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Journal articles on the topic 'Ludendorff'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Jørgensen, Jesper Düring. "Med blå briller – men uden overskæg." Magasin fra Det Kongelige Bibliotek 28, no. 2 (June 24, 2015): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mag.v28i2.66818.

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Om general Ludendorffs flugt til København og Skåne i november 1918, og om Ludendorffs manuskript til Meine Kriegserinnerungen 1914-1918 “Vi lyttede forbavsede til fremstillingen, men brød ind med et inkvisitorisk: — ‘OG HVOR ER SÅ DET MANUSKRIPT NU, ERIK?’ — ‘Ja, min fader blev rent ud forbandet på Ludendorff, efter at han var begyndt at samarbejde med Hitler, så manuskriptet blev solgt med den klausul, at det ikke måtte sælges til Tyskland eller til en tysker …’ ”

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2

Mordzilovich, Anna A. "The General and the Nuncio: the history of relationship between Erich Ludendorff and Eugenio Pacelli." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 1 (2022): 276–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-1-276-287.

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The relationship between German general Erich Ludendorff (1865–1937) and Eugenio Pacelli (1876–1958), the apostolic nuncio in Germany and the future Pope Pius XII (1939–1958) are studied. The research is based on the numerous E. Ludendorff’s memoirs and reports that E. Pacelli sent to Rome. The relationship between the general and the archbishop can be described as mutual animosity. The clashes of these historical figures are studied in the context of political events in Munich in the first half of the 1920s. Much attention is paid to E. Ludendorff’s anti-Catholic statements and their impact on the public opinion in Bavaria after the Beer Hall Putsch trial. For the nuncio, these events served as yet another proof that nationalism was the main threat of the 20th century. It is concluded that further study of this issue will help deepen the understanding of the Weimar Republic’s political and religious life.

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3

Vincent-Daviet, Marie-Bénédicte. "La dénazification et son contentieux : un legs qui pèse durablement sur la RFA. Le cas de Mathilde Ludendorff (1877-1966)." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 45, no. 1 (2013): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2013.6276.

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Der Artikel untersucht die Entnazifizierung von Mathilde Ludendorff (1877-1966) in sozialgeschichtlicher Perspektive. Ihr Fall ist in so fern interessant, als er die persönliche Ebene mit dem allgemeinen Problem des Antisemitismus in Westdeutschland nach 1945 verbindet, sowie mit seiner Tolerierung seitens der Behörden der BRD. Aufgrund ministerieller Archivquellen stellt diese Studie erstens die verschiedenen Prozesse von Mathilde Ludendorff dar. Dann werden ihre juristischen Folgen in den 1950er Jahren analysiert. Endlich wird die politische Aufsicht des Bunds für Gotterkenntnis, der 1961 als verfassungsfeindlich erklärt wird, erwähnt, denn der Fall Mathilde Ludendorff ist mit innen-wie außenpolitischen Problemen gebunden. Er erlaubt, eine breitere Sozialgeschichte der juristischen Folgen der Entnazifizierung in mehreren Jahrzehnten und ihrer differenzierten Wahrnehmung in der öffentlichen Stimmung zu entwickeln.

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4

Nebelin, Manfred. "Erich Ludendorff - ein völkischer Prophet." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 2 (2000): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5590.

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Erich Ludendorff faisait partie des «vedettes militaires» (Tucholsky ) de l’Empire. En été 1916, en même temps que Hindenburg, le général fut nommé à la direction centrale de l’armée. Mais les vainqueurs de Tannenberg ne purent pas éviter la défaite des puissances de l’Europe centrale. Après la guerre, Ludendorff entra dans le mouvement nationaliste : en 1920 il participa au putsch de Kapp et en 1923 au putsch d’Hitler. À partir de 1925 l’adversaire résolu de la République de Weimar luttait en publiciste contre les ennemis de l’Allemagne, surtout contre les «puissances supranationales» : les juifs, les francs-maçons et les catholiques. Dans ses paroles et ses traités il leur opposait une religion raciste qui au cours d’une deuxième réformation, devait provoquer une prise de conscience nationaliste en Allemagne : la découverte allemande de Dieu. Ses principes fondamentaux étaient basés sur les visions religieuses et philosophiques de Mathilde von Kemnitz, sa future épouse. La reconnaissance de cette découverte allemande de Dieu comme une communauté religieuse projetée par Ludendorff fut acceptée par Hitler en 1937. Cependant ce mouvement comptant environ 60 000 membres fut sans grande portée.

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5

Hayes, P. M. "Ludendorff och Kupp i Sverige." German History 12, no. 2 (April 1, 1994): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/12.2.268.

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6

Showalter, Dennis. "Ludendorff. Diktator im Ersten Weltkrieg." First World War Studies 4, no. 1 (March 2013): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2012.762195.

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7

BAUMGART, Winfried. "KIRIM’IN İŞGALİNDE DIŞİŞLERİ BAKANLIĞI VE LUDENDORFF (1918)." Genel Türk Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi 3, no. 6 (July 20, 2021): 559–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.53718/gttad.840926.

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8

Mignotte, Philippe. "La Guerre totale, Erich Ludendorff , Paris, Perrin, 2015." Inflexions N° 32, no. 2 (May 2, 2016): V. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/infle.032.0179e.

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9

Afflerbach, Holger. "Manfred Nebelin, Ludendorff. Diktator im Ersten Weltkrieg. München, Siedler 2010 Nebelin Manfred Ludendorff. Diktator im Ersten Weltkrieg. 2010 Siedler München € 39,99." Historische Zeitschrift 295, no. 2 (October 2012): 544. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0534.

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10

Gierowska-Kałłaur, Joanna. "The drawing of borders in occupied territories of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an instrument of implementation of German special policies." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 58, no. 3 (May 18, 2024): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2023.en7.02.

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The work aims to present German political concepts implemented in the territories of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania occupied by the Reich during World War I. Their main contractors were Chief of the General Staff Erich Ludendorff and Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg. The key objective of this special policy was the maximum weakening of Poles’ self-organisational capabilities.

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11

Jouin, Céline. "La guerre à l’âge de la technique selon Carl Schmitt." Sens-Dessous N° 33, no. 1 (March 12, 2024): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sdes.033.0153.

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La guerre totale suppose-t-elle l’éclipse de l’héroïsme, ou seulement sa transformation, engendrée par les armes nouvelles et la montée en puissance de la guerre économique ? Ou peut-être que les chefs militaires et politiques avaient manqué de courage lors de la Grande guerre, sans qu’il faille conclure à un changement structurel de la forme de la guerre ? Ernst Jünger et Carl Schmitt, on le verra, sont loin de livrer le même diagnostic que Ludendorff sur cette question. Et il n’est pas sûr qu’ils soient tout à fait d’accord entre eux…

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12

Rušin, V., M. Rybanský, M. Minarovjech, and T. Pintér. "The White-Light, Far-Red (600-700 nm) and Emission Coronae at the July 11, 1991 Eclipse." Symposium - International Astronomical Union 154 (1994): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0074180900124453.

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Preliminary results of the analysis of the white-light, emission (green and red), and far red (600-700 nm) corona during the July 11, 1991 eclipse are given. Even though the corona is of nearly-maximum type, four different principal coronal structures are seen, combined with faint, small-scale structures (loops, arches, cavities, voids or plasmoids). Scattered light is seen up to 10 R⊙ in helmet streamers. The Ludendorff index of the corona shape turns out to be a + b = −0.02, and the estimated brightness of JK = 1.47 × 10–6B⊙. Some aspects of multiwavelength observations are discussed.

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13

Rušin, V., and E. Marková. "The White-Light and Emission Coronae at the July 22, 1990 Eclipse." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 144 (1994): 555–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100026026.

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AbstractVarious instruments were used to study the solar corona at the July 22, 1990 eclipse. The white-light corona of July 22, 1990 is of maximum type (the Ludendorff index of the corona’s shape turns out to be a+b = 0.04). There are many streamers nearly equally distributed around the whole Sun, except of the southwest region where large coronal hole was located. The green (530.3 nm) and red (637.4 nm) coronal line intensities display many rapid changes in active regions around the eclipse day. Huge prominences were located above the E-limb. The estimated total brightness of the white-light corona (WLC) reached its value ofJK= 1.32 × 10−6.

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14

Khlebnikov, Georgii. "BOOK REVIEW : FLEISCHHAUER E.I. THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. LENIN AND LUDENDORFF (1905-1917)." Filosofiya Referativnyi Zhurnal, no. 2 (2021): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rphil/2021.02.12.

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15

Rivas Nieto, Pedro. "Fundamentos del concepto de guerra generalizada en la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional (o el influjo de Von Clausewitz y de Ludendorf en Iberoamérica)." Doxa Comunicación. Revista interdisciplinar de estudios de comunicación y ciencias sociales, no. 15 (2012): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n15a5.

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En este artículo se estudia un concepto esencial para la organización de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional: la guerra generalizada. El concepto se construyó a partir de la síntesis de otros previos: la guerra absoluta de Von Clausewitz, la guerra total de Eric Ludendorff y la guerra atómica de los años más duros de la Guerra Fría. En el artículo se estudia la confusa naturaleza que aquellos términos tenían, los errores teóricos de quienes orquestaron la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional, la valoración desmedida de los estudiosos clásicos de la guerra y la interpretación forzada de la realidad política y social del momento, que justificó ciertos excesos de los regímenes de Seguridad Nacional.

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16

Vandiver, Frank E., and Robert B. Asprey. "The German High Command at War: Hindenburg and Ludendorff Conduct World War I." Journal of Military History 56, no. 3 (July 1992): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985987.

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17

Franc, Claude. "Histoire militaire – Ludendorff, premier quartier-maître général, ou Clausewitz trahi par les siens." Revue Défense Nationale N° 786, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.786.0123.

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18

Lebeuf, Arnold. "The origin of the Tzolkin and the Long Count: Hans Ludendorff was right." Przegląd Archeologiczny 68 (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.23858/pa68.2020.001.

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19

Dani, Tiar, Rhorom Priyatikanto, and Abdul Rachman. "Ludendorff coronal flattening index of the total solar eclipse on March 9, 2016." Journal of Physics: Conference Series 771 (November 2016): 012005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-6596/771/1/012005.

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20

Язев, Сергей, Sergey Yazev, Александр Мордвинов, Aleksandr Mordvinov, Антонина Дворкина-Самарская, and Antonina Dvorkina-Samarskaya. "Corona during the total solar eclipse on March 20, 2015, and 24 cycle development." Solar-Terrestrial Physics 2, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20995.

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We analyzed the structure of coronal features, using data on the March 20, 2015 total solar eclipse. The Ludendorff index characterizing the flattening of the corona is 0.09. The solar corona structure in the Northern and Southern hemispheres corresponds to the maximum and post-maximum phases of solar activity, respectively. The asynchronous development of magnetic activity in the Sun’s Northern and Southern hemispheres caused a substantial asymmetry of coronal features observed at the reversal of polar magnetic fields in the current cycle. The polar ray structures in the Southern Hemisphere are associated with the polar coronal hole, while in the Northern Hemisphere a polar hole has not been formed yet. We examine the relation between large-scale magnetic fields and location of high coronal structures.

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21

Язев, Сергей, Sergey Yazev, Александр Мордвинов, Aleksandr Mordvinov, Антонина Дворкина-Самарская, and Antonina Dvorkina-Samarskaya. "Corona during the total solar eclipse on March 20, 2015, and 24 cycle development." Solnechno-Zemnaya Fizika 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2016): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/13524.

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We analyzed the structure of coronal features, using data on the March 20, 2015 total solar eclipse. The Ludendorff index characterizing the flattening of the corona is 0.09. The solar corona structure in the Northern and Southern hemispheres corresponds to the maximum and post-maximum phases of solar activity, respectively. The asynchronous development of mag-netic activity in the Sun’s Northern and Southern hemi-spheres caused a substantial asymmetry of coronal features observed at the reversal of polar magnetic fields in the current cycle. The polar ray structures in the Southern Hemisphere are associated with the polar cor-onal hole, while in the Northern Hemisphere a polar hole has not been formed yet. We examine the relation between large-scale magnetic fields and location of high coronal structures.

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22

Förster, Jürgen. "Ludendorff and Hitler in Perspective: The Battle for the German Soldier’s Mind, 1917-1944." War in History 10, no. 3 (July 2003): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344503wh280oa.

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23

Welch, David. "The Final Throw of the Dice. General Ludendorff: Morale, «Patriotic Instruction» and Imperial German Propaganda 1917-18." Ler História, no. 66 (October 1, 2014): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.737.

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24

Poewe, Karla. "Scientific neo‐paganism and the extreme right then and today: From Ludendorff ‘sGotterkenntnisto Sigrid Hunke'sEuropas Eigene religion." Journal of Contemporary Religion 14, no. 3 (October 1999): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537909908580877.

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25

Schroeder, Klaus-Peter. "Deutschland vor einhundert Jahren: Der Heidelberger Rechtsprofessor Alexander Graf zu Dohna und der Hitler-Ludendorff-Prozess 1924." Journal der Juristischen Zeitgeschichte 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jjzg-2024-0001.

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26

Müller, Klaus‐Jürgen. "Clausewitz, Ludendorff and beck: Some remarks on clausewitz’ influence on German military thinking in the 1930s and 1940s." Journal of Strategic Studies 9, no. 2-3 (June 1986): 240–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402398608437268.

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27

Hayes, P. M. "Book Reviews : Ludendorff och Kapp i Sverige. By James Cavallie. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. 1993. 341 pp." German History 12, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549401200225.

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28

Jardin, Pierre. "La fin de la guerre en Allemagne." Revue Historique des Armées 251, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.251.0035.

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Perçu par les contemporains comme eu événement soudain et incompréhensible, le phénomène qui conduit à l’effondrement du Reich doit en fait être compris dans la durée. L’équilibre ne s’est pas rompu d’un coup, mais lentement. L’armée allemande reformatée par Ludendorff pour livrer à l’ouest la bataille d’anéantissement dont il rêve ne peut s’imposer, pire, elle s’use avec une rapidité qui n’avait pas été envisagée. Aux pertes au combat, considérables, s’ajoutent un flot d’insoumis qui finissent par former à l’arrière une véritable seconde armée. Cette perte continue de substance ne peut être enrayée et malgré tous les efforts consentis, le définit en hommes ne peut être comblé. Cette situation n’échappe pas à l’arrière. Les échecs de l’armée entraînent un déclin progressif du moral qui s’accélère à partir de juin-juillet 1918. Renseignée par les récits des permissionnaires et les lettres qu’elle reçoit du front, la population finit par comprendre qu’il n’y a plus d’issue – bien avant que le haut commandement se décide à le reconnaître. Lorsqu’il le fait, il est déjà trop tard, et il précipite la catastrophe en se livrant à un véritable sabotage de la politique engagée par le gouvernement Max de Bade.

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29

Harmanec, P., J. Horn, P. Koubský, K. Juza, H. Božić, K. Pavlovski, A. M. Hubert, and H. Hubert. "An improved model of the B0.5e + Be binary system φ Per." Symposium - International Astronomical Union 162 (1994): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0074180900215209.

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φ Per (HD 10516) is a spectroscopic binary with a 126.699-day period (Ludendorff 1910, Cannon 1910, Harmanec 1985). However, most of the published RV curves of the primary are based on H I shell lines and exhibit a typical distortion with a sharp maximum, shallow minimum and a bump at 0.P4 after the RV maximum (c.f., e.g., Harmanec 1985). There has been controversy on the nature of the secondary. Hynek (1940) and Hendry (1976) concluded that the binary was composed of two B stars. Peters (1976) suggested that the secondary of φ Per is a Roche-lobe filling K giant. Poeckert (1981) reported the discovery of a weak He II 4686 emission which moved in antiphase to the Be primary and suggested that it originated in the disk around the secondary. In his interpretation, the secondary is a helium star, a remnant of an originally more massive star which in the past transferred its mass to the present Be star. There is now no mass tranfer in the system according to Poeckert. Using RVs of the broad absorptions for primary, and of the He II 4686 emission for the secondary, Poeckert obtained two roughly sinusoidal RV curves and M1sin3i = 21.1 m⊙ and M2sin3i = 3.4 m⊙.

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30

DiNardo, Richard L. "A transitory phenomenon: German commanders and chiefs of staff, 1866–1918." War in History 29, no. 1 (January 2022): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344520937138.

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This article examines the relationship between commanders and chiefs of staff during the period of the Wars of German Unification and the entirety of the Kaiserreich. The practice of pairing up a commander and a chief of staff was one that was specific to Germany. Traditional scholarship holds that in many cases, it was really the chief of staff who did all the thinking, while the commander was nothing more than a front man. The primary example of this was the relationship between Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff. The problem is that unthinking historians have projected relationship of this particular duo on the rest of the imperial German army. One of the reasons for this was the presence of members of German royal families in high command positions. This article suggests that first, commanders, including royal family members, were far more influential than their chiefs of staff. In addition, the power wielded by chiefs of staff also reflected the nagging problem of battlefield communications, especially given the limitations of telephone and early wireless radio. Once these difficulties were eliminated by the collapse of the imperial regime, and the development of radio, the power of chiefs of staff was severely curbed by 1939. Thus, the relationship between commanders and chiefs of staff was at best a transitory phenomenon.

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31

Sorrie, Charles. "Industrial unrest in France 1917–1918, the Loire and the Isère." French History 35, no. 4 (November 23, 2021): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crab045.

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Abstract In May 1918, a strike movement began in Paris and swiftly spread throughout much of the country. The strikes came at a time of heightened military danger and were promptly suppressed by the Clemenceau Government. Whereas a more widespread French labour unrest in 1917 had concentrated on wage demands, in 1918 the strikes were initiated by the radical far left of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT, France’s largest labour union) and were marked by internationalist and pacifist demands. In the months leading up to the spring of 1918, radical labour leaders in the Loire and the Isère were encouraged by federal colleagues in the CGT and its radical affiliate, the Comité de défense syndicaliste (CDS), to prepare for a series of general strikes. The launching of the Ludendorff Offensives, however, persuaded the CDS to postpone a coordinated national general strike until after the military emergency subsided. Labour leaders in the Loire and the Isère disregarded these directives and launched strikes in May and June that alienated local labour movements from their already tenuous political support from Paris. Using materials from both departmental and national archives, this study examines the political dynamics which precipitated and then accelerated the appointment of far-left radicals to leadership positions within the labour movements of the Loire and much of the Isère. It argues that the industrial significance of both areas, the anarcho-syndicalist rhetoric of local union leaders, poorly timed strike actions and the Clemenceau Government’s uncompromising jusqu’au boutisme worked together as factors to condemn this understudied movement to failure.

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32

Bidelman, William P. "Introductory Comments." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 87 (1985): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100090564.

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The chairman has kindly encouraged, not to say entreated, me to write a few remarks concerning the subject of your symposium, which I was unfortunately unable to attend. This I am happy to do: the hydrogen-deficient stars are dear to my heart and even though I haven’t contributed anything to the subject for several years, it is certainly nice to be remembered. From an outsider, then, a few thoughts.To quote from Miss Payne, in her classical study of 1925: The uniformity of composition of stellar atmospheres appears to be an established fact.” Certainly for the time that statement was beyond reproach. Yet even then the seeds of hydrogen deficiency had already been sown. Mrs. Fleming, in noting the presence of bright Hβ in u Sagittarii, in 1891, further states that its spectrum “is remarkable, since the hydrogen lines are very faint and of the same intensity as the additional dark lines.” Further, Ludendorff, in a paper written on Aug. 16, 1906, discovered the complete absence of the Hγ line in R Coronae Borealis (a similar situation with respect to Hβ and Hδ being confirmed by Frost). And by a remarkable coincidence, a Harvard objective-prism plate taken the very same day was described by Miss Cannon as showing very little absorption at the G band. Both HD 30353 and RY Sagittarii are stated in the Henry Draper Catalogue to show a spectral resemblance to R CrB. And finally, the non-typical weakness of the G band of the carbon star HD 182040 was pointed out by Rufus as early as 1923.

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33

Weitz, Eric D. "Der Kapp-Lüttwitz-Ludendorff Putsch. Dokumente. Edited by Erwin Könnemann and Gerhard Schulze. Munich: Olzog. 2002. Pp. lxxv + 1,137. €132.00. ISBN 3-7892-9355-5." Central European History 38, no. 3 (September 2005): 493–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900005410.

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34

Wurzer, Georg. "Eva Ingeborg Fleischhauer, Die Russische Revolution. Lenin und Ludendorff (1905–1917), Borsdorf: Edition Winterwork 2017, 888 S., EUR 64,90 [ISBN 978-3-96014-247-8]." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 77, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 576–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2018-0111.

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35

Krumeich, Gerd. "Ludendorffs Dolchstoß." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 76, s1 (September 26, 2017): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2017-0156.

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36

Crouthamel, Jason. "Dragonslayer: The Legend of Erich Ludendorff in the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich By Jay Lockenour. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2021. Pp. xiv + 292. Cloth $32.95. ISBN 978-1501754593." Central European History 55, no. 2 (June 2022): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938922000383.

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37

Herzog, Todd. "Crime Stories: Criminal, Society, and the Modernist Case History." Representations 80, no. 1 (2002): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.80.1.34.

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THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES the role that the case history plays in distinguishing criminal from noncriminal. It focuses on a remarkable moment in the development of the criminal case history: the ambitious but short-lived series Außßenseiter der Gesellschaft——die Verbrechen der Gegenwart (Outsiders of Society——the Crimes of Today), published in Germany in 1924-25. In a project without precedent in German literature, the series enlisted the talents of some of Germany's and Austria's most important novelists and journalists to write book-length studies of recent sensational criminal cases. The topics covered in the series ranged widely,from the confidence schemes of the impostor who called himself Freiherr von Egloffstein, to the Hitler-Ludendorff trial, to the career of the serial killer Fritz Haarmann. Though it existed for only a little over one year, the Outsiders series——which ultimately ran to fourteen volumes——occupies a crucial role in documenting the ways in which criminality was understood in Weimar Germany. Aside from the presence of an all-star cast of writers, the significance of the Outsiders series lies in its rethinking and reworking the aims and possibilities of the genre of the criminal case history. The series sought to intervene in the tradition of crime narratives (especially the case study as exemplified in the Pitaval, the archive of criminal cases that enjoyed widespread popularity in Europe from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century) in order to question the nature and effects of the genre. If narrative is one of the primary techniques by which the criminal and the noncriminal are distinguished, then the crisis of narration that is a central characteristic of modernist literature would naturally precipitate a crisis of this mechanism of distinction when brought to bear on the discussion of criminals. When the belief in the ability to narrate a life story comes into doubt, the belief in the ability of a narrative to separate criminal from noncriminal and to reconstruct the events that lead to a crime also fall under suspicion. Turning their attention precisely to the relationship that Michel Foucault would later concentrate on——that between the criminal and his examiners——these studies repeatedly show the criminal to be the object of juridical, medical, journalistic, popular, and literary attention. The diverse group of contributors to the series reflects the hybrid nature of this crossover project, which brings a combination of reportage, fictional techniques, and scientific analysis to bear on an area that is usually the domain of legal and medical specialists. At the same time, the series incorporates medical texts and trial documents into what often reads like a fictional narrative. This multivalence is precisely what the series aims to attain as it demonstrates the impossibility of clearly locating causality and guilt, seeking instead to map the connections and contradictions between the various discourses that endeavor to make the criminal visible as a distinct and deviant individual. In so doing, it develops a genre that would become increasingly popular over the course of the twentieth century,the nonfiction documentary crime novel.

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Gulyaev, R. A., N. Ya Vanyarkha, and E. S. Vanyarkha. "Photometrical Evidences in Favour of the “Flat Solar Corona”." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 144 (1994): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100025124.

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AbstractThe conventional way of quantitative description of coronal forms is shown to be inadequate as compared with actual coronal configurations. The standard technique of determining the Ludendorff’s parameter in the heiiographic reference has no physical meaning. However the similar parameter as determined in the heliomagnetic frame of reference is of quite clear physical meaning since it depicts the actual concentration of the coronal material towards the heliospheric current sheet. Conclusion of a need to revise the conventional view on relation of coronal forms with the sunspot cycle is pointed out.

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Norkus, Zenonas. "Kiek kartų Lietuvoje buvo restauruotas kapitalizmas? Apie dvi Lietuvos okupacijas ir jų žalos skaičiavimus." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 91–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2013.2.3807.

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Santrauka. Straipsnyje lyginamos kaizerinės (1915–1918 m.) ir sovietinės (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) okupacijų laikais Lietuvoje susikūrusios politinės ekonominės Oberosto (Vokietijos Rytų fronto vadui pavaldžios okupacinės zonos, kurios didžiąją dalį sudarė Lietuvos teritorija) ir LTSR politinės ekonominės sistemos. Oberoste Vokietijos Rytų fronto kariuomenės vadai Paulius Hindenburgas ir Erichas Ludendorffas sukūrė pirmąją moderniausiais laikais planuojamo komandinio administracinio ūkio sistemą, kurios pirmąja laboratorija tapo okupuota Lietuva. 1917–1918 m. tapę faktiniais Vokietijos diktatoriais, Oberosto įkūrėjai Lietuvoje išbandytą ūkio sistemą mėgino įdiegti metropolijoje. Nors šis mėginimas iki galo nepavyko, karinio socializmo kūrimas Vokietijoje jau 1917 m. pažengė pakankamai toli, kad taptų inspiracijos šaltiniu bolševikams, kuriant sovietinį valstybinio socializmo modelį, kuris 1940 m. „sugrįžo“ į Lietuvą. Kai 1990–1992 m. Lietuvoje buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka, tai mūsų šalies istorijoje įvyko jau antrą kartą, nes taip pat ir 1918–1922 m. kartu su nepriklausomos valstybės kūrimu buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka. Šiuolaikinė Lietuva yra pateikusi okupacijos žalos atlyginimo sąskaitą SSRS teisių perėmėjai Rusijai, o tarpukario Lietuva okupacijos žalos atlyginimo reikalavo iš Weimaro Vokietijos. Tačiau jeigu tarpukario Lietuva reikalavo atlyginti tik tiesioginę žalą, šiuolaikinė Lietuva siekia taip pat ir netiesioginės žalos atlyginimo. Pagrindinę šios žalos dalį sudaro 1940–1990 m. Lietuvos negautos nacionalinės pajamos, kurių dydžio įvertinimas priklauso nuo prielaidų, kokie būtų kontrafaktinės nepriklausomos kapitalistinės Lietuvos ūkio raidos rezultatai 1990 m. Straipsnyje pateikiami du – optimistinis (1990 m. „dausų Lietuvos“ kaip „antrosios Suomijos“) ir pesimistinis (1990 m. kontrafaktinė Lietuva kaip „Baltijos Urugvajus“) modeliai. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kapitalizmo restauracija, komandinė administracinė sistema, Hindenburgo programa, okupacijos žalos atlyginimas, kapitalizmo įvairovė. Key words: command administrative system, Hindenburg programme, restoration of capitalism, compensation of occupation damage, varieties of capitalism. SUMMARY HOW MANY TIMES CAPITALISM WAS RESTORED IN LITHUANIA? ON TWO OCCUPATIONS OF LITHUANIA AND THEIR DAMAGE CALCULATIONS The paper compares the political economic systems under German (1915–1918) and Soviet (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) occupations in Lithuania. During the World War I, Lithuania was part of the German occupation zone Ober Ost, ruled by the higher commando of the German Eastern front (Oberbefehlshaber Ost). The German military command of Eastern front under Paul Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff used Lithuania as a laboratory for large scale social experiment, creating the first planned command administrative economy in the world. After they were promoted to the higher commando of all German armed forced and established in 1917–1918 de facto military dictatorship over Germany, they made the attempt to establish the Ober Ost system in the metropole. Although the realization of the complete „Hindenburg programme“ did fail, by 1917 Germany lived under military socialism (Kriegssozialismus) and coercive economy, which became the example and source of inspiration for Bolsheviks constructing Soviet model of state socialism. In 1940, this model came back to Lithuania, history making the full circle. This means that the market transition in 1990–1992 was second restoration of capitalism in Lithuania, because in 1918–1922 the capitalist economic system also was restored here jointly with the establishment of national state. Contemporary Lithuania demands from Russia to pay for damage inflicted on Lithuanian economy by Soviet occupation, and interwar Lithuania did demand the same form Weimar Germany in 1922–1923. However, while interwar Lithuania did ask to pay only direct occupation damage, contemporary Lithuania demands to compensate also the indirect damage. The main part of this damage is the loss of the national income which Lithuania did not receive in 1940–1990 because the efficient capitalist economic system was replaced by the less productive state socialist system during this time. However, the calculations of the indirect damage incorrectly assume that all varieties of capitalism are more efficient in the developing countries in comparison with command administrative system. The assumption that the variety of capitalism which existed in Lithuania by 1940 (state cooperative capitalism) was not less efficient than Stalinist Soviet socialism is politically correct one, as much as the expectation that under this system independent Lithuania would become advanced technological frontier country („second Finland“) by 1990. Nevertheless, the counterfactual development path of the independent capitalist Lithuania in 1940–1990 would include critical conjunctures and crossroads, which could end with Lithuania entering „low road“ development path. Tellingly, Latin American capitalist country Uruguay (similar to Lithuania and other Baltic culture by its size and economc structure) had higher GDP per capita level than Lithuania in 1940, but by 1990 this level was lower than in Soviet Lithuania. Importantly, Uruguay never was under Soviet Russian occupation, did not construct socialism or suffered war damage. Pastaba: Tyrimas finansuotas Europos socialinio fondo lėšomis pagal visuotinės dotacijos priemonę (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010). The research for this paper was funded by European Social Fund under the Global Grant measure (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010).

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Förstl, Hans. "Mathilde Ludendorff (1877–1966): Nervenärztin und völkische Philosophin." Der Nervenarzt, March 25, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00115-021-01108-x.

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ZusammenfassungMathilde Ludendorff (geb. Spiess, verw. von Kemnitz, gesch. Kleine) war eine der ersten Frauen, die im wilhelminischen Deutschland Medizin studierte. Sie schrieb eine feministische Dissertation; gab an, sehr früh Sigmund Freuds Psychoanalyse erfolgreich widerlegt zu haben und zu Emil Kraepelins bester Schülerin avanciert zu sein; deckte den Schwindel von Albert Schrenck-Notzings Mediumforschung auf; firmierte nach 17-monatiger Weiterbildung als Spezialärztin für Nervenheilkunde; behandelte General von Ludendorffs erste Frau und wurde alsbald seine zweite; entwickelte eine germanische Philosophie, die Adolf Hitler zu verwegen erschien; wurde 1949 in einem Spruchkammerverfahren zunächst als Hauptschuldige verurteilt und setzte sich kritisch mit dem Gutachten ihres Kollegen Georg Stertz über ihren eigenen Geisteszustand auseinander. Ihre zahlreichen Schriften werden weiter verlegt. Der von ihr begründete „Bund für Gotterkenntnis (Ludendorff)“ existiert noch und wird vom Verfassungsschutz beobachtet.

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Schulz Friedemann, Ramón P. C. "El punto cero de la cuenta larga maya y las inscripciones astronómicas de Palenque." Estudios de Cultura Maya 8 (October 15, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.1972.8.334.

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Nuevo material ha sido añadido desde que Hans Ludendorff trabajó con las inscripciones de Palenque. Un artículos anterior mío señalaba la importancia de la 56ª. reuda calendárica para la crnología maya. Tenemos en ella la combinación del año Jualiano con un antiguo cómputo lunar maya. Lo último fue demostrado por Teeple en Copán. El punto cero corresponde a un equinoccio de otoño (0 Pop = 203 a. C.).

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Förstl, Hans. "Erratum zu: Mathilde Ludendorff (1877–1966): Nervenärztin und völkische Philosophin." Der Nervenarzt, January 25, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00115-021-01228-4.

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43

"The German high command at war: Hindenburg and Ludendorff conduct World War I." Choice Reviews Online 29, no. 10 (June 1, 1992): 29–5836. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.29-5836.

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Spilker, Annika. "Geschlechterverhältnisse und Zukunftsvorstellungen bei der Ärztin und völkischen Aktivistin Mathilde Ludendorff (1877-1966)." Feministische Studien 27, no. 2 (January 1, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fs-2009-0205.

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45

YOLCU YAVUZ, Serap. "TÜRK MİLLİ MÜCADELESİ’NDE ASKERİ STRATEJİ AÇISINDAN “TOPYEKÛN SAVAŞ” KAVRAMI." Kalite ve Strateji Yönetimi Dergisi, January 30, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56682/ksydergi.1403161.

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Topyekûn Savaş kavramının doğuşu Napolyon Savaşları’na dayandırılsa da literatürde yerini alması I. Dünya Savaşı sonrasına denk düşmektedir. Carl von Clausewitz ve General Eric Ludendorff açısından topyekûn savaş kavramı -“topyekün” olma niteliğini korumakla birlikte- bazı temel noktalarda farklılaşmaktadır. Savaşın siyasetin parçası olması yahut siyaset üstü kabul edilerek bütün unsurların savaş adına harekete geçirilmesi Clausewitz’in “mutlak savaş”ı ile Ludendorff’un “topyekûn savaş”ı arasındaki temel farkı ortaya koymaktadır. Bu makalede de Türkiye’nin kuruluş sürecinde girilen Millî Mücadele’nin sınırlarının Clausewitz ve Ludendorff’un savaş stratejisi tanımlamalarından hangisine göre çizildiği üzerine bir değerlendirme yapılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu noktada liderlerin tutumları, yasal düzenlemeler ve halkın kitleler halinde seferber edilmesi açısından girişilen mücadelenin topyekûn niteliği aşikardır. Ancak bu topyekûnluk hali askeri diktatörlük boyutuna taşınmamıştır. Zaten Millî Mücadele’nin kendine has yönü, Clausewitz ve Ludendorff’un savaşın doğasına ilişkin açıklamalarının birlikte izlenebilmesidir.

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Asschenfeldt, Friedrich, and Max Trecker. "From Ludendorff to Lenin? World War I and the Origins of Soviet Economic Planning." Europe-Asia Studies, October 10, 2023, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2259635.

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47

Zingg, Emanuel. "Absoluter Krieg in der Antike? – Isokrates (Archidamos [§ 73–86]) im Vergleich mit Clausewitz, Daudet und Ludendorff." Antike und Abendland 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anab-2014-0109.

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Borges de Macedo, Paulo Emílio Vauthier. "A GUERRA E A VIOLÊNCIA NA POLÍTICA EM CLAUSEWITZ." REVISTA QUAESTIO IURIS 11, no. 04 (November 29, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rqi.2018.37233.

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Este trabalho pretende demonstrar que a guerra faz parte da sociedade internacional, da sua natureza mesmo, ou, nas palavras de Carl von Clausewitz, a guerra é a “continuação da política por outros meios”. Se essa afirmação for aceita, não se pode conceber a guerra como algo alheio e, até mesmo, avesso à Política e ao Direito. Antes, ela integra o quotidiano das relações entre os Estados: uma medida que políticos e chefes de Estado utilizam com tanta naturalidade como outra qualquer; não raro, nem mesmo constitui a última ratio. Aqui, intenta provar-se duas teses: a da “naturalização” da guerra e a da sua instrumentalização. Os conflitos armados não são uma “doença” que acometem os Estados, nem o resultado de uma mente insana, mas um dos instrumentos postos à disposição dos homens de governo, uma das formas pela qual se manifesta a Política. Sem dúvida que não se trata de uma forma qualquer, mas daquela que se vale de um meio bastante singular: a violência. Ainda assim, esta medida, por mais cruel que possa parecer, não significa a falência da Política e do Direito. Clausewitz apresenta dois conceitos de guerra, o absoluto e o real, os quais demonstram o funcionamento da lógica e da tensão presente na essência da sociedade internacional. A seguir, o trabalho procurará mostrar que Clausewitz era um homem do contexto do equilíbrio europeu e que, portanto, não poderia advogar a tese da “guerra total”, como releituras posteriores — sobretudo a de Ludendorff — fizeram crer. O conceito de guerra absoluta de Clausewitz é distinto daquele de guerra total; este foi uma derivação imprópria. Por fim, buscar-se-á traçar uma genealogia do pensamento do autor até O Príncipe de Maquiavel. Esse percurso tem por objetivos demonstrar a relação estreita entre guerra e Política; no caso, entre a formulação clausewitziana de guerra e a teoria política de Maquiavel. Empregou-se uma metodologia indutiva. O autor foi estudado a partir de três fontes primárias: A campanha de 1812 na Rússia, Princípios da Guerra e a magna opus inacabada o Da Guerra. A referência a alguns comentadores, sobretudo Raymond Aron, foi também necessária.

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"‘I feel bound to serve’: The War Cabinet, April 1918 – January 1919." Camden Fifth Series 5 (July 1995): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300000610.

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By the early spring of 1918 Chamberlain's return to the government represented an increasingly attractive proposition for the Prime Minister. Chamberlain's stock had certainly risen substantially since his attacks upon the influence of the press lords in February and March. In some quarters he was already perceived ta be ‘the alternative Prime Minister, if by some mischance Lloyd George were to be killed by a golf-ball’. As the Irish problem forced itself back to the top of the political agenda there were also obvious dangers in leaving him on the backbenches as a focus for Unionist discontent – particularly as he was known to hold strong views on the need to extend conscription to Ireland. Thus, when the crisis over the proposal to link Home Rule and conscription broke in early April, Lloyd George finally resolved that he should be offered office. To this end, on 9 April Law was despatched to invite Chamberlain to join the War Cabinet. Despite his own ambivalence towards Lloyd George's character and a continued concern about the influence of the press lords, Chamberlain was also predisposed to return to office: a position reinforced by the military crisis created by Ludendorff's massive offensive on 21 March.

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Grigaravičiūtė, Sandra. "The First Request for Recognition of Lithuania’s Independence of 8–9 February 1918: the Text and The Context." Lituanistica 68, no. 2 (June 5, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.6001/lituanistica.v68i2.4720.

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The secession from Russia, the declaration of independence, and the request to recognise the independent state of Lithuania were the three steps which had to be made by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) in order to bring Lithuania back into the international community after 120 years of occupation. The first two steps were made after all members of the Council of Lithuania signed the Statement of 11 December 1917, but it was not made public anywhere. Part I of the Statement was the Declaration of Independence, which declared the termination of all state ties which formerly bound the state to other nations and proclaimed the re-establishment of the independent state of Lithuania. Another step that ensued the secession and the declaration of independence had to be a request for the recognition of the independent state of Lithuania for it to become a full-fledged member of the international community. However, first and foremost, it had to be announced publicly. The article publishes the note handed over by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) to the German envoy on 8 February 1918 and to the envoys of the Entente Powers and neutral states on 9 February 1918 and analyses its text and context. The text of the note in French is identical. The note includes the first request to recognise the independence of the Lithuanian state based on the modified text of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 signed by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius). The note dated 7 February 1918 was submitted to the German envoy in Bern and the note dated 9 February 1918 was handed over to the diplomatic and consular representatives of the Entente Powers (France, Great Britain, the USA, Italy) and neutral states (the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden) in Switzerland and the Swiss Political Department. Historiography includes no mention of the note delivered to Gisbert von Romberg, the German envoy in Bern, on 8 February 1918. The démarche made by Pranciškus Karevičius and Konstantinas Olšauskas at the same time, on 7–9 February 1918, to Gen. Erich Ludendorff and the German Chancellor Georg von Hertling in Berlin is not mentioned either. Both démarches, one by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) in Bern and the other by the two Lithuanian priests in Berlin, were, in fact, coordinated. The reaction to the note and the evaluations of the démarches found in historiography are similar, but the fact that on 10 February 1918, in the aftermath of the said démarches, the Chancellery of the German Chancellor prepared the draft document on the recognition of Lithuania’s independence has not been known before. The aim of the research is to investigate the context and the text of the first request to recognise Lithuania’s independence expressed on 8–9 February 1918, to reveal the reaction towards it and the results achieved. The chronological boundaries of the research cover the period from the sitting of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) of 25 January 1918, which put forward the idea to issue a memorandum with annexes, to 25 February 1918, when the German Military Administration completed the investigation into the circumstances of authorising the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) to represent Lithuanian affairs abroad. The research employed the logical-analytical method (the notional analysis of the content of the note and the information provided by the sources in German, French, Norwegian, English languages was conducted), synthesis (the new material of the sources was supplemented with the information circulating in historiography), comparison (the facts from Lithuanian, German and Norwegian archives and the Lithuanian, German and Swiss press were compared), comparative analysis (the texts of documents in different languages were compared), descriptive, inductive, and interpretive methods (the idea and meaning of the content of the sources was reconstructed with regard to the question wording). The research consists of three parts. The first part analyses the context of the origin of the note (25 January 1918–7 February 1918) and concludes that: (1) the uncoordinated efforts of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne), the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), and the Supreme Lithuanian Council in Russia to send Lithuanian delegates to the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk clearly demonstrated the equal rights of all three councils in representing the interests of the Lithuanian nation without any of them being more superior than the others; (2) the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) sought to declare the independence of Lithuania and to obtain the recognition of Lithuania’s independence first from Germany and then from the Entente Powers and neutral states on the basis of the Statement of 11 December 1917; only the (non)presentation of the parts of the text in the documents of the notification of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) and the wording of different text parts differed; (3) to obtain as prompt recognition of Lithuania’s independence as possible, the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) exerted pressure on the German Government in Berlin, and the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) did the same in the Swiss capital Bern; (4) the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) actively sought to participate in the formation of the Provisional Government of Lithuania and its work in taking up the posts of ministers and gradually taking over the competences in both foreign and domestic affairs from the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) by reducing its functions to the function of approval only; the publication of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 before the same was done by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius) had to ensure that the leadership was in the hands of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne). The second part of the study analyses the structure, content, and the essence of the note and the chronology of its submission. It is revealed that the introductory part of the note substantiates the powers exercised by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) and its function. Its first part contains the first-ever publication of the modified text of Part I of the Statement of 11 December 1917 signed by the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), i.e., the Declaration of Independence. The second part provides the justification for the declaration of independence; the third part specifies and describes the elements of Lithuania as a state; the fourth part repeats the Declaration on the Secession from Russia adopted by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) on 25 December 1917. The fifth part expresses the request to recognise the independent state and justifies such a request, and the final part expresses respect for the Government of the foreign state to which the note is addressed. It was ascertained that the purpose of the text of the note was to obtain the recognition of Lithuania’s independence from the belligerent and neutral states, to accelerate the procrastinated recognition from Germany, to initiate the formation of the Provisional Government of Lithuania, and to create preconditions for re-orienting Lithuanian foreign policy from Germany towards the Entente Powers. The third part of the article addresses the reaction of Germany, the Entente Powers, and neutral states towards the note and the results of the démarche made by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) in Bern and by the two Lithuanian priests in Berlin. It appeared that the German Foreign Office and the Military Administration believed that the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) sought to take over the competence of the Council of Lithuania (in Vilnius), to put Germany in front of a fait accompli or perhaps even abandon Part II of the Statement of the Council of Lithuania of 11 December 1917, and to change the Lithuanian foreign policy orientation towards the Entente Powers. The reaction of the German Military Administration and the German Chancellor towards the visit of Bishop Karevičius and prelate Olšauskas in Berlin was positive, helping to dot the i’s and cross the t’s in the history of Lithuania’s recognition. As a result, on 10 February 1918, the Chancellery of the German Chancellor drafted the document on the recognition of Lithuania’s independence. The investigation into the competence of the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) by the German Foreign Office and the General Staff revealed the immense influence made by Juozas Gabrys and Friedrich von Ropp and the confidence in the information provided by them. On receipt of the note, the Entente Powers and the neutral states showed different, yet reserved, reactions: some refrained from any specific statements and did not reply (Switzerland, Norway), others limited themselves to the expression of their sympathies (France), or briefly informed that the final decisions would be made by the peace conference (Great Britain). To sum up the findings of the research, the text of the note and the context of its submission are significant for several essential aspects: (1) the foreign press, the diplomats of the Entente Powers and neutral states learnt about Part I of the Statement of the Council of Lithuania of 11 December 1917, i.e., the Declaration of Independence, which could not be published before; (2) the text of the note included all (published and unpublished) declarations by the Lithuanians in Lithuania and abroad about the secession from Russia, the declaration of independence, and the re-establishment of the Lithuanian state, which demonstrated the unanimous aim of all Lithuanians; (3) three steps were made by a single text: the secession from Russia was declared, the independence was proclaimed, and the request was expressed to recognise the Lithuanian state, bringing it back into the international community.

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