elites, it still managed to oppose the top-down Olympic and make it a more democratic process.

В данной статье рассматривается актуальный вопрос расходов на организацию летних Олимпийских игр на предолимпийском этапе. В статье проводится анализ структуры расходов на рассматриваемом этапе на примере XXXII летних Олимпийских игр в Токио. Детально исследуется структура расходов на двух крупных подэтапах: подача заявки на проведение Игр и непосредственно организация Олимпиады, при этом отдельно выделяются расходы трёх основных групп: Международного олимпийского комитета (с фокусом на программе Олимпийской солидарности), условной группы бизнеса и условной группы государства. На первом подэтапе в условную группу государства входят Токийский муниципалитет, правительство Японии и Заявочный комитет Токио 2020, в то время как на автором рассматриваемом подэтапе место Заявочного комитета занимает учреждённый в 2014 г. после официального избрания Токио городом-организатором Организационный комитет Токио 2020. В рамках каждой из трёх основных групп приводятся конкретные проекты, проводится анализ статей расходов на их осуществление. Отдельно стоит выделить тот факт, что автор, являясь действующим сотрудником Организационного комитета Токио 2020, осуществляет детальное изучение проектов и статей расходов, зачастую не попадающих в поле зрения исследователей данной темы. Отдельно анализируются факторы и причины увеличения первоначального бюджета на организацию и проведение XXXII летних Олимпийских игр, в частности такие, как перенос соревнований по марафону и спортивной ходьбе из Токио в г. Саппоро, перенос Игр на 2021 г. в связи с угрозой распространения вируса COVID-19 и т.д. На основе имеющихся данных по состоянию на май 2020 г. выделяется ряд тенденций, связанных со статьями расходов отдельно взятых групп. Основываясь на данных проведённого исследования, автор делает вывод, что наибольшие расходы на предолимпийском этапе несёт условная группа государства, в рамках которой доли Токийского муниципалитета и Оргкомитета Токио 2020 условно равны. Ключевые слова: Олимпийские игры, Организационный комитет Токио 2020, структура расходов Олимпийских игр, Токийский муниципалитет, Заявочный комитет Токио 2020, Международный олимпийский комитет, экономика Олимпийских игр, предолимпийский этап, XXXII летние Олимпийские игры, программа Олимпийской солидарности. This article deals with the topical issue of the costs related to hosting the Olympic Games at the pre-Olympic stage. The article provides an analysis of the cost structure at this stage on the example of the Games of the XXXII Olympiad in Tokyo. The cost structure in two major sub-stages is studied in detail: bidding stage and the organizing stage, with the focus on the costs of three main groups: the International Olympic Committee (highlighting the Olympic Solidarity program), nominal business group and nominal state group. In the first sub-stage the nominal state group includes Tokyo Metropolitan Government, the government of Japan and the Tokyo 2020 Bidding Committee, while in the second sub-stage the Tokyo 2020 Bidding Committee is replaced by the Tokyo 2020 Organising Committee, established in 2014 after Tokyo was officially elected as the host city. Specific examples of the projects within each of the three main groups are indicated and the analysis of the costs related to their implementation is conducted. It is important to highlight the fact, that the author of the article, being the current employee of the Tokyo 2020 Organising Committee, has carried out a detailed study of projects and cost items that frequently are not covered by other researchers of this issue. The factors and reasons for increased budget, compared with the initial one, for staging and holding the Games of the XXXII Olympiad are analyzed separately; particular emphasis has been put on the transfer of the marathon and race walk competition from Tokyo to Sapporo city and on the postponement of the Games till 2021 due to the threat of the COVID-19 virus spread, etc. Based on the available data as of May 2020, a number of trends related to the cost items of the main groups are indicated. Based on the materials of this article the author concludes that the largest expenses at the pre-Olympic stage are borne by the nominal group of state, within which the shares of Tokyo Metropolitan Government and the Tokyo 2020 Organising Committee are conditionally equal. Keywords: Olympic Games, the Tokyo 2020 Organising Committee, Olympic Games cost structure, Tokyo Metropolitan Government, the Tokyo 2020 Bidding Committee, the International Olympic Committee, the economics of the Olympic Games, pre-Olympic stage, the Games of the XXXII Olympiad, Olympic Solidarity program.

Richard C. Nelson started the Biomechanics Laboratory, one of the first of its kind in the world, on the campus of the Pennsylvania State University in 1967. His vision focused on connecting the physiological and mechanical elements of human performance analysis, specifically sport performance. The lab’s engaging, interdisciplinary environment supported self-designed programs of study, benefiting each individual student. Furthermore, the Biomechanics Lab became the nexus for the development of biomechanics as a field of study internationally. Richard Nelson’s diplomatic skills spread the word initially through the formation of the International Society of Biomechanics. This international effort resulted in the development of national societies of biomechanics around the world, for example, the American Society of Biomechanics. Second, these efforts stimulated the concept of sport performance analysis on the international stage. Richard Nelson’s passion was to analyze individual performances at the Olympic Games. This goal was finally realized, with the development of the Subcommission within the International Olympic Committee Medical Commission and biomechanical analysis projects completed at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Richard Nelson’s vision, mentoring style, and dedication planted and nurtured the seed of biomechanics as a discipline of study around the world.

The International Paralympic Committee, U.K. Government, and the Organizing Committee for the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games all contended that the London 2012 Paralympic Games would positively impact the lives of disabled people in the United Kingdom, particularly with regard to changing nondisabled attitudes toward disability. All three have claimed partial success during the course of the 4-year period (Olympiad) separating the London and Rio Paralympic Games. However, this is at odds with the findings of Disabled People’s Organizations (DPOs) and the experiences of disabled individuals. This article considers the claims of both sides against a backdrop of public policies that are targeting large-scale benefit cuts, the media coverage of which actually appears to be hardening attitudes toward anyone on benefits and negating any positive impacts from the Games themselves. It argues that the continued predominance of “ableist” perspectives on disability underpins many of the challenges faced by disabled people. The article adopts a historical perspective on the development of legacy-based foundations upon which the disability sport and Paralympic movements originated. It contends that the gradual move toward an elite “Olympic” sports model of competition has actually served to undermine these foundations.

The history of the Olympic Games is fraught with racism, class privilege, and questionable leadership from the International Olympic Committee (IOC). In the modern era, the Olympics have generated an increasing scale of dissent. Activists challenging the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver adopted concertedly spatial strategies and tactics. Organizing around three main issues—indigenous rights, economic concerns, and civil liberties—they linked in solidarity with civil libertarians, human rights workers, and bystander publics. This article analyzes these activist actions through the lens of geographical theory, examining how the production of space, scale bending, and the calculated construction of discursive space helped anti-Olympics activists build camaraderie and foment a meaningful challenge to the Games that resonated with the general public. Activists in Vancouver were effective, and before the Olympics dock in London for the 2012 Summer Games, it makes sense to pause and reconsider their methods of dissident citizenship.

Abstract The Olympic Games have been responsible for moving billions of dollars in direct and indirect investments during their winter and summer editions in the host cities, thus leaving tangible and intangible legacies that, if well used, can promote significant changes in the daily lives of societies. For the first time in the modern era of the Olympic Games, at the beginning of 2020, this cycle had to be postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic that had killed more than 4 million people worldwide by July 2021. The teaching case puts the reader in the role of Hiroto Nakami, then President of the Tokyo 2020 Organizing Committee, to solve operational barriers and make it possible to create a successful digital Olympic Games model. It will be necessary to evaluate the financial and technological limitations in order to assess the impacts and legacies from these actions for the event and the local business environment. The case is suitable for multidisciplinary undergraduate and graduate students interested in discussing themes and concepts related to the area of strategic planning, crisis management, mega-events, and digital transformation.

Using an archive study and a survey, the authors have examined how the bid committees of the four finalist cities formulated and communicated their bids for selection as hosts to the 2002 Olympic Winter Games. The aim was to identify the bidders' views regarding the appropriateness of the messages and messengers chosen, the other actors involved, and the channels of communication selected in order to win. The response from the winner, Salt Lake City, indicated that messages with little or nothing to do with the organizing of the Olympic Winter Games were of almost equal importance to those describing the implementation of the proposed Games. Compared to the other bidders, Salt Lake City considered the nonverbal components consisting of messengers, other actors, and channels to be far more influential on the choices made by IOC members. Only one representative of a bidding committee thought that it was very important to the IOC members that the candidate cities followed the IOC's bidding rules.

With the accelerated pace of globalization, the frequency and number of major international sports events are gradually increasing. The human resource management model has also been considered in this context, playing a more important role. In order to discuss this issue in depth, this paper will take the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games as a case study, and discuss the changes and upgrades of HRM model in detail from the perspective of recruitment and management in human resources, from the surface way to the deep content. First of all, in the recruitment, Beijing Winter Olympic Games has a unique way of recruitment, through many media and Internet resources to promote the unprecedented effect. The mass adoption of recruitment on the Internet has attracted talents from all over the world to participate. Secondly, in the management, for the volunteers, due to the epidemic, a longer period of closed management was adopted, and the Beijing Winter Olympic Organizing Committee also focused on the psychological state of the staff and volunteers. In order to ensure people's life and living in a positive and effective way, in order to achieve a more efficient human management. In the end, the author summarizes the changes in the model of human resources management in the Winter Olympics, summarizes the characteristics of large international sporting events, refines the universal model with high feasibility, and summarizes the experience with the actual.

The fact that Romania did not obey the decision of the party authorities of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries has until today caused many controversial opinions and speculations. This fact is often quoted, also in academic discussions, as an example of unique heroism and independence of the Romanian authorities from the Soviet political domination. It is known that the sole decision-maker in this case was Romania’s famous “red dictator”, Nicolae Ceaușescu. His long-year rule led the Romanian society to extreme poverty, even for the standards of the socialist countries. However, this did not stop him from conducting a relatively independent and expensive foreign policy and presenting himself as a leader of international importance. For a long time presidents and prime ministers of Western countries confi rmed his belief, sparing no praises or various honours, hoping for a political schism among the countries of the Warsaw Pact. For many years it allowed Ceaușescu to achieve his propaganda objectives in the international arena. The situation was similar with the participation of the representation of Romania in the XXIII Olympic Games in Los Angeles. However, it was only a short-term episode in the political confrontation between the East and the West. Also in this case Ceaușescu received substantial fi nancial support from the United States, IOC and the Olympic Organising Committee (LAOOC). However, he was not to enjoy this success for long. After a few more years of his dictatorship-like rule he was sentenced to death by a court decision and executed by a fi ring squad together with his wife Elena.

As China prepares to host the 2022 Winter Olympics, the Beijing Winter Olympics Organizing Committee has committed to making public participation a fundamental part of its broader sustainability objectives. Unfortunately, the existing research on information openness and public participation towards Winter Olympic Games is limited in the perspective of host residents. Therefore, this article aims to understand the information disclosure and public participation, as well as the roles information and technologies (ICTs) play in achieving environmental sustainability. With the help of self-administered questionnaires, data were compiled. The survey was conducted in April 2017 with 650 residents in Beijing and Zhangjiakou via face-to-face interviews to obtain a random and statistically representative sample of host residents. Our findings indicated that only few respondents participated in the limited activities of Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics. The respondents’ views on important issues of public participation varied obviously including the participating level, principles, time, ways, mechanism, and influencing factor. The analysis illustrated over 70% of respondents had the positive attitudes towards ICTs roles and functions in Beijing 2022. ICTs have helped the public to obtain information about environmental management and sustainability issues, and to facilitate public awareness and collective action by building new management practices. This study has implications and contributes to the burgeoning literature surrounding the Olympic Games by providing an in-depth analysis of public participation in relation to the theory.

Previous efforts to depict sport development opportunities resulted in a sport development metaphor, the participation pyramid (Sotiriadou, Shilbury & Quick, 2008). The base of the sport development metaphor represents the relationship between mass and elite participation (Shilbury, Sotiriadou & Green, 2008) and medals won during the Olympic Games (Sotiriadou, De Bosscher, 2013). The most important international competitions may, therefore, best represent overall sport systems (Sparvero, Chalip, & Green, 2008), but competition opportunities for athletes are the factor contributing to elite success. The aim of this study is to determine the relationship between mass and elite orienteers’ participation and elite orienteers’ performances at the most important national and international orienteering competitions. Methods: the official most important orienteering national and international competition results from 2001 to 2016 were obtained from the websites of each annual organizing committee, linked to the International Orienteering Federation website and mathematical statistics was conducted. The results confirmed a strong, medium and weak relationship between mass and elite orienteers’ participation and elite orienteers’ performances in the most important national and international orienteering competitions. Orienteers’ movement up the participation pyramid is not automatic.

Learning outcomes The questions raised in the case study could escort a classroom or online discussion for understanding licensed product consumption motives among the internal workforce. Case overview/synopsis Despite the Asiad (an abbreviation of Asian Games) being organized in the most populous continent, its financial profitability is minimal compared with the summer Olympic Games and other major sporting events. Thereby, Asiad board members are seeking to understand how they can target the right segment via licensed products. This will ultimately increase licensed product sales. On July 1, 2017, a board meeting was held in which the licensing product manager, Young Lee, proposed to target the internal workforce via licensed products based on 17th Asiad’s data and previous literature. Lee analyzed the attributes of licensed products sold at 17th Asiad and its psychological connection with the internal workforce. Hence, the purpose of this case study was to decipher the internal workforce feasibility as the right segment to target via licensed products for Asiad's management. The case study’s primary data was collected via IB worldwide (now Galaxia SM CO, Ltd), one of the leading sport marketing organizations in South Korea. The IB worldwide (now Galaxia SM CO, Ltd) signed an exclusive product license agreement with the Incheon Asian Games Organizing Committee jointly and individually with the Olympic Council of Asia to produce licensed products (e.g. Mascot dolls). This realistic case study should be understood through the lens of symbolic interactionism. Finally, this study is important to consider because the internal workforce licensed products consumption has gained little attention in sports marketing literature. Complexity Academic Level The case can be taught in marketing research and consumer behavior courses. Subject code CSS 8: Marketing. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only.

ResumenEste artículo consiste en una descripción sobre cómo fue el proceso de introducción de la actividad físico-deportiva occidental en China y quienes fueron sus principales protagonistas. En particular se analiza el contexto social e histórico que condicionó este momento; el importante papel que jugaron las misiones religiosas extranjeras, y en especial la Youth Men´s Christian Association (YMCA), en la expansión de la cultura deportiva por todo el país; la influencia que tuvo la gimnástica y el deporte en el currículum escolar chino; y los condicionantes que llevaron a esta nación a crear el Comité Olímpico Chino y participar por primera vez en unos Juegos Olímpicos.El contenido abarca el periodo histórico comprendido entre 1840 y 1932, es decir, entre el momento en que se produce la apertura obligatoria de China al comercio internacional como consecuencia las derrotas militares sufridas a manos de las potencias imperialistas extranjeras y la firma de los llamados “Tratados desiguales”, y el momento en que China envía por primera vez a un deportista a participar en los Juegos Olímpicos de Los Ángeles de 1932. AbstractThis paper consists of a description of how the process of introduction of western physical-sports activity in China was and who were its main protagonists. In particular, is analyzed the social and historical context that conditioned this moment; the important role played by foreign religiousmissions, and especially the Youth Men´s Christian Association (YMCA), in the expansion of sports culture throughout the country; the influence that gymnastics and sport had on the Chinese school curriculum; and the conditions that led this country to create the Chinese Olympic Committee and participate for the first time in an Olympic Games.The content covers the historical period between 1840 and 1932, that is, between the time when China's compulsory opening to international trade takes place as a result of the military defeats suffered at the hands of foreign imperialist powers and the signing of so-called unequal treaties, and the moment when China first sends a sportsman to participate in the 1932 Los Angeles Olympics.

Responsive Eyes: Urban Logistics and Kinetic Environments for the 1968 Mexico City Olympics looks closely at a series of temporary designed environments created for the organizing committee of the 1968 Mexico City Olympics. Integrating architecture, visual communication, and mass media, the design team created kinetic environments, or spaces that estranged user-beholders’ visual and spatial perceptions, inviting immersion and interaction to produce a holistic image of a thoroughly modern, socially integrated Mexico at a time when this view of Mexico was not necessarily held by audiences at home or abroad. The team’s design choices demonstrated cosmopolitan awareness of global aesthetics and discursive currents, including optical and kinetic art as well as recent advances in scientific investigation that inspired new modes of urban vision and engagement, part of an international renewal of modernist techniques and aspirations. These environments also responded to more local concerns, including Mexico City’s ongoing capitalist urbanization and reticulation of the modernist architect’s professional and social purchase in Mexico in light of increasing globalization. By situating the Olympic environments within the larger context of exhibitions of kinetic art and art happenings from the period, George F. Flaherty highlights the possibilities and limits of transformation envisaged by Mexico 68’s kinetic environments, arguing that their design provides a window through which to assess Mexican architects’ claim to act as expert mediators between the city and state, architecture and art, and Mexico and the wider world.

PurposeIn the last 50 years, every Olympics has experienced a major cost overrun. This paper explores the reasons for this cost underestimation and looks into the occurrence of the winner's curse. We also forecast the spending pattern of future host cities. Finally, we discuss the role of the International Olympic Committee in making the Olympic Games more efficient and sustainable.Design/methodology/approachThe review of literature on the topic of constant cost overrun in the Olympic Games is surprisingly very thin. We comprehensively review the existing literature to understand the scholarship in this area. This paper also produces future cost trends for the host cities.FindingsWe argue that cost underestimation is resulting from the outdated bid process which encourages spectacle over efficiency. A no-bid environment is more efficient and allows the host city to negotiate effectively with the International Olympic Committee. The Los Angeles Games of 1984 was profitable and has shown reusing the infrastructure can save a lot of money which could help make the Olympic Games economically sustainable.Originality/valueThis paper adds to the existing knowledge on the cost overrun aspect of Olympics financing. We also forecast the cost trends of hosting future Olympics.

AbstractThe interests of athletes are a fundamental aspect of the Olympic Movement. Yet, athletes face jurisdictional barriers when attempting to advance their interests and challenge the International Olympic Committee (IOC)’s exercise of authority over the Olympic Movement, including the IOC’s decisions regarding which sport events are included in the Olympic Games. Previous attempts to challenge the IOC’s selection of sport events for the Olympic Games have been unsuccessful in national courts, as seen in the case of Sagen v. Vancouver Organizing Committee for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games (“Sagen”) involving women’s ski jumping. Following the outcome in Sagen, academics theorized that athletes might have better success challenging Olympic event selection decisions at the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), as CAS has several jurisdictional advantages over national courts. A recent CAS decision in Henriques v. IOC (“Henriques”), involving the exclusion of women’s 50 km race walking from the 2020 Olympic Games, casts doubt on this approach as CAS dismissed the application due to the lack of an arbitration agreement between the appellants and the IOC. However, the outcome in Henriques should not deter athletes from using CAS to challenge the IOC’s Olympic event selection decisions in future cases. It is arguable that the CAS panel’s reasoning in Henriques did not properly consider how the arbitration clause in the Olympic Charter could form the basis of an arbitration agreement between the appellants and the IOC under Swiss law. Additionally, the CAS panel’s decision in Henriques can be used to inform legal strategies in subsequent disputes to ensure that CAS is able to hold the IOC accountable for Olympic event selection decisions that are discriminatory or otherwise unlawful.

The Olympic Games of Ancient Greece had occupied a special place in the life of the Hellenes. The holding of the Olympics had a wide public resonance. The rulers of various polices actively supported these events and many of them were the participants and some the winners of the Games. Famous philosophers, writers and poets, architects and sculptors had the honor to present their works to spectators and judges at that athletic forum. During the heyday of the Roman Empire, which conquered ancient Greece, Roman emperors not only supported the holding of the Olympic Games, but also participated in Olympic competitions organized at four-year intervals and other Pan-Helenian Games. The process of the revival of the Olympic Games had been closely related to the activities of prominent thinkers, artists, actors, and musicians of the Renaissance, New Age, and Enlightenment. It is worth noting that the royalty did not stand aside from this process: the first Olympic Games of the Modern Era were held with the active involvement of the King of Greece George I, whereas Crown Prince Constantine assumed the presidency of the organizing committee of the Games. Since that time, many royalties from different countries have participated in the Olympic Games. For more than 120-year history of the Olympic Games, revived at the end of the XIX century, 31 representatives of royal families took part in Olympic competitions and won 11 Olympic medals: four gold, one silver and six bronze medals. Their interest in the Olympic movement is not limited to participation in the Olympics Games and the Winter Olympics. The history of the modern Olympic movement includes the names of 14 representatives of the Royalty who were given the honor to declare the Olympic Games open; 34 ones in different years were the members of the International Olympic Committee; five monarchs with special merits in the development of the International Olympic Movement and promoting Olympic values are among the honorary members of the IOC. The article describes briefly this interesting story of the Olympic Games of antiquity and modernity, in which royalty took part. Keywords: Olympic Games, royalty

SummaryLocal, state, and federal governments, along with the Salt Lake City Organizing Committee, spent roughly $1.9 billion in planning and hosting the 2002 Winter Olympic Games. Event promoters suggested that the Games would increase employment in the state by 35,000 job-years. We investigate whether the 2002 Winter Olympics actually increased employment finding that the Games’ impact was a fraction of that claimed by the boosters.While the Salt Lake City Olympics did increase employment overall by between 4,000 and 7,000 jobs, these gains were concentrated in the leisure industry, and the Games had little to no effect on employment after 12 months.

Abstract At mass-gathering events of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, a well-organized, on-site medical system is essential. This study evaluated the vulnerabilities of the prehospital medical system of the TOKYO 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games (TOKYO2020) to propose corrections that can be generalized to other mass gatherings. The healthcare failure mode and effect analysis (HFMEA) was adopted to analyze vulnerabilities of the on-site medical system proposed by the organizing committee of TOKYO2020. Processes from detecting a patient on the scene to completing transport to a hospital were analyzed. Ten processes with 47 sub-processes and 122 possible failure modes were identified. HFMEA revealed 9 failure modes as vulnerabilities: misidentification of patient, delayed immediate care at the scene, misjudgment of disposition from the on-site medical suite, and inappropriate care during transportation to hospital. Proposed corrections included surveillance to decrease blind spots, first aid brochures for spectators, and uniform protocol for health care providers at the scene. The on-site medical system amended by HFMEA seemed to work appropriately in TOKYO2020.

McMurchy-Barber, Gina. When Children Play: The Story of Right To Play. Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 2013. Right To Play is a humanitarian organization whose beginnings stem from the Winter Olympics held in Lillehammer, Norway in 1994. While preparing for this event, the Lillehammer Olympic Organizing Committee became concerned that while favoured youth in the developed nations were training for competition, children in Eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa were perishing in war and famine. Their concern led, in 1992, to the Olympic Aid initiative through which Norwegian athletes—Olympians of past years—raised funds for such organizations as the Red Cross and Save the Children. Following the events in Lillehammer, Olympic Aid’s initiatives were carried on in partnership with UNICEF and the World Health Organization. Finally, in 2000, the initiative evolved into Right To Play (RTP). The emblem of this organization is a red soccer ball on which the words “Look After Yourself: Look After One Another,” are emblazoned. RTP’s motto is profound: “When Children Play, the World Wins.”McMurchy-Barber’s book details the efforts of the “Athlete Ambassadors” who, from the time of RTP’s beginnings to the present day, have championed the right of children to be fed, to be healthy, and to play. These “Ambassadors” have included both elite athletes with world-wide acclaim (e.g., Canadians Wayne Gretzky and Clara Hughes) and local enthusiasts who rise to the cause from the communities being served. Because of its wide based support, RTP is able to distribute not only its red soccer balls (a luxury indeed for children who have nothing with which to play) but also life-saving food supplies and immunization programs. The author details the team-building approaches of the Ambassadors, as well as the hopefulness their participation brings to the lives of the desperate.It is a joy to read McMurchy’s book. Her writing style finds that wonderful middle ground between grammatical perfection and conversational ease. She knows to whom she speaks: children in the upper elementary grades. The information she provides, as well as the examples she chooses, would engage the attention of this age group. Credit goes to the RTP organization for providing the realistic and heart-warming photographs accompanying the text.Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Leslie AitkenLeslie Aitken’s long career in librarianship included selection of children’s literature for school, public, special and academic libraries. She is a former Curriculum Librarian of the University of Alberta.

While the term “visual literacy” has grown in popularity in the last 50 years, its meaning remains nebulous. It is described variously as: a vehicle for aesthetic appreciation, a means of defence against visual manipulation, a sorting mechanism for an increasingly data-saturated age, and a prerequisite to civic inclusion (Fransecky 23; Messaris 181; McTigue and Flowers 580). Scholars have written extensively about the first three subjects but there has been less research on how visual literacy frames civic life and how it might help the public as a tool to address disadvantage and assist in removing social and cultural barriers. This article examines a forerunner to visual literacy in the push to create an international symbol language born out of popular education movements, a project that fell short of its goals but still left a considerable impression on graphic media. This article, then, presents an analysis of visual literacy campaigns in the early postwar era. These campaigns did not attempt to invent a symbolic language but posited that images themselves served as a universal language in which students could receive training. Of particular interest is how the concept of visual literacy has been mobilised as a pedagogical tool in design, digital humanities and in broader civic education initiatives promoted by Third Space institutions. Behind the creation of new visual literacy curricula is the idea that images can help anchor a world community, supplementing textual communication. Figure 1: Visual Literacy Yearbook. Montebello Unified School District, USA, 1973. Shedding Light: Origins of the Visual Literacy Frame The term “visual literacy” came to the fore in the early 1970s on the heels of mass literacy campaigns. The educators, creatives and media theorists who first advocated for visual learning linked this aim to literacy, an unassailable goal, to promote a more radical curricular overhaul. They challenged a system that had hitherto only acknowledged a very limited pathway towards academic success; pushing “language and mathematics”, courses “referred to as solids (something substantial) as contrasted with liquids or gases (courses with little or no substance)” (Eisner 92). This was deemed “a parochial view of both human ability and the possibilities of education” that did not acknowledge multiple forms of intelligence (Gardner). This change not only integrated elements of mass culture that had been rejected in education, notably film and graphic arts, but also encouraged the critique of images as a form of good citizenship, assuming that visually literate arbiters could call out media misrepresentations and manipulative political advertising (Messaris, “Visual Test”). This movement was, in many ways, reactive to new forms of mass media that began to replace newspapers as key forms of civic participation. Unlike simple literacy (being able to decipher letters as a mnemonic system), visual literacy involves imputing meanings to images where meanings are less fixed, yet still with embedded cultural signifiers. Visual literacy promised to extend enlightenment metaphors of sight (as in the German Aufklärung) and illumination (as in the French Lumières) to help citizens understand an increasingly complex marketplace of images. The move towards visual literacy was not so much a shift towards images (and away from books and oration) but an affirmation of the need to critically investigate the visual sphere. It introduced doubt to previously upheld hierarchies of perception. Sight, to Kant the “noblest of the senses” (158), was no longer the sense “least affected” by the surrounding world but an input centre that was equally manipulable. In Kant’s view of societal development, the “cosmopolitan” held the key to pacifying bellicose states and ensuring global prosperity and tranquillity. The process of developing a cosmopolitan ideology rests, according to Kant, on the gradual elimination of war and “the education of young people in intellectual and moral culture” (188-89). Transforming disparate societies into “a universal cosmopolitan existence” that would “at last be realised as the matrix within which all the original capacities of the human race may develop” and would take well-funded educational institutions and, potentially, a new framework for imparting knowledge (Kant 51). To some, the world of the visual presented a baseline for shared experience. Figure 2: Exhibition by the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Vienna, photograph c. 1927. An International Picture Language The quest to find a mutually intelligible language that could “bridge worlds” and solder together all of humankind goes back to the late nineteenth century and the Esperanto movement of Ludwig Zamenhof (Schor 59). The expression of this ideal in the world of the visual picked up steam in the interwar years with designers and editors like Fritz Kahn, Gerd Arntz, and Otto and Marie Neurath. Their work transposing complex ideas into graphic form has been rediscovered as an antecedent to modern infographics, but the symbols they deployed were not to merely explain, but also help education and build international fellowship unbounded by spoken language. The Neuraths in particular are celebrated for their international picture language or Isotypes. These pictograms (sometimes viewed as proto-emojis) can be used to represent data without text. Taken together they are an “intemporal, hieroglyphic language” that Neutrath hoped would unite working-class people the world over (Lee 159). The Neuraths’ work was done in the explicit service of visual education with a popular socialist agenda and incubated in the social sphere of Red Vienna at the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum (Social and Economic Museum) where Otto served as Director. The Wirtschaftsmuseum was an experiment in popular education, with multiple branches and late opening hours to accommodate the “the working man [who] has time to see a museum only at night” (Neurath 72-73). The Isotype contained universalist aspirations for the “making of a world language, or a helping picture language—[that] will give support to international developments generally” and “educate by the eye” (Neurath 13). Figure 3: Gerd Arntz Isotype Images. (Source: University of Reading.) The Isotype was widely adopted in the postwar era in pre-packaged sets of symbols used in graphic design and wayfinding systems for buildings and transportation networks, but with the socialism of the Neuraths’ peeled away, leaving only the system of logos that we are familiar with from airport washrooms, charts, and public transport maps. Much of the uptake in this symbol language could be traced to increased mobility and tourism, particularly in countries that did not make use of a Roman alphabet. The 1964 Olympics in Tokyo helped pave the way when organisers, fearful of jumbling too many scripts together, opted instead for black and white icons to represent the program of sports that summer. The new focus on the visual was both technologically mediated—cheaper printing and broadcast technologies made the diffusion of image increasingly possible—but also ideologically supported by a growing emphasis on projects that transcended linguistic, ethnic, and national borders. The Olympic symbols gradually morphed into Letraset icons, and, later, symbols in the Unicode Standard, which are the basis for today’s emojis. Wordless signs helped facilitate interconnectedness, but only in the most literal sense; their application was limited primarily to sports mega-events, highway maps, and “brand building”, and they never fulfilled their role as an educational language “to give the different nations a common outlook” (Neurath 18). Universally understood icons, particularly in the form of emojis, point to a rise in visual communication but they have fallen short as a cosmopolitan project, supporting neither the globalisation of Kantian ethics nor the transnational socialism of the Neuraths. Figure 4: Symbols in use. Women's bathroom. 1964 Tokyo Olympics. (Source: The official report of the Organizing Committee.) Counter Education By mid-century, the optimism of a universal symbol language seemed dated, and focus shifted from distillation to discernment. New educational programs presented ways to study images, increasingly reproducible with new technologies, as a language in and of themselves. These methods had their roots in the fin-de-siècle educational reforms of John Dewey, Helen Parkhurst, and Maria Montessori. As early as the 1920s, progressive educators were using highly visual magazines, like National Geographic, as the basis for lesson planning, with the hopes that they would “expose students to edifying and culturally enriching reading” and “develop a more catholic taste or sensibility, representing an important cosmopolitan value” (Hawkins 45). The rise in imagery from previously inaccessible regions helped pupils to see themselves in relation to the larger world (although this connection always came with the presumed superiority of the reader). “Pictorial education in public schools” taught readers—through images—to accept a broader world but, too often, they saw photographs as a “straightforward transcription of the real world” (Hawkins 57). The images of cultures and events presented in Life and National Geographic for the purposes of education and enrichment were now the subject of greater analysis in the classroom, not just as “windows into new worlds” but as cultural products in and of themselves. The emerging visual curriculum aimed to do more than just teach with previously excluded modes (photography, film and comics); it would investigate how images presented and mediated the world. This gained wider appeal with new analytical writing on film, like Raymond Spottiswoode's Grammar of the Film (1950) which sought to formulate the grammatical rules of visual communication (Messaris 181), influenced by semiotics and structural linguistics; the emphasis on grammar can also be seen in far earlier writings on design systems such as Owen Jones’s 1856 The Grammar of Ornament, which also advocated for new, universalising methods in design education (Sloboda 228). The inventorying impulse is on display in books like Donis A. Dondis’s A Primer of Visual Literacy (1973), a text that meditates on visual perception but also functions as an introduction to line and form in the applied arts, picking up where the Bauhaus left off. Dondis enumerates the “syntactical guidelines” of the applied arts with illustrations that are in keeping with 1920s books by Kandinsky and Klee and analyse pictorial elements. However, at the end of the book she shifts focus with two chapters that examine “messaging” and visual literacy explicitly. Dondis predicts that “an intellectual, trained ability to make and understand visual messages is becoming a vital necessity to involvement with communication. It is quite likely that visual literacy will be one of the fundamental measures of education in the last third of our century” (33) and she presses for more programs that incorporate the exploration and analysis of images in tertiary education. Figure 5: Ideal spatial environment for the Blueprint charts, 1970. (Image: Inventory Press.) Visual literacy in education arrived in earnest with a wave of publications in the mid-1970s. They offered ways for students to understand media processes and for teachers to use visual culture as an entry point into complex social and scientific subject matter, tapping into the “visual consciousness of the ‘television generation’” (Fransecky 5). Visual culture was often seen as inherently democratising, a break from stuffiness, the “artificialities of civilisation”, and the “archaic structures” that set sensorial perception apart from scholarship (Dworkin 131-132). Many radical university projects and community education initiatives of the 1960s made use of new media in novel ways: from Maurice Stein and Larry Miller’s fold-out posters accompanying Blueprint for Counter Education (1970) to Emory Douglas’s graphics for The Black Panther newspaper. Blueprint’s text- and image-dense wall charts were made via assemblage and they were imagined less as charts and more as a “matrix of resources” that could be used—and added to—by youth to undertake their own counter education (Cronin 53). These experiments in visual learning helped to break down old hierarchies in education, but their aim was influenced more by countercultural notions of disruption than the universal ideals of cosmopolitanism. From Image as Text to City as Text For a brief period in the 1970s, thinkers like Marshall McLuhan (McLuhan et al., Massage) and artists like Bruno Munari (Tanchis and Munari) collaborated fruitfully with graphic designers to create books that mixed text and image in novel ways. Using new compositional methods, they broke apart traditional printing lock-ups to superimpose photographs, twist text, and bend narrative frames. The most famous work from this era is, undoubtedly, The Medium Is the Massage (1967), McLuhan’s team-up with graphic designer Quentin Fiore, but it was followed by dozens of other books intended to communicate theory and scientific ideas with popularising graphics. Following in the footsteps of McLuhan, many of these texts sought not just to explain an issue but to self-consciously reference their own method of information delivery. These works set the precedent for visual aids (and, to a lesser extent, audio) that launched a diverse, non-hierarchical discourse that was nonetheless bound to tactile artefacts. In 1977, McLuhan helped develop a media textbook for secondary school students called City as Classroom: Understanding Language and Media. It is notable for its direct address style and its focus on investigating spaces outside of the classroom (provocatively, a section on the third page begins with “Should all schools be closed?”). The book follows with a fine-grained analysis of advertising forms in which students are asked to first bring advertisements into class for analysis and later to go out into the city to explore “a man-made environment, a huge warehouse of information, a vast resource to be mined free of charge” (McLuhan et al., City 149). As a document City as Classroom is critical of existing teaching methods, in line with the radical “in the streets” pedagogy of its day. McLuhan’s theories proved particularly salient for the counter education movement, in part because they tapped into a healthy scepticism of advertisers and other image-makers. They also dovetailed with growing discontent with the ad-strew visual environment of cities in the 1970s. Budgets for advertising had mushroomed in the1960s and outdoor advertising “cluttered” cities with billboards and neon, generating “fierce intensities and new hybrid energies” that threatened to throw off the visual equilibrium (McLuhan 74). Visual literacy curricula brought in experiential learning focussed on the legibility of the cities, mapping, and the visualisation of urban issues with social justice implications. The Detroit Geographical Expedition and Institute (DGEI), a “collective endeavour of community research and education” that arose in the aftermath of the 1967 uprisings, is the most storied of the groups that suffused the collection of spatial data with community engagement and organising (Warren et al. 61). The following decades would see a tamed approach to visual literacy that, while still pressing for critical reading, did not upend traditional methods of educational delivery. Figure 6: Beginning a College Program-Assisting Teachers to Develop Visual Literacy Approaches in Public School Classrooms. 1977. ERIC. Searching for Civic Education The visual literacy initiatives formed in the early 1970s both affirmed existing civil society institutions while also asserting the need to better inform the public. Most of the campaigns were sponsored by universities, major libraries, and international groups such as UNESCO, which published its “Declaration on Media Education” in 1982. They noted that “participation” was “essential to the working of a pluralistic and representative democracy” and the “public—users, citizens, individuals, groups ... were too systematically overlooked”. Here, the public is conceived as both “targets of the information and communication process” and users who “should have the last word”. To that end their “continuing education” should be ensured (Study 18). Programs consisted primarily of cognitive “see-scan-analyse” techniques (Little et al.) for younger students but some also sought to bring visual analysis to adult learners via continuing education (often through museums eager to engage more diverse audiences) and more radical popular education programs sponsored by community groups. By the mid-80s, scores of modules had been built around the comprehension of visual media and had become standard educational fare across North America, Australasia, and to a lesser extent, Europe. There was an increasing awareness of the role of data and image presentation in decision-making, as evidenced by the surprising commercial success of Edward Tufte’s 1982 book, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information. Visual literacy—or at least image analysis—was now enmeshed in teaching practice and needed little active advocacy. Scholarly interest in the subject went into a brief period of hibernation in the 1980s and early 1990s, only to be reborn with the arrival of new media distribution technologies (CD-ROMs and then the internet) in classrooms and the widespread availability of digital imaging technology starting in the late 1990s; companies like Adobe distributed free and reduced-fee licences to schools and launched extensive teacher training programs. Visual literacy was reanimated but primarily within a circumscribed academic field of education and data visualisation. Figure 7: Visual Literacy; What Research Says to the Teacher, 1975. National Education Association. USA. Part of the shifting frame of visual literacy has to do with institutional imperatives, particularly in places where austerity measures forced strange alliances between disciplines. What had been a project in alternative education morphed into an uncontested part of the curriculum and a dependable budget line. This shift was already forecasted in 1972 by Harun Farocki who, writing in Filmkritik, noted that funding for new film schools would be difficult to obtain but money might be found for “training in media education … a discipline that could persuade ministers of education, that would at the same time turn the budget restrictions into an advantage, and that would match the functions of art schools” (98). Nearly 50 years later educators are still using media education (rebranded as visual or media literacy) to make the case for fine arts and humanities education. While earlier iterations of visual literacy education were often too reliant on the idea of cracking the “code” of images, they did promote ways of learning that were a deep departure from the rote methods of previous generations. Next-gen curricula frame visual literacy as largely supplemental—a resource, but not a program. By the end of the 20th century, visual literacy had changed from a scholarly interest to a standard resource in the “teacher’s toolkit”, entering into school programs and influencing museum education, corporate training, and the development of public-oriented media (Literacy). An appreciation of image culture was seen as key to creating empathetic global citizens, but its scope was increasingly limited. With rising austerity in the education sector (a shift that preceded the 2008 recession by decades in some countries), art educators, museum enrichment staff, and design researchers need to make a case for why their disciplines were relevant in pedagogical models that are increasingly aimed at “skills-based” and “job ready” teaching. Arts educators worked hard to insert their fields into learning goals for secondary students as visual literacy, with the hope that “literacy” would carry the weight of an educational imperative and not a supplementary field of study. Conclusion For nearly a century, educational initiatives have sought to inculcate a cosmopolitan perspective with a variety of teaching materials and pedagogical reference points. Symbolic languages, like the Isotype, looked to unite disparate people with shared visual forms; while educational initiatives aimed to train the eyes of students to make them more discerning citizens. The term ‘visual literacy’ emerged in the 1960s and has since been deployed in programs with a wide variety of goals. Countercultural initiatives saw it as a prerequisite for popular education from the ground up, but, in the years since, it has been formalised and brought into more staid curricula, often as a sort of shorthand for learning from media and pictures. The grand cosmopolitan vision of a complete ‘visual language’ has been scaled back considerably, but still exists in trace amounts. Processes of globalisation require images to universalise experiences, commodities, and more for people without shared languages. Emoji alphabets and globalese (brands and consumer messaging that are “visual-linguistic” amalgams “increasingly detached from any specific ethnolinguistic group or locality”) are a testament to a mediatised banal cosmopolitanism (Jaworski 231). In this sense, becoming “fluent” in global design vernacular means familiarity with firms and products, an understanding that is aesthetic, not critical. It is very much the beneficiaries of globalisation—both state and commercial actors—who have been able to harness increasingly image-based technologies for their benefit. To take a humorous but nonetheless consequential example, Spanish culinary boosters were able to successfully lobby for a paella emoji (Miller) rather than having a food symbol from a less wealthy country such as a Senegalese jollof or a Morrocan tagine. This trend has gone even further as new forms of visual communication are increasingly streamlined and managed by for-profit media platforms. The ubiquity of these forms of communication and their global reach has made visual literacy more important than ever but it has also fundamentally shifted the endeavour from a graphic sorting practice to a critical piece of social infrastructure that has tremendous political ramifications. Visual literacy campaigns hold out the promise of educating students in an image-based system with the potential to transcend linguistic and cultural boundaries. This cosmopolitan political project has not yet been realised, as the visual literacy frame has drifted into specialised silos of art, design, and digital humanities education. It can help bridge the “incomplete connections” of an increasingly globalised world (Calhoun 112), but it does not have a program in and of itself. Rather, an evolving visual literacy curriculum might be seen as a litmus test for how we imagine the role of images in the world. References Brown, Neil. “The Myth of Visual Literacy.” Australian Art Education 13.2 (1989): 28-32. Calhoun, Craig. “Cosmopolitanism in the Modern Social Imaginary.” Daedalus 137.3 (2008): 105–114. Cronin, Paul. “Recovering and Rendering Vital Blueprint for Counter Education at the California Institute for the Arts.” Blueprint for Counter Education. Inventory Press, 2016. 36-58. Dondis, Donis A. A Primer of Visual Literacy. MIT P, 1973. Dworkin, M.S. “Toward an Image Curriculum: Some Questions and Cautions.” Journal of Aesthetic Education 4.2 (1970): 129–132. Eisner, Elliot. Cognition and Curriculum: A Basis for Deciding What to Teach. Longmans, 1982. Farocki, Harun. “Film Courses in Art Schools.” Trans. Ted Fendt. Grey Room 79 (Apr. 2020): 96–99. Fransecky, Roger B. Visual Literacy: A Way to Learn—A Way to Teach. Association for Educational Communications and Technology, 1972. Gardner, Howard. Frames Of Mind. Basic Books, 1983. Hawkins, Stephanie L. “Training the ‘I’ to See: Progressive Education, Visual Literacy, and National Geographic Membership.” American Iconographic. U of Virginia P, 2010. 28–61. Jaworski, Adam. “Globalese: A New Visual-Linguistic Register.” Social Semiotics 25.2 (2015): 217-35. Kant, Immanuel. Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View. Cambridge UP, 2006. Kant, Immanuel. “Perpetual Peace.” Political Writings. Ed. H. Reiss. Cambridge UP, 1991 [1795]. 116–130. Kress, G., and T. van Leeuwen. Reading images: The Grammar of Visual Design. Routledge, 1996. Literacy Teaching Toolkit: Visual Literacy. Department of Education and Training (DET), State of Victoria. 29 Aug. 2018. 30 Sep. 2020 <https://www.education.vic.gov.au:443/school/teachers/teachingresources/discipline/english/literacy/ readingviewing/Pages/litfocusvisual.aspx>. Lee, Jae Young. “Otto Neurath's Isotype and the Rhetoric of Neutrality.” Visible Language 42.2: 159-180. Little, D., et al. Looking and Learning: Visual Literacy across the Disciplines. Wiley, 2015. Messaris, Paul. “Visual Literacy vs. Visual Manipulation.” Critical Studies in Mass Communication 11.2: 181-203. DOI: 10.1080/15295039409366894 ———. “A Visual Test for Visual ‘Literacy.’” The Annual Meeting of the Speech Communication Association. 31 Oct. to 3 Nov. 1991. Atlanta, GA. <https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED347604.pdf>. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. McGraw-Hill, 1964. McLuhan, Marshall, Quentin Fiore, and Jerome Agel. The Medium Is the Massage, Bantam Books, 1967. McLuhan, Marshall, Kathryn Hutchon, and Eric McLuhan. City as Classroom: Understanding Language and Media. Agincourt, Ontario: Book Society of Canada, 1977. McTigue, Erin, and Amanda Flowers. “Science Visual Literacy: Learners' Perceptions and Knowledge of Diagrams.” Reading Teacher 64.8: 578-89. Miller, Sarah. “The Secret History of the Paella Emoji.” Food & Wine, 20 June 2017. <https://www.foodandwine.com/news/true-story-paella-emoji>. Munari, Bruno. Square, Circle, Triangle. Princeton Architectural Press, 2016. Newfield, Denise. “From Visual Literacy to Critical Visual Literacy: An Analysis of Educational Materials.” English Teaching-Practice and Critique 10 (2011): 81-94. Neurath, Otto. International Picture Language: The First Rules of Isotype. K. Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1936. Schor, Esther. Bridge of Words: Esperanto and the Dream of a Universal Language. Henry Holt and Company, 2016. Sloboda, Stacey. “‘The Grammar of Ornament’: Cosmopolitanism and Reform in British Design.” Journal of Design History 21.3 (2008): 223-36. Study of Communication Problems: Implementation of Resolutions 4/19 and 4/20 Adopted by the General Conference at Its Twenty-First Session; Report by the Director-General. UNESCO, 1983. Tanchis, Aldo, and Bruno Munari. Bruno Munari: Design as Art. MIT P, 1987. Warren, Gwendolyn, Cindi Katz, and Nik Heynen. “Myths, Cults, Memories, and Revisions in Radical Geographic History: Revisiting the Detroit Geographical Expedition and Institute.” Spatial Histories of Radical Geography: North America and Beyond. Wiley, 2019. 59-86.