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Journal articles on the topic 'Lumpenproletariat'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 22 June 2024

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1

Hayes, Peter. "Utopia and the Lumpenproletariat: Marx's Reasoning in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte." Review of Politics 50, no. 3 (1988): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036330.

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Thomas More described how Utopia held no place for criminals, beggars and vagabonds. Marx called these people “the lumpenproletariat,” and, like More, he wished to exclude them from his vision of a communist society. However, the lumpenproletariat stood outside productive society, as such, they also stood outside the dialectic. For them to be excluded from Utopia in a theory of scientific socialism they needed to be reincorporated into the dialectic. This Marx did in his analysis of Louis Napoleon's coup. Marx was simultaneously concerned to distinguish the proletariat from the violent reactionary crowds of 1848 to 1851. He did so by labeling such crowds lumpenproletarian. By focusing on lumpenproletarians as a degenerate mob, Marx precluded consideration of how they might have been victims of capitalist society. He also foreshadowed the tactics of those radical politicians who appealed to the crowd by a similar denigration of a degenerate outgroup.

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2

Clarke, Ben. "Irvine Welsh, Neoliberalism, and the Lumpenproletariat." MFS Modern Fiction Studies 69, no. 3 (September 2023): 492–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mfs.2023.a905747.

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Abstract: This essay demonstrates the continued critical value of Marx and Engels's idea of the lumpenproletariat for contemporary analyses of growing populations excluded from the recognized economy. Focusing on Irvine Welsh's work, I argue that the lumpenproletariat exposes the ideological continuities between marginalized groups and dominant classes. This relation is central to Welsh's fiction, which challenges the simple identification of the outsider and the radical. Welsh's insistence on the agency of the dispossessed extends existing models of the lumpenproletariat, enabling new, more inclusive forms of radical theory and practice.

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3

Mohan, Anupama. "The Lumpenproletariat and the Itinerary of a Concept: Some Literary Reflections." Asian Review of World Histories 9, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 225–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340094.

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Abstract In their theory of class formation and social revolution, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were scathing about the lumpenproletariat, condemning it as anti-revolutionary, morally bankrupt, and a bribable tool of the bourgeoisie, a view that remained influential well into the mid-twentieth century. Not until Frantz Fanon appropriated the term lumpenproletariat in The Wretched of the Earth (1961) and applied it to what he saw as a whole class of people waiting to be brought into and redeployed as the vanguard of a new revolutionary proletarian consciousness did it shed its negative connotations. The changed trajectories of the proper place and role of the lumpenproletariat can be seen in working-class literatures of the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries, which constitute an important stage upon which to refine Marxian and Fanonian understandings of the lumpenproletariat. This essay examines three novels written in the last thirty years: Herbert, by Nabarun Bhattacharya, written originally in Bengali and published in 1993; How Late It Was, How Late, by Scottish writer James Kelman (1994); and Sacred Games, by Vikram Chandra (2006). Read contrapuntally, these works provide a literary platform for the exploration of the representational shift in the role and function of the lumpenproletariat in the twenty-first century.

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4

Vincent, Cindy. "Towards a reconceptualisation of the lumpenproletariat: The collective organisation of poverty for social change through participatory media." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00019_1.

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This study examines the activist-oriented participatory media processes of those who arguably could be classified as contemporary lumpenproletariat in San Francisco, California. Based on ethnographic research conducted at POOR Magazine in San Francisco, this article argues that, despite obstacles of disenfranchisement and disindividuation, people living in poverty and homelessness can organise collectively for social change via participatory media processes. Working with POOR Magazine, I conducted a qualitative analysis of the process of participatory media production and the media artefacts of people living in poverty and homelessness. The data are analysed through a critical/cultural theoretical lens to help reframe and redefine the conception of the lumpenproletariat. The findings of this study saw the possibility for collective organisation emerge in four ways: ideology, leadership, organisation and collective identity; this gives us a better understanding of the power and potential of lumpenproletariat media.

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5

Kamola, Isaac. "QAnon and the Digital Lumpenproletariat." New Political Science 43, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1925835.

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6

Stallybrass, Peter. "Marx and Heterogeneity: Thinking the Lumpenproletariat." Representations 31, no. 1 (July 1990): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.1990.31.1.99p0365y.

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7

Stallybrass, Peter. "Marx and Heterogeneity: Thinking the Lumpenproletariat." Representations 31 (1990): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928400.

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8

Bradley, Joff P. N., and Alex Taek-Gwang Lee. "On the Lumpen-Precariat-To-Come." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 639–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.1006.

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As a prolegomena to writing a critique of contemporary capitalism which takes into account its semiotic, affective dimensions and which emphasises the notion of hyper-capitalism with Asian characteristics, and in considering the nature of the ﬂoating, heterogeneous population of the lumpenproletariat in the Asia-Pacific region in the 21st century, the authors believe they remain faithful to Marx and the 11th thesis on Feuerbach. Bringing a unique perspective to the debate and raising pressing issues regarding the exploitation of the lumpenproletariat, we are not content to merely revisit the concept of the lumpenproletariat in Marx’s writings such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) but to apply this concept to the contemporary conditions of capitalism and especially to the loci of the precariat in Asia. Our goal is to begin to account for the changing demographic of labour flows, the precarity of life, the modern day slavery which takes place in our time. In examining the passage from the lumpenproletariat, hitherto defined as “non-class” or “people without a definite trace”, to lumpen-precariat, defined as people not seen in Asian economies (refugees, the illegally employed, illegal migrants, nationless foreign labour, the withdrawn clan, sex industry workers, night workers; those behind walls, gated communities, and other entrance-exit barriers), this paper discloses not only the subsistence of those in the non-places of the world – in the technocratic-commercial archipelago of urban technopoles – but also and, arguably more importantly, on the Outside, namely the rest of the planet, the other six-sevenths of humanity. This paper looks for “a” missing people, “a” singular, people yet to come, those exiled, excluded and unseen – sited on the edges of respectable society.

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9

Khanna, R. "The Lumpenproletariat, the Subaltern, the Mental Asylum." South Atlantic Quarterly 112, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1891287.

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10

Scribner, C. "Reading the Lumpenproletariat: Zoe Leonard's Kampala Photographs." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2013, no. 33 (September 1, 2013): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-2352803.

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11

Haekal, Luthfian. "Satu Tubuh, Dua Formasi Identitas: Anggota Laskar Partai dalam Kelindan Relative Surplus Population dan Lumpenproletariat." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 14, no. 2 (October 27, 2023): 209–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.14.2.2023.209-234.

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Artikel ini menelisik hubungan antara anggota laskar partai politik sebagai kelompok vigilante, pasar tenaga kerja, dan watak kekerasan di Yogyakarta. Dengan menggunakan teori Karl Marx tentang Relative Surplus Population (RSP) dan lumpenproletariat, artikel ini menempatkan anggota vigilante sebagai angkatan kerja yang terjalin dengan rezim buruh tertentu yang mendisiplinkan pasar tenaga kerja. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa angkatan kerja yang tidak terserap di pasar tenaga kerja formal akhirnya bergabung dengan kelompok vigilante. Mereka adalah angkatan kerja yang tidak memiliki kualifikasi tinggi dalam hal pendidikan dan keahlian. Oleh karena itu, kelompok vigilante memberi mereka pekerjaan di sektor informal. Maka dari itu, mereka membalas budi dengan menjadi alat kampanye para patron vigilante. Kesimpulannya, artikel ini memposisikan mereka sebagai RSP yang stagnan dan RSP pauperism. Karena sifat kekerasan kelompok vigilante, mereka termasuk dalam lumpenproletariat.

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12

Levenson, Zachary. "The Dangerous Class: The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 51, no. 5 (August 23, 2022): 366–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00943061221116416a.

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13

Andereggen, Anton. "THE TURKISH ‘LUMPENPROLETARIAT’: WEST GERMANY'S INDUSTRIAL RESERVE ARMY." German Life and Letters 39, no. 4 (July 1986): 314–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1986.tb00892.x.

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14

Yoon, Hyewon. "Lisette Model: Another Frankfurt School Photographer in New York." October, no. 185 (2023): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00491.

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Abstract This essay examines the portrait work of the Austrian-American photographer Lisette Model, with a special focus on her representation of the American lumpenproletariat in the Reflections series, Model's first after coming to New York in 1938 as an Austrian-French Jewish émigré, and in her Bowery portrait series. Within the history of American postwar photography, Model stands as a salient figure, a pioneer who located and defined the issues, options, and contradictions of photography as an artistic practice in the “New York School of photography.” Model's rendering of her subjects as eccentric, fantastic, and spectacular in their expressions and emotions propelled the émigré photographer with meager experience into a central position in the making of mid-century American photography, both social-documentary and commercial. Moving beyond the localized context of postwar American photography in which Model's work has been largely investigated, this essay argues for an understanding of Model's New York portraits as being shaped and informed by the photographer's consideration of the crisis of history and the violence enacted by fascism in Europe, as well as the historical condition of exile. One of the essay's claims is that Model revitalized a kind of pleasurable violence, one that enacts a sense of excessive bodily dynamism, often to the point of self-destruction, on the bodies of the American lumpenproletariat at leisure, in order both to come to terms with the role of the lumpenproletariat as the central subject of fascist politics and aesthetics in the Old World and to put pressure on the conditions of the mass subject and mass politics in the New World.

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15

Bonin, Hugo. "Plebs, Class and Everything in Between." Historical Materialism 27, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001489.

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Abstract Following a summary of M. Breaugh’s book The Plebeian Experience, the question of the relationship of plebs and class is addressed. Drawing on N. Thoburn’s discussion of the ‘lumpenproletariat’ as well as E.P. Thompson’s conception of class, the case is made for keeping ‘plebeian’ and ‘class’ experiences in conceptual tension.

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16

Thoburn, Nicholas. "Difference in Marx: the lumpenproletariat and the proletarian unnamable." Economy and Society 31, no. 3 (January 2002): 434–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085140220151882.

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17

Huard, Raymond. "Marx et Engels devant la marginalité : la découverte du lumpenproletariat." Romantisme 18, no. 59 (1988): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.1988.5472.

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18

Goeury, Hugo. "Book Review: The Dangerous Class: The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat." Capital & Class 46, no. 1 (March 2022): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03098168221078662f.

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19

Robin, Cohen, and Michael David. "The Revolutionary Potential of the African Lumpenproletariat: A Sceptical View." Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 5, no. 2-3 (May 22, 2009): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.1973.mp52-3003.x.

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20

Mills, Nathaniel. "Ralph Ellison’s Marxism: The Lumpenproletariat, the Folk, and the Revolution." African American Review 47, no. 4 (2014): 537–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2014.0064.

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21

Feld, Raimund. "Noch ist Frankreich nicht verloren." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 38, no. 150 (March 1, 2008): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v38i150.488.

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In this rejoinder to K Lindners article in Prokla 148 on the 2005 riots in France, R. Feld pleads for more of a critical distance in relation to the (majority of the) rioters, pointing e.g. to the question of sexism. He argues, however, that concepts such as 'Lumpenproletariat' are not appropriate either, and that a more dynamic approach is needed. When it comes to the question of 'Sarkozysm', he rejects the assumption that an authoritarian populism has come abont and already achieved outright hegemony. Rather, the opposition is down but not out, and the question of purchasing power may soon provide it with some opportunities to make its voice heard again.

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22

Abdullah, Ibrahim. "Culture, consciousness and armed conflict: Cabral's déclassé/(lumpenproletariat?) in the era of globalization*." African Identities 4, no. 1 (April 2006): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725840500268390.

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23

가게모토 츠요시. "An Alternative Proletarian Literature in Colonial Korea : The Lumpenproletariat, Agricultural Workers, and Yūkaku Women." Journal of Korean Modern Literature ll, no. 61 (February 2017): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35419/kmlit.2017..61.004.

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24

van Fossen, Anthony. "George Speight's Coup in Fiji and White-Collar Crime in Queensland." Queensland Review 7, no. 1 (August 2000): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002026.

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The dangerous uncertainties and complications of George Speight's coup in Fiji have been partly formed by his association with white-collar crime in Queensland. Speight's involvement in at least one fraudulent financial scheme in Brisbane helped to shape the events leading up to his seizure of parliament and kidnapping of the elected government of Fiji on 19 May 2000. This parody ofa coup, led by Speight (a failed businessman with no military experience) and a small contingent of ascetic SAS-styled soldiers, soon to be joined by a gaggle of rustics and Suva's lumpenproletariat, was a spectacle of the unexpected. Speight's adventurism today imposes immense costs on the people of Fiji. His financial schemes when he was living in Brisbane left a number of victims in Queensland.

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25

Beauchez, Jérôme, and Djemila Zeneidi. "Sur la Zone: A Critical Sociology of the Parisian Dangerous Classes (1871–1973)." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (November 6, 2019): 693–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519880948.

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This article contributes to the sociology of urban marginality and of the Lumpenproletariat and makes a rare attempt to describe la Zone, a territory on the edge of Paris that was occupied by the “dangerous classes” for over a century. The study takes an inductive approach fueling critical analysis with material drawn in part from social surveys and in part from literature and popular culture. It identifies a dialectical tension in the various descriptions of la Zone, which, despite strong social and political contrasts, converge in their shared distrust or even open suspicion of these Parisian margins. This discursive structure, made up of oppositions and combinations of contraries, also recalls the forms of social control to which the classes viewed as dangerous can be subjected, within this case study and beyond.

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26

Winiecki, Jan. "The Transformation to the Market: At High Cost, Often with Long Lags, and Not Without Question Marks." Journal of Public Policy 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00008540.

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ABSTRACTThe shift from a command economy to a market economy is not only a question of following appropriate macro-economic policies but also a matter of instilling a market ethic in the minds of people who had been socialized and rewarded in a non-market command economy. In that system, many concentrated on technical rules of survival. The lumpenproletariat in favoured industries were rewarded even when they shirked or pilfered from state enterprises. The ethics of the lumpenintelligentsia reflected Communist party values, as professional. associations were under party control. The maintenance of such attitudes creates substantial resistance to the transformation of the economy, because a Weberian protestant ethic is lacking. Transition does occur, but the legacy of the old ethic imposes high transaction costs, inefficiencies and inhibits forward direct investment.

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27

Shaffer, Donald. "Ragged Revolutionaries: The Lumpenproletariat and African American Marxism in Depression-Era Literature by Nathaniel Mills." Mississippi Quarterly 69, no. 4 (2016): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mss.2016.0006.

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28

Bussard, Robert L. "The ‘dangerous class’ of Marx and Engels: The rise of the idea of the Lumpenproletariat." History of European Ideas 8, no. 6 (January 1987): 675–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(87)90164-1.

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29

Sakthi Prasath, Mohammed Nazar. "The Intersectional Exploitation And The Situational Irony Of Disabled Lumpenproletariat In The Novel Motherless Brooklyn." Tuijin Jishu/Journal of Propulsion Technology 44, no. 4 (October 25, 2023): 1564–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/tjjpt.v44.i4.1104.

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This paper explores marginalization effected by the intersectionality of psychological disability and class-based subalternity in the novel ‘Motherless Brooklyn’. Through analyzing characters afflicted by psychological disabilities and how their class situations lead them to involve themselves in exploitatory endeavors, this paper focuses on the structure of exploitation made possible by the intersectionaliity of both disability and class-based marginalization.

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30

Han, Clara. "Precarity, Precariousness, and Vulnerability." Annual Review of Anthropology 47, no. 1 (October 21, 2018): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102116-041644.

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This review examines precarity through two foci. First, I focus on related terms of the lumpenproletariat and informal economy, each of which have left their mark on the notion of precarity as a bounded historical condition, and its related notion of the precariat, a sociological category of those who find themselves subject to intermittent casual forms of labor. I explore the ways in which these terms offer pictures of politics and the state that are inherited by the term precarity, understood as the predicament of those who live at the juncture of unstable contract labor and a loss of state provisioning. I then turn to the second pole of precarity to chart a tension between asserting a common condition of ontological precarity and the impulse to describe the various ways in which vulnerability appears within forms of life.

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31

Bolten, Catherine. "Rethinking burgeoning political consciousness: student activists, the Class of ‘99 and political intent in Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003966.

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ABSTRACTThis article uses interviews with former student activists in Sierra Leone to explore what ideals motivate students to participate in political action. In Sierra Leone, students used the military as a cover for their own democratic programme, initially by encouraging a coup that they wanted to partake in, later by joining the officer corps themselves. I challenge the notion that student interactions with the urban lumpenproletariat and ‘militariat’ serve as evidence for their desire to cloak a lack of ideals in popular violence; rather I argue that coalitions are built as needs must to push a particular agenda, whether or not the agenda is known to all participants. In this case, that agenda was to ensure that an idealistic intelligentsia had economic and political futures that they had been denied under a paternalistic dictatorship. In essence student activism was elitist, not popular.

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32

Barrow, Clyde W. "A Bribed Tool of Reactionary Intrigue: Black Panther Ideology and the Rise of A White Lumpenproletariat." New Political Science 42, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 435–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2020.1817671.

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33

Henderson, Errol A. "The Lumpenproletariat as Vanguard?: The Black Panther Party, Social Transformation, and Pearson's Analysis of Huey Newton." Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 2 (November 1997): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479702800203.

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34

Frings, Christian. "Sklaverei und Lohnarbeit bei Marx." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 49, no. 196 (September 20, 2019): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v49i196.1836.

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In neuen Beiträgen zur Rolle von Gewalt und Formen unfreier Arbeit im Kapitalismus (Heide Gerstenberger, Marcel van der Linden und Karl Heinz Roth) wird die Ausblendung dieser Dimensionen auf die zentrale Stellung der doppelt freien Lohnarbeit in der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie von Marx zurückgeführt. Der Aufsatz versucht zu zeigen, dass es sich hier um eine Verwechslung der marxschen Kritik mit einer als „Marxismus“ bezeichneten Ideologie der westlichen Arbeiterbewegungen handelt, die eine bestimmte Funktion für die zunehmende Integration dieser Bewegungen in die bürgerliche Gesellschaft hatte. Während Marx an einer radikalen Kritik von Lohnarbeit als einer maskierten und verallgemeinerten Sklaverei festhielt, stellte die „Arbeiterbewegung“ die freie Lohnarbeit als „ehrliche Arbeit“ anderen Formen wie dem Lumpenproletariat und denVersklavten gegenüber. Für Marx produzierten auch die Versklavten in der kapitalistischen, industriellen Plantagensklaverei Wert und Mehrwert. Er konzentriert sich, auch in Kritik an der „Arbeiterbewegung“, auf die Form der Lohnarbeit, weil sie die ideale Mystifizierung und Verschleierung der Ausbeutung im Kapitalismus darstellt.

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35

Smith, Aminda M. "Thought Reform and the Unreformable: Reeducation Centers and the Rhetoric of Opposition in the Early People's Republic of China." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 937–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001654.

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This essay explores records from Beijing's efforts to intern and reform the city's “lumpenproletariat” after 1949. Connecting these reports to central government directives about national thought reform policy, I show that reeducators and their superiors discoursed in detail about the existence of resisters, who opposed and defied the government, but whom reformatory staff explicitly labeled as non-enemies. The case of Beijing reformatories suggests that anti-state, but non-counterrevolutionary resistance was an important symbolic and rhetorical category, central to the Chinese Communist Party's articulation of its own purpose. In the context of reeducation, opposition to the party-state constituted evidence of a founding “truth”: feudal, imperialist, and capitalist oppression had so damaged the Chinese nation that only a radical and revolutionary transformation could save it. Over the course of the 1950s, reading and analyzing resistance in this way led policy makers to redefine “The People” as well as the social place of individuals accused of activities like prostitution, begging, and petty crime.

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36

Boussedra, Saliha. "Lire Marx avec Lucien Sève." La Pensée N° 415, no. 3 (September 6, 2023): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lp.415.0068.

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Cet article se concentre essentiellement sur Marx. Il consiste à suivre à la lettre les conseils de lecture de Lucien Sève, selon lesquels il faut s’intéresser à la question de l’individu chez Marx. Il s’est alors agi de comprendre les problèmes suivants : comment apparaît la question de l’individu chez Marx ? Dans quelle mesure les individus sont-ils à l’origine de la formation des classes sociales ? Qu’est-ce qui permet de distinguer l’individu ouvrier et l’individu qui relève de ce que Marx appelle le Lumpenproletariat  ? L’importance de ces questions chez Marx révèle la pertinence des conseils de Lucien Sève.

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37

Abdullah, Ibrahim. "Child Labour and Capitalist Social Engineering in Africa: Divorcing Society from the Means of Production." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 2, no. 2 (July 6, 2023): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-bja10039.

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Abstract This article engages with some salient issues relating to child labour in colonial and post-colonial Africa. The central argument hinges on the inconclusive assault of capital on pre-capitalist socio-economic formation in Africa and the urgent intellectual task of liberating the study of child labour from humanitarian, United Nations and non-governmental organisation bureaucrats by privileging the voices of children themselves. The first section deals with historiographical issues, while the second focuses on agriculture, aspects of urban poverty and the emergence of a Lumpenproletariat to examine the transformation from above which took place after the colonial state was created at the turn of the century. The third section addresses two insidious categories of child labour in the post-colony: child trafficking and child soldiers. The final section grapples with the moral economy of child labour by interrogating the complex array of instruments that have emerged on the global scene to address what is today seen as the child labour ‘problem’.

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38

Choi, Eun Hye. "Literary Configuration of the Lumpenproletariat and its Political Significance - Focusing on Socialist Literature between the 1920s and the 1930s -." Journal of Humanities 85 (May 31, 2022): 43–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31310/hum.085.02.

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39

Quirico, Monica. "Lotta Continua and the Italian housing movement in the 1970s: Ancient history or present challenges?" Radical Housing Journal 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/txpx4047.

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The revolutionary group Lotta Continua (LC, Continuous Struggle) was founded in Turin in 1969, following the encounter between student protests and a labour movement fuelled by massive northward migration from southern Italy. One year later LC was growing into a nationwide movement and launched a programme aimed at unifying the proletariat, and the lumpenproletariat, whose protagonists were recent southern Italian immigrants who could hardly find accommodation worthy of the name. In contrast to left-wing organisations that prioritised factory-based struggle, LC made housing occupation the linchpin of its strategy between 1970 and 1971. Housing occupation was tied to the establishment of kindergartens, clinics and “red” markets; these were not intended to provide social services, however, but rather as sites of schooling for the proletariat. By investigating the main housing occupations between 1970 and 1975 through archival materials and the memories of former housing occupation movement tenants and activists, this article focuses on the link between projects of anti-capitalist transformation and concrete practices of solidarity and struggle, as well as how these struggles were repressed. It also reflects on the relationship between past and present housing struggles.

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Gandolfo, Daniella. "Lumpen Politics? A Day in “El Hueco”." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 511–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000178.

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AbstractThe market of El Hueco in downtown Lima sits inside a large pit dug out for the foundation of a state building that was never built. The below-ground corridors and crammed vending stalls in this poorly regulated market are usually flooded with shoppers, yet government officials and the media frequently condemn it as a vile and dangerous place. But how and why does El Hueco offend? Through an ethnographic account of a day's events, cast against a discussion of Marxism's “lumpenproletariat” and Hernando de Soto's “informality,” I argue that implicit in El Hueco's challenge of state bureaucracy is a class critique that resists conventional class analysis and that affirms the “lumpen” as a politics in its own right. “Lumpen” here does not refer to categories of people but to a resource that can be appropriated and deployed freely. Linked to the anti-political tactics of President Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s, lumpen as a resource has changed the face of postwar Lima by defying and deforming from within the bourgeois ideals of urban development and bureaucratic form. It has also arguably changed the face of politics and played a role in the revival of fujimorismo during and since the 2016 presidential elections.

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Tadiar, Neferti X. M. "Life-Times in Fate Playing." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 783–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724183.

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Examining the recent post-Marxist conception of labor in the contemporary context of financialization and global crisis, this essay contests prevailing ideas about the contemporary eradication of the distinction between production and reproduction, between labor and life, encapsulated in the notion of “real subsumption.” Departing from these ideas I argue that the extraction of value from “life” takes place through multiple and contradictory modalities, and propose the concept of “life-times” as a way to foreground important differences in the social uses, practices, understanding, valorization, and inhabitation of the times of life and their relations in a global economy in which the “production time” of capital has encompassed all of life. Drawing on the social contexts of undocumented immigrants, guest workers, refugees, and displaced persons, I elaborate on differential life-times from the side of life destined for disposable superfluity. I look at acts of “fate playing” in the contexts of migrant Filipina workers and the urban lumpenproletariat to view those dimensions of social reproductive work on the part of disposable peoples that persist beyond and despite capitalist subsumption and exceed most theoretical accounts of labor. An attention to such remaindered life-times raises questions about the limits of our political imagination and of our vision of the time line of global capitalism’s duration and end.

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Kruger, Liam. "World, Class, Tragicomedy: Johannesburg, 1994." College Literature 50, no. 2-3 (March 2023): 349–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lit.2023.a902222.

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Abstract: Marlene van Niekerk's 1994 Triomf is a plaasroman , or farm novel, without the farm; it formally resembles a nostalgic pastoral genre initiated by the collapse of Southern African agricultural economy around the time of the Great Depression, but removes even the symbol of the farm as aesthetic compensation for material loss. In the process, van Niekerk composes a post-apartheid tragicomedy of a lumpenproletariat white supremacist family coming into long-belated class consciousness, an epiphany which, surprisingly, survives the novel's translations from Afrikaans to South African English to 'international' English. Crucially, this understanding is mediated by a critical tendency to appraise Triomf in the context of Faulkner and the Southern Gothic, a generic comparison which gets a lot wrong but is ultimately very revealing, less about Triomf than about the imperial world-system through which it circulates and is consecrated. Consequently, the novel stages globally what seems at first to be a parochial question: how is one supposed to imagine democratic reconciliation and integration after apartheid, when one of the classes to be reconciled lacks historical self-consciousness and has no obvious place in either the apartheid regime or the post-apartheid dispensation? By analyzing van Niekerk's novel and the institutions which consecrate it, the paper fleshes out critiques of world-literary hermeneutics, specifically for its naive handling of genre and context, and of post-apartheid 'reconciliation' under capital.

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Castillo Patton, Andy Eric. "¿Sin mujeres no hay revolución? La influencia de la acción colectiva femenina de la Semana Trágica en la Huelga General Revolucionaria de 1917 = Is there a revolution without women? The influence of the female collective action during the Tragic Week on the Revolutionary General Strike of 1917." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4875.

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Resumen: Este artículo trata de analizar la influencia en la acción colectiva revolucionaria femenina en la Huelga General Revolucionaria de 1917 a partir de los acontecimientos de la Semana Trágica de 1909, también conocida como Revolución de julio de 1909, protagonizados inicialmente por mujeres. Según la tesis central del texto, las activistas del Partido Republicano Radical y las mujeres del lumpenproletariado, conocidas como las “petroleras”, no sólo fueron fundamentales en la movilización contra la guerra colonial y el embarco masivo de reservistas, sino que marcaron un precedente en cuanto a cómo se involucraban las mujeres en política hasta el momento. En este sentido, es de particular interés destacar cómo a partir de los acontecimientos de 1909 se potenciaron diversas asociaciones de mujeres, sobre todo socialistas, que trataban de canalizar la conflictividad social y laboral en términos tanto de clase como de género. Esta labor política tiene su frustrada influencia en el movimiento revolucionario español de 1917, inspirado en gran medida por la Revolución rusa de febrero-marzo, donde el protagonismo de las mujeres se vería desplazado por los partidos antidinásticos y los sindicatos de clase. Este análisis diacrónico, el cual se fundamenta en los testimonios de la prensa de la época, pretende así contribuir a la discusión que se establece respecto a la importancia de la presencia de mujeres en los movimientos revolucionarios.Palabras clave: Acción colectiva, España, Mujeres, Revolución, Semana Trágica.Abstract: This article analyses the influence of women’s revolutionary collective action on the Revolutionary General Strike of 1917 following the events of the Tragic Week in 1909, also known as the Revolution of July 1909, initially led by women. According to the central thesis of the text, the activists of the Radical Republican Party and the women of the lumpenproletariat, known as the “petroleras”, were not only crucial in the mobilisation against the colonial war and the massive reservist embarkation, but they also marked a precedent in how women became involved in politics that is unchallenged to this day. In this sense, it is of special interest to highlight how, based on the events of 1909, various associations of women, particularly socialists, were boosted in the intent of trying to channel social and labour unrest in terms of class and gender perspective. The influence of this political work was frustrated in the Spanish revolutionary movement of 1917, itself largely inspired by the Russian Revolution of February-March, as the anti-dynastic parties and class trade unions offset the role of women. Based on testimonies in the press of the time, this paper provides a diachronic analysis that contributes to the discussion on the significance of the presence of women in revolutionary movements.Key words: Collective action, Spain, Women, Revolution, Tragic Week.

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Guo, Ziyu (Zoe). "Female Hooligan Youth and the Regulation of Socialist Morality in 1960s Rural Beijing." Past Imperfect 24 (September 29, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21971/pi29387.

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This article explores the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) efforts to regulate socialist morality and reform those seen as violating it during the Cultural Revolution through a case study of Gong Moumou, a female youth hooligan in rural Beijing between 1966 and 1968. The CCP mobilized local agents and institutions to regulate and reform female hooligans’ sexual desires, thoughts, and activities to exert social, political, and moral control over female youth. Since 1949, Mao and the CCP had promoted social reform to reshape the thoughts of the masses, including people’s ethics and morality. At the local level, the state pursued the rural peasantry’s reform and re-education via political classes centred on Mao Zedong Thought (Maoism). Although the CCP in the 1950s embraced hooligans as a part of the lumpenproletariat, by the time of the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s, hooligans became a target of government reform. In rural Haidian, local government agents attempted to regulate and reform Gong Moumou’s hooliganism (liumang xingwei) according to the CCP’s standards of socialist morality as articulated through the ideal image of the socialist woman. Documents related to Gong’s investigation and reform, including her written confessions and the report of another individual, highlight the state’s methods during the Cultural Revolution to regulate socialist morality, reform rural young women according to the standard of the ideal socialist woman, and label female sexuality as evidence of dangerous bourgeois thinking.

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Smith, Russell. "Radical Sensibility in ‘The End’." Journal of Beckett Studies 26, no. 1 (April 2017): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2017.0188.

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This paper offers a historically contextualized reading of what is perhaps the most explicit engagement with radical politics in Beckett's work, the encounter in The End (1946), Beckett's first piece of postwar fiction, between the narrator, a homeless beggar, and a Marxist orator who abuses him as a ‘leftover’ and denounces the charity of the passers-by as a ‘crime’. With reference to Beckett's later rejection of existentialist interpretations of his work with the words ‘I'm no intellectual. All I am is feeling (sensibilité)’, and Theodor Adorno's contemporaneous diagnosis in Minima Moralia (1944–1947) of the ‘barbarism’ of cultural criticism's relentless demand to unmask the material relations enfolded in the notion of sensibility, this paper reads this scene as a parody of the callously unsentimental rhetoric of the Parti Communiste Français and the Sartrean existentialist humanism that was the official philosophy of de Gaulle's Fourth Republic. In particular, the orator's castigation of the protagonist as a leftover (un déchet) can be read as part of a long tradition of Marxist excoriations of the lumpenproletariat—the amorphous class of ne'er-do-wells to which so many of Beckett's postwar protagonists belong—that has a precise historical origin in Marx's Eighteenth Brumaire and its denunciation of the role of la bohème, the ‘scum, offal, refuse of all classes’, in the 1851 counter-revolutionary coup d’état of Louis-Bonaparte. Before 1851, however, the amorphous mass of the destitute and homeless was capable of serving as a figure of revolutionary potential, as Walter Benjamin's study of Baudelaire shows, where it was the ragpicker's ‘obscure state of revolt against society’ rather than the optimism of utopian theorists that inspired Baudelaire to fight on the barricades in the failed uprising of 1848. In its presentation of a confrontation between the callous optimism of political futurity and the contemporary extremes of human suffering, The End stakes an allegiance with the war's ‘leftovers’ that is out of step with the official radical politics of the time.

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Rodríguez, Ileana. "Literatura de hombres. Murales corporales Maras." Realidad, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 1, no. 162 (July 31, 2023): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51378/realidad.v1i162.7727.

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En este trabajo leo los tatuajes corporales de las maras como murales, lienzos de encajes tejidos en la piel. Utilizo para ello tres propuestas conceptuales, a saber: la intimidad pública de Laurent Berlant; la pornografía de Angela Carter; y la nueva versión del concepto de lumpenproletariado de Clyde Barrow. Muestro cómo un concepto utilizado en los estudios feministas a partir de la idea de ‘literatura de mujeres’ bien puede leerse contra el grano como ‘literatura de hombres’ y, cómo, conceptos almacenados en alacenas históricas empolvadas y en desuso pueden, volteadas al revés, galvanizar la lectura de circunstancias presentes. Igual sucede con el concepto de pornografía moral o metafísica leída como literatura de hombres y el del lumpenproletariado como expresión de agrupamientos al servicio de izquierdas y derechas. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 162, 2023: 7-15.

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DRECIN, Mihai D., and Mircea DULCA. "ANDREI SILVIU AND NICOLAE RAJKOVIČ, DEFENDERS OF THE CITY OF ORADIA, KILLED BY HUNGARIAN HORTYSTS ON 9 OCTOBER 1944." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 15, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2023): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2023.1-2.62.

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The battles for the liberation of Oradia and Bihor from the Hortyst-German occupation involved a number Romanian Army divisions (the 3rd Mountain Brigade and Tudor Vladimirescu Brigade), as well as divisions of the Red Army and were particularly ferocious and long-lasting (5 September - 12 October 1944). Several offensives and counter-offensives of the Hungarian-German and Romanian-Soviet military divisions took place with the purpose of preserving/liberating the city of Oradea, the administrative centre of Bihor County, a critical land and air communications hub for the entire western region (roads, railways, airport). In the battles for Oradea, the region experienced several days of power vacuum, with the fascist troops retreating from the city in order to prepare for a counter-offensive, while the Romanian-Soviet troops were regrouping outside the city for a decisive offensive (25 September - 28 September). At the same time, three citizens of the city, i.e. Andrei Silviu – a Romanian ethnic, a former civil servant with the City Hall and reserve officer of the Romanian Army, who had a local Israeli wife, Nicolae Rajkovič - a Romanian citizen of Serbian origin who was a local barber, and Papp Tibor – a civil servant with the City Hall, a Romanian citizen of Hungarian origin, established a “civil guard” comprising 45 citizens of Oradea with different nationalities, who were armed with rifles from a City Hall warehouse. The role of the guard was to maintain peace in the city and to defend the life and property of the citizens, primarily the workshops and shops in the city against the lumpenproletariat who were prone to looting. The return of fascist occupiers in the city leads to the arrest of the three guard organisers. They are brought in front of a military court and sentenced to death for organising “partisan troops behind the front”. Andrei and Rajkovič are shot in the Oradia Fortress three days before (9 October) the liberation of the city (12 October), while Papp is saved by his family and sentenced to 15 years in prison, due to the fact that he was a Hungarian ethnic. Although historians and patriotic local councillors proposed (in 2007, 2013, 2015, and 2020) that the two murdered locals should be honoured as heroes of the city, the political parties or coalitions that held the majority in the Oradea City Council (the Democratic Party (PD) + the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR), the National Liberal Party (PNL) + the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR)) kept rejecting the initiative. This year, several cultural and patriotic organisations will bring up the proposal once again, since the idea behind it still makes a valid point.

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Towns, Armond R. "The “Lumpenproletariat’s Redemption”: Black Radical Potentiality and LA Gang Tours." Souls 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2017.1268518.

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Dimarco, Sabina. "MARX Y EL PROBLEMA DE LA FALTA DE OCUPACIÓN." Astrolabio, no. 17 (December 27, 2016): 240–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.55441/1668.7515.n17.12779.

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Partiendo de los aportes de una serie de estudios que desde una perspectiva socio-histórica han indagado en el proceso de construcción social de la categoría de desocupado, el artículo analiza el modo en que la falta de trabajo en personas válidas es problematizada en la obra de Karl Marx. Sostenemos que, si bien no hay en los desarrollos del pensador alemán una conceptualización del desocupado en su sentido moderno, sus contribuciones a través del estudio de la sobrepoblación relativa y del lumpenproletariado dejaron sentadas ciertas bases para la puesta en forma de dicha categoría social y de intervención pública casi medio siglo más tarde.El artículo se plantea como una introducción a la pregunta por el papel que jugaron los primeros socialistas marxistas argentinos en la introducción de una perspectiva novedosa de interpretación de la falta de ocupación, forjada en diálogo con las ideas marxistas en circulación en el contexto internacional y en abierta disputa con las percepciones de la época.

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Harsch, Donna. "Codes of Comradeship: Class, Leadership, and Tradition in Munich Social Democracy." Central European History 31, no. 4 (December 1998): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900017064.

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In July 1923, the Munich chapter of the Social Democratic Security Troop (Sicherheitsabteilung, hereafter Socialist SA) staged a Festspiel in a suburban woods. The skit’s sylvan setting belied its combative leitmotif, echo of a wider German environment racked by occupation of the Ruhr, hyperinflation, unemployment, and threatening ultraright organizations. The drama aimed to convince its Social Democratic audience to join or support the Security Troop. In the opening scene, a “leader of the SPD” lamented proletarian disunity. As he resolved to quit politics, the “goddess of freedom” materialized and urged him to keep up the fight. To demonstrate that the masses were on the move against reaction, she pointed to a sky blanketed with flags born by members of the Security Troop.1 Four male mortals stepped forward: a former Independent Socialist, a Young Socialist, a Communist, and a “lumpenproletarian.” The Socialist exhorted the Communist to join the SPD but, instead, he lambasted its bureaucratic bosses and called for a council republic. Suddenly, the lumpen’s passivity aroused the group’s distrust. Unmasking him as a Nazi, they chased him offstage. As the Social Democrats went off to a meeting, the wife of the SPD leader told of her sacrifices for a husband and son who devoted themselves to the party. Yet she proclaimed her willingness to suffer “for the sake of proletarian freedom.” The men returned, disgusted that Nazis had busted up their conclave.

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