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Triškaitė, Birutė. "Jono Berento giesmyno Is naujo perweizdėtos ir pagerintos Giesmu-Knygos ir maldyno Maldu-Knygelos antrasis leidimas (1735): nežinotas egzempliorius Prahoje." Archivum Lithuanicum, no. 22 (December 3, 2020): 33–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/26692449-22002.
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T he second edition of J ohann B ehrendt ’ s hymn book ISZ naujo pérweizd ėtos ir pagérintos Giesm û-Knygos AND PRAYER BOOK Maldû-Knygélos (1735): an unknown copy in Prague The article presents a 1735 Lithuanian publication from Königsberg (Lith. Karaliaučius) which was believed to not have survived—the hymn book for Prussian Lithuania’s Evangelical Lutherans Iß naujo pérweizdėtos ir pagérintos Giesmû-Knygos (Reviewed and Improved Hymn-book) and the prayer book Maldû-Knygélos (Prayer-book). The only known copy of the second edition of the hymn book and the prayer book was discovered in the National Library of the Czech Republic (Czech Národní knihovna České republiky; NK ČR: 33 K 139) in Prague. It has not been registered in Lithuanian bibliographies. Just as the first 1732 edition, the second edition appeared thanks to the initiative of the theology professor of the University of Königsberg and the chief court preacher, Johann Jacob Quandt (Lith. Jonas Jokūbas Kvantas, 1686–1772), while the archpresbyter of Insterburg (Lith. Įsrutis), Johann Behrendt (Lith. Jonas Berentas, 1667–1737), led the editing team. Aiming to reveal the differences of the second edition from the first, and to highlight the editing tendencies of the hymn and prayer books, this article not only discusses the main features of the copy, but also analyzes the structure of the 1735 edition including the repertoire of new hymns and linguistic particularities of the texts of hymns and prayers written in Lithuanian. Provenance research revealed that the copy belonged to the Lithuanian Dovydas Blindinaitis or Bl(i)undinaitis before reaching this library, and this is supported by handwritten inscriptions on the front and back flyleaves. He acquired the book in 1736 for 33 groschen and must have been its first owner. The imprint “REGIÆ BIBLIOTH: ACAD: PRAGEN:” (“Royal Library of the Academy of Prague”) which is seen on the title page of the hymn book could only appear after 1777 when the Public Imperial-Royal University Library (Czech Veřejná císařsko-královská univerzitní knihovna) in Prague had been established. From the perspective of structure, the 1735 Lithuanian publication is a convolute which consists of two alligates: (1) hymn book and (2) prayer book. The hymn book comprises: (a) two introductions—one written by Quandt in German and one written by Behrendt in Lithuanian, (b) the main section of the hymn book and its appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”), (c) two indexes—the index for the Lithuanian hymns “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Gieſmû, ant kurro Laißko jos ßoſa Knygoſa randamos yra” (“A listing of all hymns which page they are found on in this book”) and the index of German original hymns called a “Regiſter” (“Register”). The prayer book comprises prayers, collects, the story of Christ’s suffering, and a list of thematic groups of these texts marked “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Maldû” (“A listing of all prayers”). The second (1735) edition of the hymn book differs remarkably from the first (1732) in its structure and scope: (1) All of the hymns that had been previously included in the 1732 edition’s “Appendix arba Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Appendix or other new recently added hymns”) (a total of 34) were integrated into the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition comprising 334 hymns; their thematic groupings and subgroupings remained the same; (2) The 1735 edition does not include one of the hymns published in 1732: Peter Gottlieb Mielcke’s (Lith. Petras Gotlybas Milkus, 1695–1753) translation “MIeli Krikßćionis dʒaukimės” (“Dear Christians let us rejoice”) (← Martin Luther, “Nun freut euch lieben Chriſten”); (3) The 1735 edition was supplemented with 26 hymns, that is to say, the second edition comprises 360 hymns. The new hymns are published in the appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”). Cryptonyms attached to these hymns attest to the fact that their translators were two priests of Prussian Lithuania. For the first time, 18 hymns of the priest of Didlacken (Lith. Didlaukiai), Fabian Ulrich Glaser (Lith. Fabijonas Ulrichas Glazeris, 1688–1747), were included in this hymn book. The priest of Popelken (Lith. Papelkiai), Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig (Lith. Adomas Frydrichas Šimelpenigis, 1699–1763), translated 8 new hymns (while 15 of his hymns that had been already published in the 1732 edition were presented in the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition). The new repertoire of the Lithuanian hymn book was compiled from the translations of the following German hymn creators of the 16th–18th centuries: Johann Georg Albinus (1624–1679), Martin Behm (1557–1622), Kaspar Bienemann (Melissander, 1540–1591), Simon Dach (1605–1659), Johann Burchard Freystein (1671–1718), Paul Gerhardt (1607–1676), Johannes Gigas (Heune, 1514–1581), Ludwig Andreas Gotter (1661–1735), Johann Heermann (1585–1647), Heinrich Held (1620–1659), Martin Moller (1547–1606), Johann Rist (1607–1667), Samuel Rodigast (1649–1708), Johann Röling (1634–1679), Gottfried Wilhelm Sacer (1635–1699), Arnold Heinrich Sahme (1676–1734), Benjamin Schmolck (1672–1737). In contrast to the hymn book, the structure of the 1735 prayer book published concurrently were not changed; the thematic groups of prayers remained essentially the same as they were in the first edition of 1732. Texts of both the hymn book and the prayer book were edited. The editing tendencies in both are similar and encompass all linguistic levels (phonetics, morphology, lexicon, syntax), as well as orthography and punctuation, but the intensity of editing was different. The orthographic corrections prevail and the most consistent of them are: [i·] <ij> → <y> (characteristic only of the hymn book), [č’] <ć> → <cʒ> (together with refusing the marker indicating consonant palatalization <i>), [·] <e> → <ė>, [ž] ir [ž’] <Ʒ> → <>, marking accent placement with an acute accent < ’ >. The second edition reflects an important stage in the quantitative and qualitative development of Behrendt’s hymn book. In the second edition that appeared just three years later, we see the further consistent efforts of the editors to expand the repertoire of hymns and improve the texts in terms of language (i.e. they first of all sought to standardize the orthography of texts written in different centuries by many different translators). In contrast to the hymn book, the prayer book was improved along only one vector: the language of the texts was edited according to the same principles, while the number of prayers was not increased. The fact that the editors of the second edition devoted more attention to the hymn book than the prayer book probably stems from the important place that hymns hold in the Evangelical Lutheran liturgy.
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PARK, Sa-Ra. "THE GERMAN CHURCH HYMN EIN FESTE BURG BY MARTIN LUTHER: ITS RECEPTION IN GERMANY AND IN KOREA DURING AND BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS." KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY 52, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2020.52.4.010.
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Swarbrick, John. "Martin Luther: music and mission." Holiness 3, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/holiness-2017-0008.
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AbstractThis article seeks to demonstrate Martin Luther's often-overlooked credentials as a musician. Luther was convinced that music was the viva voce evangelii (living voice of the gospel), and unlike other more radical Reformation movements, he encouraged the use of choral and congregational singing in worship. Some of his familiar hymns – Nun freut euch, Ein’ feste Burg and Aus tiefer Not – offer insights into his ambitions to embed congregational singing into his vision of reformed worship, which went hand in hand with liturgical reform. Luther's Formula Missae and the vernacular Deutsche Messe lay the groundwork for Lutheran worship, which restructured the service around the centrality of the gospel proclamation. Luther's musical tradition reached its zenith in the work of J. S. Bach, which continues to echo in the Western musical canon, leaving Luther with a lasting musical legacy.
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Anderson, Stewart. "Martin Luther in Primetime." European Television Memories 2, no. 3 (June 30, 2013): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2013.jethc028.
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In 1983, both East and West Germany celebrated Martin Luther’s 500th birthday with great fanfare. Nowhere was this competition more provocative and visually arresting, however, than in two multi-part television plays which depicted Luther’s life: the West German Martin Luther, broadcast by the public station ZDF in April, and the East German title of the same name, aired in October. In this essay, I argue that the East German version constituted an appropriative strategy of memory formation – one which depicted Luther’s positive qualities and grafted them into the Marxist canon of heroes. In contrast, the ZDF Martin Luther, which featured a highly rational Luther, projected what Jan Assmann has termed a normative strategy of harnessing Luther’s memory, focusing on Luther’s intellectual arguments and anti-radicalism.
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Kolb, Robert, and James M. Stayer. "Martin Luther, German Saviour. German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 1 (2001): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671442.
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Maschke, Timothy, and James M. Stayer. "Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 2 (2001): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671807.
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Stayer (book author), James M., and Thomas A. Brady, Jr. (review author). "Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2001): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.8692.
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Lisowski, Piotr, Ivan Kopaygora, Volodymyr Morozov, and Liliya Mykhailenko. "MARTIN LUTHER AS A DEFENDER OF DEMOCRACY!" Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3015.
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The theoretical analysis of the philosophical - legal views of the theologian Martin Luther, the German religious and social figure, is presented. His main democratic ideas during the Reformation period in Germany and the countries of Western Europe are demonstrated. The stages of the struggle for the reform of the Catholic Church and for the return of its bases to their correspondence to the Bible from the Reformation times till the present time, are revealed.
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Mikoski, Gordon S. "Martin Luther and Anti-Semitism: A Discussion." Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721912.
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This transcription of the Question and Answer period for the public event “Martin Luther and Anti-Semitism” was held at the Morgan Library & Museum in New York City on November 13, 2016. This event was co-presented by the Morgan Library & Museum, the Leo Baeck Institute, the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul in New York City, and the Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany. The discussion session—as well as the two lectures preceding (also published in this issue)—took place as part of a series of events in conjunction with the Morgan Library & Museum’s exhibition “Word and Image: Martin Luther’s Reformation” which ran from October 7, 2016 through January 22, 2017. Professor Mark Silk, Director, Leonard Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life and Professor of Religion in Public Life at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut, served as moderator for the Q&A session. The respondents were Professor Dean P. Bell, Provost, Vice President, and Professor of History at the Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership in Chicago and Dr. Martin Hauger, Referent für Glaube und Dialog of the High Consistory of the Evangelical Church (EKD) in Germany. The translator for portions of the Q&A session was the Rev. Miriam Gross, pastor of the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul ( Deutsche Evangelisch-Lutherische St. Pauls Kirche) in Manhattan. Theology Today is grateful to the Morgan Library & Museum for permission to publish the transcription of this discussion session.
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Hoffmann, Stephen P. "The GDR, Luther, and the German Question." Review of Politics 48, no. 2 (1986): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500038535.
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The East German government's commemoration in 1983 of the 500th anniversary of Martin Luther's birth exemplifies its continuing effort to broaden domestic support by arguing over a thirty-year period that the regime's values are deeply rooted in German civilization. The representation of Luther in the German Democratic Republic has evolved from caricature to sophisticated portraiture. Fundamental to this reinterpretation has been the association of Luther with the bourgeois-democratic revolution, a process which the ruling Socialist Unity party claims to have completed in the course of establishing the GDR. Continuing interaction between East and West Germany has complicated the GDR's effort to utilize historical symbols in developing a unified political culture.
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Moses, John A. "The Politicisation of Martin Luther in the German Democratic Republic." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 24, no. 3 (October 2011): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x1102400305.
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Schulze-Marmeling, Friederike. "Teaching Malcolm X Alongside Martin Luther King in German Schools." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 33, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2020.33.1.120.
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Euler, Walter Andreas. "Nicholas of Cusa and Martin Luther on Islam." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 26, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v26i1.11847.
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The article compares for the first time Luther‘s reflections on Islam with Cusanus‘s. Both thinkers didn‘t engage in Islam on their own initiative, but because they were prompted by political developments. Luther‘s writings on Islam are mostly authored in German. He addresses the public in the empire and tries to encourage Christians challenged in their Christians faith, especially those who are in Turkish captivity. Nicholas of Cusa addresses also Islamic receivers in his Cribratio Alkorani. Luther stresses the contrast between the gospel of Jesus Christ and the message of Muhammad, whereas Cusanus tries to build theological bridges between Christianity and Islam.
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Mnozhynska, R. "Towards a History of Ukrainian-German Confessional Relations (1st half of XVI century)." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 49 (March 10, 2009): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.49.2010.
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Figures that caused in the first half of the sixteenth century. pan-European resonance, were known as Martin Luther (Martin Luther; 1483 - 1546) - the great reformer of the Church, the founder of the Protestant movement and Philipp Melanchton (1497 - 1560) - the German humanist, theologian and teacher, the evangelical reformer and systematist theology. Stanislav Orikhovsky-Roksolan (1513 - 1566), a well-known Ukrainian-Polish humanist, polemicist, philosopher and historian, who in the opinion of Polish scholar Jozef Lichtenstuhl, was "well-known in his time" , will not stand at the very end, but even in the philosophy of law in the sixteenth century Poland will occupy even the main place ...; which, even in such an enlightened noble environment, remained illuminated. "
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WALSH, MARTIN W. "Martin and Luther: The Reformer and his Name-Saint." Michigan Academician 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.1.1.
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ABSTRACT Although born on the Vigil of the Feast of Saint Martin of Tours and given that saint's name at baptism, Luther had very little truck with his name-saint, whether during his early career as monk and theologian or in his years as the vanguard of the Reformation. Indeed, it would seem he honored Saint George more than Saint Martin. The power of Martin's name and of the iconic image of his sharing his mantle with a beggar, however, would not be ignored by Luther's followers or by his opponents. This paper examines the intersection of the image of Saint Martin with the career of the great Reformer focusing on such events as the Leipzig Debate of 1519 and examples from the polemical literature, such as Thomas Murner's The Great Lutheran Fool. Moreover, in the development of anecdotal “Luther lore” after his death we find a general rapprochement of Luther commemorations with the traditional German celebration of a carnivalesque Martinmas. If Luther largely ignored his name-saint, present day Lutheranism embraces the Bishop of Tours, as evidenced by its numerous church dedications and images of Saint Martin's Charity.
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LUPU, Anamaria. "Nun freut euch, lieben Christen g’mein, the first Lutheran choral from the first collection of Protestant hymns – a rhetorical analysis." BULLETIN OF THE TRANSYLVANIA UNIVERSITY OF BRASOV SERIES VIII - PERFORMING ARTS 13 (62), SI (January 20, 2021): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.pa.2020.13.62.3.19.
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This material is an extract from a larger research of Lutheran chorals, focusing on the first collection of Protestant hymns, published after the Reformation, Etlich Cristlich lider (Achtliederbuch - The Book of Eight Songs), signed by Martin Luther, Paul Speratus and Justus Jonas. Beyond the general considerations related to the place and year of publication, but also to the inner construction of the collection, the analysis focuses on the first hymn composed by Luther, original both as text and as music. The rhetorical perspective I approached in the study of chorals is not arbitrary, given the impact of Luther's vision of music for that period and the attention he himself paid to classical rhetoric in his sermons, or in the courses he taught at the University of Wittenberg. His chorals are impregnated with explicit messages, both in terms of his Christian creed, but also in terms of elementary principles of Christian living.
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SCHWARZ, HANS. "Luther and the Turks." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.1.2017.art8.
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Abstract: Confronted with the military advance of the Turkish Ottoman Empire against the Holy Roman Empire, including the siege of Vienna, Martin Luther wrote several treatises on the Turks. Luther rejected the idea of a war in the name of religion against the Ottoman onslaught, seeing instead the defense of the Holy Roman Empire as the duty of the Emperor. Luther understood the Turkish threat as God’s punishment for the laxity of Christians and so called for repentance and a return to the gospel. Luther wanted the Christians to have firsthand information about Islam and promoted a translation of the Qur’an in German against many obstacles. The Protestant church in Germany is very cautious about defining a present-day application of Luther’s approach.
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Heine, Susanne. ""Die Sprache ist eine große und göttliche Gabe" (Martin Luther) Reformation und Sprachkultur." Labyrinth 20, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v20i2.135.
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"Language is a great and divine gift" (Martin Luther)Reformation and Language Culture In this paper Luther's anthropology is shown as being based on the human capability of speaking. As a speaking person, the human being is not outside the world but involved in the world by communication. For Luther being human means – thanks to the capability of speaking – being in a personal relationship. The author argues that this relationship to others is based in the relationship to God. Although speaking is a gift of God, it can be abused whenever someone stirs up people to degrade others, as populists do. Luther had been reproached to be a populist in his closeness to simple people, but this was only due to his intention, that everyone should understand his translation of the bible. Instead of stoking fears, as populists do, Luther helped people to overcome their fears, by telling them in their own language – due to his German translation – that God loves them.
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Stephenson, Barry. "Review of Martin Luther, German Savior: German Evalgelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933 by James M. Stayer." Religious Studies and Theology 22, no. 1 (March 13, 2007): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rsth.v22i1.118.
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Marga, Amy. "Martin Luther and the Early Modern Beginnings of a Feminist Maternal Theology." Religions 11, no. 3 (March 9, 2020): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11030115.
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This essay argues that the German Reformer, Martin Luther, makes a contribution to a Christian feminist theology of mothering. His preaching and theology about child-bearing stand out in the Christian theology of his time because of the realistic way in which he describes the experiences of pregnancy and birth, especially in contrast to conventional descriptions of the Virgin Mary’s maternity. Yet Luther is no feminist. He maintains essentialist views of women and attaches women too closely to home life. But his optimistic view of the female child-bearing body subverts the traditional Christian views of the cursed female body and affirms the power that women have in God’s activities of creation and new creation.
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Braun, B., and J. Demling. "500 years of reformation: The history of Martin Luther's pathography and its ethical implications." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S580. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.870.
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IntroductionIn the context of the 500th anniversary of the Reformation, it is time to take a survey of the history of Martin Luther's (1483–1546) pathography.MethodRelevant writings were evaluated.ResultsWhile in a 1035 page work written in German between 1937 and 1941, the Dane Paul Reiter retrospectively diagnosed Luther as manic-depressive, Kretschmer (1888–1964) in 1955 saw in Luther “a great polemic and organizer”. In 1956, Grossmann was unable to prove persistent synchronicity of depressive mood and reduced motivation in Luther in the key years 1527 and 1528, which led him to conclude that Luther had a cyclothymic personality with a pyknic constitution. In Roper's view in 2016, Luther suffered from “a condition […], that we would call depression today”.DiscussionIn 1948, Werner concluded that Reiter's pathography was based on an incorrect assumption: Luther's solution of the cloister conflict as a dilemma situation between paternal and clerical authority was not a flight into “the mysticism of despair”. Hamm adopted this interpretation in 2015 in viewing the escalation of the emotional conflict potential as a logical consequence of an interiorized and individualized intensified piety. In 2015, Scott saw a cyclothymic temperament in Luther starting in about 1519, but emphasized the elasticity of Luther's emotional reserves: “For the rest of his life, Luther oscillated between euphoria and dejection but not to the point of dysfunction”.ConclusionLuther can be used as an example of the importance of religiousness as a curative resource for the psyche.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Winther-Jensen, Thyge. "The Reformation as a Religious, Political, and Educational Project." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 33 (January 25, 2019): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.33.2019.22329.
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This year, five hundred years ago, Martin Luther according to the legend nailed his 95 Theses on the church door in Wittenberg. The Theses, originally written in Latin, were translated into German. Thanks to the invention of the art of printing, “My Theses were truly through all of Germany” Luther later suggested. In a few years they triggered a religious and political transformation in the northern part of Europe, including Scandinavia. This transformation was later termed the Reformation. Today Christian churches rooted in the Reformation are spread all over the world.
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Kalό, Ildiko. "Considerations on the Elements of Musical Language in ‘La casa di peste drum’ [At the House across the Road] by Tudor Jarda." Musicology Papers 35, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47809/mp.2020.35.01.02.
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When we speak about musical rhetoric, rhetorical figures, or elements related to musica poetica, we almost always automatically think about the Baroque and, why not, about Johann Sebastian Bach`s music. However, few of us realize that the roots of these notions trace back to the Renaissance, and even fewer will relate them to Martin Luther`s name and the Protestant Reformation. The principles of musical rhetoric developed mainly in the North German space, although they were also present in other countries such as Italy, France and England. It was Germany, however, that in those times most enthusiastically adopted and adapted the terminology, methods and structures of ancient rhetoric. In his Musica Poetica, the German musicologist Dietrich Bartel explains the rise of musical rhetoric in Germany as a consequence of Martin Luther`s view of music being embraced by the Christian believers. Over the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, musical rhetoric was continuously enriched and perfected, generating an extremely elaborate art whose focus was to find equivalences between rhetorical figures and musical intervals. Thus, music acquired a higher degree of accuracy of expression.
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Krajnc-Vrečko, Fanika. "Jezik kot posoda Duha pri Luthru in Trubarju ▪︎ Luther and Trubar’s View on Language as the Vessel of the Spirit." Stati inu obstati, revija za vprašanja protestantizma 17, no. 33 (June 20, 2021): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/2590-9754.17(33)71-81.
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The discussion sheds light on the conception or understanding of the national language of two prominent personalities of the 16th-century Reformation: the German reformer Martin Luther and the Slovene Protestant and most important reformer Primož Trubar. For both authors, language serves as a basic tool for preaching the gospel in their mother tongues. They accomplish this by translating the Bible, and they each in their own way justify the use of the mother tongue as the means through which the Spirit of God is embodied. Both Luther and Trubar consolidate the biblical text in early modern European languages: Luther in the New High German and Trubar in the Slovene language, which had not appeared in books until the publication of his printed texts. Both authors developed their own language programme that can be compared and from which both Protestants’ view on language can be discerned, which was based on the realization that God used languages when he wanted the gospel to spread among all people.
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Orr, Timothy J. "Junker Jörg on Patmos." Church History and Religious Culture 95, no. 4 (2015): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09504003.
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During his time spent in the Wartburg Castle, Martin Luther experienced an intense exile and a crisis of identity that played a distinct role in the formation of his theology. This crisis of identity was brought about by his loss of friends, family, and purpose. My attestation in this article is that this exilic crisis quickly moved Luther to a radical rejection of monastic celibacy, thus preparing him for his own marriage three years later, and also created the perfect conditions in which Luther was able to accomplish the astounding feat of translating the New Testament into German in the course of only eleven weeks. Understanding Luther’s experience at the Wartburg as an exile allows us to properly assess the intense transformation of identity that Luther underwent and better understand how this radical shift of theology and impressive feat of translation were possible.
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Hauger, Martin. "Martin Luther and the Jews: How Protestant Churches in Germany Deal with the Reformer’s Dark Side." Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721913.
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Despite the fact that Luther was referenced in order to justify anti-Semitic hatred of Jews during the time of National Socialism it took the German evangelical churches almost forty years to get round to intensively working through Luther’s anti-Jewish Statements and their effects through history. During the first decades after World War II, intra-church discussion focused on working through its own guilt (1945–1950) and finding a new direction for theology concerning Israel (1960–1980). However, the 500th anniversary of Luther’s birth in 1983 fueled a discussion about the Reformer’s attitude towards the Jews. It centered, first, on the question of how to assess the anti-Semitic co-option of Luther in the Nazi period; second, on how Luther’s friendly statements towards Jews in his early years relate to the invective of his late writings. The latest EKD statement turns away from a genetic view of Luther towards an appraisal of his theological assessment of Judaism in connection with his Reformation theology.
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Niggemann, Andrew J. "Martin Luther’s Use of Blended Hebrew and German Idioms in His Translation of the Hebrew Bible." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 4 (October 2020): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000231.
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AbstractThis article investigates an uncharted facet of Martin Luther’s Hebrew translation method. It is one of the more fascinating aspects of his translation, which demonstrates both the complexity of how he translated Hebrew and the lasting impact of the Hebrew on his German, neither of which has been fully appreciated by scholars. This article demonstrates how he sometimes blended Hebrew and German idioms in his translation of the Hebrew Bible, specifically in the Minor Prophets. It further shows how he used this translation method to convey various linguistic features of the Hebrew language to his German audience. Finally, it shows how this has a number of important implications for Luther studies, Hebrew and German linguistics, and medieval and early modern history.
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Kalό, Ildiko. "Influența viziunii lui Luther asupra muzicii în apariția conceptelor de musica poetica și retorică muzicală." Lucrări de Muzicologie 35, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47809/lm.2020.35.01.02.
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De cele mai multe ori, când vorbim despre retorică muzicală, despre figuri retorice sau elemente care țin de musica poetica, gândul ni se duce spre Baroc și, de ce nu, spre muzica lui Johann Sebastian Bach. Însă puțini dintre noi realizăm că augurii acestor noțiuni au pornit încă din Renaștere și un număr mult mai mic dintre noi vom conecta toate acestea de numele lui Martin Luther și Reforma protestantă. Principiile retoricii muzicale s-au dezvoltat cu precădere în spațiul nord-german, deși au fost prezente și în alte țări ca Italia, Franța și Anglia. Germania a fost, însă, cea care a adoptat și adaptat în modul cel mai entuziast în această perioadă terminologia, metodele și structurile retoricii antice. Muzicologul german Dietrich Bartel explică în Musica poetica motivul ascensiunii retoricii muzicale în Germania, prin îmbrățișarea viziunii lui Martin Luther asupra muzicii de către credincioșii creștini. Pe parcursul secolelor XVI-XVIII, retorica muzicală se îmbogățește și se perfecționează continuu, generând o artă extrem de elaborată, al cărei focus era găsirea de echivalențe între figurile retorice și intervalica muzicală. În acest mod, muzica a primit un plus de exactitate în ceea ce privește exprimarea.
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Lupu, Anamaria. "Observații asupra elementelor de limbaj muzical în lucrarea La casa di peste drum de Tudor Jarda." Lucrări de Muzicologie 35, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47809/lm.2020.35.01.03.
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De cele mai multe ori, când vorbim despre retorică muzicală, despre figuri retorice sau elemente care țin de musica poetica, gândul ni se duce spre Baroc și, de ce nu, spre muzica lui Johann Sebastian Bach. Însă puțini dintre noi realizăm că augurii acestor noțiuni au pornit încă din Renaștere și un număr mult mai mic dintre noi vom conecta toate acestea de numele lui Martin Luther și Reforma protestantă. Principiile retoricii muzicale s-au dezvoltat cu precădere în spațiul nord-german, deși au fost prezente și în alte țări ca Italia, Franța și Anglia. Germania a fost, însă, cea care a adoptat și adaptat în modul cel mai entuziast în această perioadă terminologia, metodele și structurile retoricii antice. Muzicologul german Dietrich Bartel explică în Musica poetica motivul ascensiunii retoricii muzicale în Germania, prin îmbrățișarea viziunii lui Martin Luther asupra muzicii de către credincioșii creștini. Pe parcursul secolelor XVI-XVIII, retorica muzicală se îmbogățește și se perfecționează continuu, generând o artă extrem de elaborată, al cărei focus era găsirea de echivalențe între figurile retorice și intervalica muzicală. În acest mod, muzica a primit un plus de exactitate în ceea ce privește exprimarea.
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Spicer, Andrew. "Adiaphora, Luther and the Material Culture of Worship." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 246–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.14.
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The celebration of the late medieval mass and other religious ceremonies was carefully delineated through the ecclesiastical regulations of the Catholic Church. This legalistic approach to worship was strongly criticized by both Desiderius Erasmus and Martin Luther before 1517. With the subsequent Reformation, Luther reacted against Catholic legalism which, he argued, ensnared the faithful and threatened Christian freedom. He was therefore particularly reluctant to specify what he considered to be the appropriate form, place and setting for his German mass. Luther utilized the concept of adiaphora to argue that such issues were matters of indifference as they were not fundamental for salvation. However, this stance was tempered by his realization that such Christian freedom actually did require direction to ensure that the Reformation message was not confused or lost.
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Schlücker, Barbara. "VonDonaustrom zuDonauwelle. Die Entwicklung der Eigennamenkomposition von 1600–1900." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 48, no. 2 (August 27, 2020): 238–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2020-2002.
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AbstractDespite their high frequency in present-day language, German proper name compounds have received little attention in the linguistic literature. It has been assumed that this pattern is rather recent, and possibly a loan from English. Focusing on the period between 1600 and 1900, the paper provides evidence against this claim. More specifically, I argue that the development of proper name compounds can only be properly described if proper name compounds that are names themselves (e. g., Martin-Luther-Universität ‘Martin Luther University’) are strictly distinguished from those that are common nouns (e. g., Nilfahrt ‘Nile ride’). It is shown that both types develop differently, and in particular that common noun compounds undergo a functional extension in this period. In this connection the paper also discusses the idea of proper name compounds as competitors of the genitive and it compares proper name compounds and alternative constructions with respect to the concept of the “Nominalklammer” (nominal frame).
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Pilsinger, Sabrina. "Reformation und Bauernkrieg." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.606.
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Reformation and Peasants’ WarThis paper examines the connections and interactions between the Reformation and the German Peasants’ War. It focusses on the central actors of the two processes and shows the personal connections between the leaders of the different groups of reformation, i.e. Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli, and the process of the uprising and the demands of the peasants. In addition, the aspect of space and the variety of demands will be addressed.
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Mehl, James V., and Kurt Stadtwald. "Roman Popes and German Patriots: Antipapalism in the Politics of the German Humanist Movement from Gregor Heimburg to Martin Luther." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 4 (1996): 1132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543942.
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Whitford, D. "Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933. By James M. Stayer. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2000. 177 pp. $55.00." Journal of Church and State 42, no. 4 (September 1, 2000): 860–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/42.4.860.
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Rajšp, Vincenc. "Ob 500-letnici Luthrovega nastopa na državnem zboru v Wormsu ▪︎ On the 500th Anniversary of Luther’s Appearance at the Diet of Worms." Stati inu obstati, revija za vprašanja protestantizma 17, no. 33 (June 20, 2021): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/2590-9754.17(33)47-70.
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Following the publication of Luther’s theses on 31 October 1517, the Diet of Worms was the next fundamental step in the reform movement of the 16th-century European Christianity. In the “Holy Roman Empire,” the way was opened for further religious and new institutional development in the previously unified church, culminating in the Peace of Augsburg in 1555, which granted individual rulers of political units in the country, princes, prince-bishops etc. the right to decide on the religion of their Catholic and Lutheran subjects. The immediate cause of “Worms 1521” and the consequent “Edict of Worms” were two papal bulls addressed to Luther. The first, Exsurge Domine from 1520, threatened him with excommunication unless he recanted almost one half of the theses published in 1517. Luther responded by proclaiming the pope the Antichrist, although he had until then somewhat avoided criticising him, and publicly burned the bull in December of the same year. Exsurge Domine was followed in January 1521 by the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem excommunicating Luther, which also meant death sentence and exile from the state. According to the established doctrine and practice the execution of the sentence would follow automatically. This doctrine was rejected by Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, who was not convinced by the arguments about Luther’s “heresy” and demanded judgement by domestic experts and authorities. He had his University of Wittenberg in mind, which firmly defended Luther’s views. Frederick the Wise reached the agreement with Emperor Charles that “the case of Luther” would be discussed at the Diet, and that Luther was guaranteed safe arrival in Worms and return to Wittenberg. Luther appeared before the Diet on April 17 and 18. The party representing Luther’s conviction gave him only the option of renouncing the convicted theses, which is why he requested more time for reconsideration and was granted the emperor’s personal permission. The next day, on April 18, Luther performed brilliantly, to which the emperor personally responded on April 19. Thus, Emperor Charles and the monk Luther literally stood opposite each other at the Diet, in front of the highest representatives of the state, which was previously completely unimaginable. Both presented their religious perceptions and understandings, referring to their own conscience. They were in a very unequal position not only as emperor and monk; it was a much more sensitive matter, since the emperor was religiously “free” while Luther was a validly convicted and excommunicated “heretic”. The case of Luther at the Diet was far from solely religious in nature, but rather a reflection of the broader socio-religious situation at the turning point in history. The conflict culminated in the contradictions between “cultural” Rome and barbaric “Germanism”, as perfectly illustrated by the correspondence of the papal nuncio, Girolamo Aleandro the elder. The great understanding for Luther’s resistance to Rome was supported at the Diet by decades-old German complaints (gravamina) debated at Diets, which were not taken seriously in Rome. The most notable figures in the case of Luther (causa Lutheri) at the Diet were: Martin Luther, Emperor Charles V, Elector of Saxony Frederick the Wise, and the papal nuncio Girolamo Aleandro the elder. Although at the end of the Diet each of them was “victorious” in one way or another, the actual winner was Martin Luther, who achieved unprecedented success only by appearing before the Diet, not renouncing the convicted theses and being able to return to Wittenberg under the emperor’s protection. It is true that he published his fundamental reform writings as early as 1520, but the door for the Reformation has only now opened. After Luther was “abducted” on his way back, he undertook the translation of the Bible into German, which became the only recognized religious basis, and he incorporated his theology into the translation. He used his native, German language to communicate the faith. This was already demonstrated at the Diet, where he spoke first in German and only then in Latin for those who did not understand German, e.g. the emperor and the papal nuncio Aleandro. Pamphlets (Flugschriften) handed out in the streets also reported about the events at the Diet in German. At first glance, the conclusion of the Diet was not favorable for Luther. The Edict of Worms, dated May 8 and signed by the emperor on May 26, as an act of the emperor and not as a resolution of the Diet, legitimized Luther’s conviction. The edict was drafted by the nuncio Aleandro, and partly also by Peter Bonomo, later Trubar’s teacher. However, the edict did not have fatal consequences for Luther, because the emperor did not send it to the province of Saxony; consequently Frederick, Elector of Saxony, did not have to declare it, so the edict did not apply where the “heretic” lived. This, in turn, enabled Luther to continue working as both a religious reformer and a university professor at the University of Wittenberg, which became a central institution for the education of Lutheran reformers.
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McSorley, Harry. "Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933 James M. Stayer Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2000. xiv + 169 p." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 31, no. 2 (June 2002): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980203100233.
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Classen, Albrecht. "THE GERMAN KIRCHENGESANGBUCH: A LITERARY PHENOMENON OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY." Daphnis 30, no. 3-4 (March 30, 2001): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000765.
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Musicologists and theologians have often paid close attention to the genre of the church song book which was basically created by Martin Luther, but soon found many imitators and developed into a genre on its own. Surprisingly, however, literary scholars have mostly ignored the church song books, although they contain highly valuable collections of sixteenth-century church songs, important prologues and epilogues, and other text types. The present article offers a broad overview of the genre, discusses major contributors, and also demonstrates that a significant number of religious women were also involved in composing church songs and in editing church song books. In fact, the analysis of this genre demonstrates that in the history of sixteenth-century German literature women were well represented and utilized the church song as a medium to find their own literary voice.
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Campbell, W. Gordon. "The “Last Word” in Pictures: Enhanced Visual Interpretation of Revelation in Luther’s High German Bible (1534)." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 11, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.17389.
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For the last twenty-five years of his life, Martin Luther and his associates were active in Bible translation, publishing first the New Testament, from 1522 onwards, and by 1534—at roughly the mid-point of these endeavours—the whole Bible in German. Across this entire period, until his death, Luther continuously offered reader-viewers of the final New Testament book, Revelation, not only verbal commentary—in a preface (1522), or replacement preface with accompanying marginal notes (1530)—but visual exegesis, in the form of successive series of woodcut engravings designed to illustrate the text. A set of images commissioned for Luther’s 1534 German Bible was the crowning achievement of this visual interpretation: the 1534 Bible even extended pictorial illustration and adornment to the Gospels and Epistles, as well as Old Testament texts. From the perspective of art history, to regard these acclaimed illustrations as “the last word in pictures” represents no novelty, for the 1534 Luther Bible has long been counted among “the finest things that the art of printing produced in the Reformation period” (Schramm 1923, 22–23; my translation). However, to make the same assertion about the Revelation illustrations specifically, from an explicitly exegetical standpoint—and in English—is new and requires substantiation through supporting evidence. I will provide this through close analysis and evaluation of the interpretative moves that the 1534 images make, in conjunction with Luther’s translation and comment, over and against the visual exegesis of their predecessors created, from 1522 onwards, for Luther’s German New Testament.
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Vasileva, Svetlana. "COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY." Studia Humanitatis 16, no. 3 (December 2020): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j12.art.2020.3621.
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The article studies the Counter-Reformation process in Germany and the neighboring European ter-ritories in a wider context as a complex of geopolitical, social and religious problems growing in Europe in the 15th and the 16th centuries. The study aims at finding connections between the Reformation processes launched by Martin Luther and the subsequent course of German history during the Counter-Reformation. The article focuses on the situation in Germany against a wider background of the developments in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. This paper con-tinues the author’s previous article on the German Reformation and Martin Luther’s role in it. It ex-amines the consequences of the Reformation that brought Germany on the edge of a humanitarian disaster in the Thirty Years’ War. The course of the war, as well as its geopolitical causes and con-sequences for Germany and for the whole of Europe are also investigated. The author describes and analyzes a broad historical and political context which determined the circumstances and reasons for many European states’ participation in the Thirty Years’ War, as well as the consequences of the Peace of Westphalia.
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Jantzen, Kyle. "Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933, by James M. StayerMartin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933, by James M. Stayer. McGill-Queen’s Studies in the History of Religion. Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000. xv, 177 pp. $60.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 38, no. 2 (August 2003): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.38.2.336.
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Kalbarczyk, Adam. "Wielkość osoby i dzieła pastora Valeriusa Herbergera w świetle jego przydomków." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 32 (August 5, 2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2018.32.11.
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Many attempts have been made to describe the life, fame and fate of the great German Luthe- ran pastor, preacher, theologian, humanist, poet, composer of well-known church songs and social activist, Valerius Herberger (1562-1627), who lived and worked in the Polish royal city Wschowa. The excellence of this gure has been proved by ample theological and homiletic works published in print. This article depicts the richness of both Herberger as a person and his works by making references to as many as ten bynames given to him. The rst three of them were coined by drawing an analogy to the father of the Reformation, Martin Luther, namely „the little Luther”, „the other Luther”, „the Polish Luther”. In two other epithets: „evangelical Abraham a Sancta Clara” and „the other Ignatius Loyola” Herberger was compared respectively to two gures well-known in the Catholic world, that is to an Augustinian Friar Abraham a Sancta Clara, one of the most famous, early baroque preachers, and to Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits. The remaining ve bynames refer directly to Herberger’s performance as a preacher and a pastoral worker, that is: „Preacher of Jesus”, „Lover of Jesus”, „Preacher of the Heart”, „Warden of Hearts” and „Pastor of the Plague”. All those epithets pose a constant challenge to successive generations of preachers, theologians, priests, Catholic writers and social activists to become if not another Herberger, at least a little Herberger.
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Olfert, Ryan J. "Luther’s Behemot: The Politics of Grace between Paul and Badiou." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 40, no. 1 (March 2011): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429810387989.
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The discourse of universal grace is employed as revolutionary theo-politics by many of the readers of Paul’s letters. Alain Badiou is one such reader of Paul, who finds in Paul the possibility of a new radical egalitarianism based on the constitution of a subject committed to the truth of a grace-like event. This paper examines the compatibility of Badiou’s politics and his reading of Paul in his book St. Paul: The Foundation of Universalism through a comparison with another politically radical reading of Paul, that of the German theologian and reformer Martin Luther. Like Badiou, Luther is a prime example of the way in which theology, philosophy, and politics are intimately connected. But more than that, Luther occupied a position from which he was able to, and did, affect the social and political implementation of his ideas. Thus, he provides a means of analyzing the results of the coordination of power and a Pauline universalism of grace. This paper concludes not only that Badiou’s attempt at a materialistic appropriation of Pauline grace is incommensurable with his political vision but that it has, to borrow Slavoj Žižek’s phrase, a hidden perverse core. Le discours de la grâce universelle est utilisé en tant que theo-politique révolutionnaire par plusieurs des lecteurs des lettres de Paul. Alain Badiou est un tel lecteur de Paul, qui trouve en Paul la possibilité d’un nouvel égalitarisme radical basé sur la constitution d’un sujet investi dans la vérité d’un événement de grâce. Ce document examine la compatibilité des politiques de Badiou et sa lecture de Paul dans son livre St. Paul: The Foundation of Universalism au moyen d’une comparaison à une autre lecture politiquement radicale de Paul, celui du théologien et réformateur allemand Martin Luther. Comme Badiou, Luther est un exemple typique de la manière dont la théologie, la philosophie, et la politique sont reliées intimement. Mais plus que ça, Luther a occupé une position dans laquelle il pouvait affecter et a affecté l’exécution sociale et politique de ses idées. Ainsi, il fournit des moyens d’analyser les résultats de la coordination de la puissance et d’un universalisme Pauline de grâce. Cet essai conclut que la version de grâce matérialiste avancée par Badiou est non seulement incommensurable avec sa vision politique mais qu’elle a-pour emprunter l’expression de Slavoj Žižek-un Ž noyau pervers caché.
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BENNETT, J. M. R. "THE BRITISH LUTHER COMMEMORATION OF 1883–1884 IN EUROPEAN CONTEXT." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000235.
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AbstractIn 1883 and early 1884 the controversial commemoration of the four-hundredth birthday of Martin Luther, celebrated in Germany and worldwide, captured much British public attention. The examination of this celebration offered here will improve current understanding of late Victorian religious controversies and indicate their continuing centrality to a range of cultural and historical debates in the period. The commemoration invigorated historic antagonisms in the British religious landscape, yet it also did far more than this. The commemoration provided a platform for those who wanted to foster Protestant unity in the face of what was widely perceived to be a revived threat from ‘popery’ and religious indifference at home and abroad. Whereas some religious and not-very-religious commentators, often belonging to a younger generation, wanted closely to associate Luther's world-historical role with liberalizing intellectual and social progress, others – sceptics, Catholics, high Anglicans, older Protestants – resisted this. Arguments about Luther's life and teaching often became more broadly Victorian discussions of the family, Anglo-German affinities or antagonisms, and the nature of modernity. By relating themes in the study of modern religious history to current concerns in the history of historical writing, this article will point to wider lacunae in scholarly approaches to nineteenth-century culture.
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Johnson, James Turner. "Ad Fontes: The Question of Rebellion and Moral Tradition on the Use of Force." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 4 (2013): 371–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000336.
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“Stab, smite, slay!” These are not the words of Bashar al-Assad telling his forces how they should deal with the Syrian rebel movement, or indeed those of any other contemporary political leader, but rather the words of Martin Luther exhorting the German nobility to a harsh response to the peasants' rebellion of 1524–1525. His writings show that he sympathized with many of the peasants' grievances so long as these did not issue in rebellion, but when they turned to force of arms, he responded sternly. This was not a peculiarity of Luther. Consider the following from an English courtier, Thomas Churchyard, writing admiringly of the treatment of Irish rebels in 1579 by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, commander of the English army sent to put down the rebellion: He further tooke this order infringeable, that when soever he made any ostyng [military campaign], or inrode, into the enemies Countrey, he killed manne, woman, and child, and spoiled, wasted, and burned, by the grounde all that he might, leavyng nothing of the enemies in saffetie, whiche he could possiblie waste, or consume.
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Schunka, Alexander. "Luther’s Hammers: German Academic Historiography and Popular Memory of the Reformation in the Context of its 2017 Anniversary." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 7, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2020-2025.
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AbstractThis essay analyses the relationship between scholarly and public treatments of the Lutheran Reformation surrounding its 500th anniversary in Germany in 2017. It aims at critically re-evaluating the celebrations and their media coverage from a historical and historiographical perspective. Taking into account important links between contemporary and earlier forms of German Reformation memory, the chapter first focuses on current views of Martin Luther and the posting of his theses, because both featured prominently during the official celebrations and were meant to link the Lutheran Reformation to modernity. The next part summarizes the historical origins of Luther’s alleged hammering of his theses. The essay then assesses another contested issue; namely a diffusion of Lutheranism from the small town of Wittenberg into Europe and across the world. The final section addresses current historiographical and methodological trends in German Reformation research and how they connect to a public Reformation memory.
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Karant-Nunn, Susan C. "James M. Stayer, Martin Luther, German Saviour: German Evangelical Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917-1933. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2000. xvi + 177 pp. $55. ISBN: 0-7735-2044-9." Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 1 (2001): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262241.
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Wodziński, Grzegorz. "Jana Kalwina zarys nauki o Kościele w świetle Institutio Religionis Christianae z 1543r." Saeculum Christianum 24 (September 10, 2018): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.13.
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One of the main postulates of the reformation movement, apart from the theological questions, was a proposal of the internal reform of the church institution. The Father of the Reformation,as Rev. Martin Luther is called in the source literature, raised the questions concerning the mission of the Church, its role in the magisterium, and also and perhaps above all its hierarchical structure and about the role of the clergy in the process of the eternal salvation. As a result of his reflections and probably his observations and his own experiences Luther undermined in succession different dogmatic, theological questions as well as those regarding the organization of the Roman Catholic Church. Slogans of renewal and reforms of the church structure spread very rapidly through the territory of German Reich, gaining numerous supporters among European nations. One of those for whom the Reformation ideas became the main field of activity was French man John Calvin. That well-rounded, well educated and well-read lawyer, knowing the main works of the German monk, acquired his principal theses postulating the changes in the functioning of the Church. Additionally, Calvin made a division of the Church between the earthly – the visible and the heavenly – the invisible one, and the person who bonds it, guarantees its unity and permanency, the indivisibility is the only and the highest Priest – Jesus Christ. In the work of his life Institucio Religionis Christianae Calvin embodied a full picture of the Christian Church as, in his opinion, it should be. Analysing particular issues regarding the function of the clergymen, the pope, celebrating the sacraments, penance and conversion, and also the eternal salvation, we are given the basic compendium of knowledge concerning the ecclesiology by John Calvin. His teaching about the Church, although in some points different in from the preaching of Rev. Martin Luther, however oscillates within the principal slogans of Reformation: Sola Fides –the man is saved solely by faith, Sola Gratia – God’s grace is necessary for salvation, Sola Scriptura – the only source of faith is the Holy Bible. He also added the idea: Solus Christus – only Christ saves, He is in the centre of The Church, we can observe Calvin’s Christ centred attitude in his preaching and in building ideological basics of the reformed denomination.
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Lamanna, Marco. "Tommaso Campanella in the Schulmetaphysik: The Doctrine of the Three Primalities and the Case of the Lutheran Liborius Capsius (1589–1654) in Erfurt." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 1 (April 26, 2016): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i1.26544.
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Following some recent findings, this essay presents the first known case of the reception of the doctrine of the primalities (power, knowledge, and love) by the Italian Tommaso Campanella within German scholastic philosophy, the so-called Schulmetaphysik. Here, the focus is on the Lutheran Liborius Capsius, the first docent of metaphysics at the University of Erfurt after the interdict by Martin Luther against metaphysics. Through his lectures and the disputations discussed by his students, Capsius shows how the Reformed scholastic philosophy was finally able to receive and integrate Renaissance philosophies (also those of anti-scholastic and anti-Aristotelian provenience). The essay is followed by the transcription of the Rerum transcendentium stud.< ium > (1635) by Capsius, in which the reception of the doctrine of the primalities takes place.
Suite à des découvertes récentes, cet article présente le premier cas connu de la réception de la doctrine des principes premiers (puissance, connaissance et amour) de l’italien Tommaso Campanella par la philosophie scolastique allemande, ou Schulmetaphysik. On y examine principalement un ouvrage du luthérien Liborius Capsius, premier professeur de métaphysique à l’Université d’Erfurt après que Martin Luther ait interdit la métaphysique. Dans son enseignement et dans les disputations menéees par ses étudiants, Capsius montre que la philosophie scolastique de la Réforme a réussi à accueillir et intégrer les philosophies de la Renaissance, y compris celles de traditions anti-scolastiques et antiaristotéliciennes. Cet article inclut la transcription du Rerum transcendentium stud.< ium > (1635) de Capsius, constituant le témoin principal de la réception de la doctrine des principes premiers.
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Mnozhynska, R. "Stanislav Orikhovsky on religious tolerance." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1508.
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Stanislav Orikhovsky (1513-1565) - one of the most prominent Latin-speaking Ukrainian-Polish humanists of the first half of the 16th century. For a long time he was known almost exclusively as a Polish figure. We now have every reason to include him in our culture, above all because he was a conscious Ukrainian - he invariably added the term "Ukrainian" (Ruthenus, Roxolanus, Russus) to his last name. this is frankly stated "(Ruthenum me esse et glorior et libenter profiteor). In Western Europe it was called "Ukrainian Demosthenes" and "modern Cicero." His teachers were famous figures of the time: the German humanist Melanchthon and the reformer Martin Luther - in the latter's house he even lived during his studies. Many prominent people of that time in Italy and Poland also had the honor of communicating with him.
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Bagchi, David. "‘Eyn Mercklich Underscheyd’: Catholic Reactions to Luther’s Doctrine of the Priesthood of all Believers, 1520–25." Studies in Church History 26 (1989): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010937.
Full textAbstract:
After the great Reformation principles of ‘faith alone’ and ‘Scripture alone’, probably the most revolutionary doctrine commonly associated with Martin Luther is that of the priesthood of all believers. It is well known that, as it appears in his address ‘to the Christian nobility of the German nation’ of 1520, he intended this doctrine to bring down the walls of the new Jericho by striking at the heart of the distinction between clergy and laity on which the medieval Church was based. What is less well known is the reaction to this doctrine of Luther’s contemporaries, and in particular his critics. I propose to look at how they regarded the reformer’s conception of the universal priesthood, and what they thought its implications were, in the hope of shedding more light on its contemporary significance.