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1

Eldal, Jens Christian. "Ny arkitektur for nordmenn i Iowa. Arkitekt C.H. Griese, Luther College og kirker i 1860-årene." Nordlit, no. 36 (December 10, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.3696.

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<p>The Norwegian Evangelical-Lutheran Church in America decided in 1861 to build their first college close to the western frontier of The Upper Midwest. The site chosen was a bluff above Upper Iowa River, highly visible from Decorah, a small town founded only 12 years earlier, few years after the first settlers arrived. The college building became a relatively vast structure erected between 1862 and 1865, completed to its originally planned symmetrical composition in 1874. The building style and its composition were common among American colleges and universities further east in the US. It is also demonstrated how the Luther College building façade in composition and detailing shows clear influences from a specific German building. This particular building has been designated as especially typical of the German <em>Rundbogenstil</em> (<em>S</em>tyle of the Rounded Arch) with its great mix of various stylistic elements.</p><p>The architect was known as C. H. Griese from Cleveland, Ohio. He is identified as Charles Henry Griese (1821–1909), who immigrated from Germany about 1850 and was known as a mason and contractor, from now on also as an architect. In 1869, Griese also designed the three Norwegian Lutheran churches of Washington Prairie, Stavanger and Glenwood in rural Decorah. They represented a Neo Gothic style which was new to the area, and had an evident architectural character contrasting the more ordinary vernacular churches in the area. They signify a change of style and, like the college building, they demonstrate architectural ambitions new to these Norwegians, giving insight also into the general architectural and vernacular development in the area.</p>
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2

Frankl, P. J. L. "Mombasa Cathedral and the CMS Compound: the Years of the East Africa Protectorate." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0017.

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Exactly when Islam arrived on the Swahili coast is difficult to say, but Mombasa was a Muslim town long before the arrival of Vasco da Gama in 1498. During the two centuries or so that the Portuguese-Christians occupied this part of the sea route from Europe to India there were churches in Mombasa and elsewhere in Swahililand, but none has endured. Modern Christianity dates from 1844, when Ludwig Krapf arrived in Mombasa. Before then Mombasa was a “wholly Mohammedan” town. Krapf, a German Lutheran, was employed by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) based in London. Failing to make any converts on the island, Krapf moved into the coastal hinterland, among the Nyika, where Islam was less in evidence and where, therefore, Krapf was more hopeful of success. With remarkable perspicacity he wrote: “Christianity and civilisation ever go hand in hand…. A black bishop and black clergy of the Protestant Church may, ere long, become a necessity in the civilisation of Africa.”In England, when attention was drawn to the east African slave trade, a settlement of liberated slaves was established on the mainland north of Mombasa island in 1875, and a church built (Emmanuel Church, Frere Town)—the first parcel of land in central Swahililand to be owned by European-Christians. There was still no church on the island. However, this was the zenith of the British imperial power and in the capital of almost every major British overseas possession, it was de rigueur—alongside the Secretariat and the Club—to have a Church of England cathedral.
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Pierard, Richard V., and Robert F. Goeckel. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change Under Ulbricht and Honecker." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164655.

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4

Conway, J. S. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political conflict and change under Ulbricht and Honecker." German History 9, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/9.2.260.

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Crane, Nicky. "The Lutheran Church and the East German state: political conflict and change under Ulbricht and Honecker." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620904.

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6

Moses, John A., and Robert F. Goeckel. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change under Ulbricht and Honecker." German Studies Review 15, no. 2 (May 1992): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431224.

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7

Сорокин, Максим. "On the History of the Holy Synod Library: The Sale of the Theological Part from the Book Collection to Germany in the 1930s." Theological Herald, no. 1(40) (March 15, 2021): 300–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.40.1.015.

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Статья посвящена судьбе богословской части библиотеки Святейшего Синода. Рассматривается вопрос продажи этого книжного собрания в Германию, прослеживается судьба русских книг после неудачи с проектом создания Института восточных церквей, а также показывается новое применение уникального для Германии книжного собрания на кафедре истории и богословия христианского Востока богословского факультета Университета им. Фридриха-Александра в Эрлангене. Главным источником исследования являются архивные материалы организации, поддерживающей деятельность лютеранских общин в диаспоре, - «Мартин Лютер Бунд» в Эрлангене, а именно переписка с «Международной книгой» как на немецком, так и на русском языках. По итогам работы с документами автор полностью описывает судьбу богословских книг библиотеки Священного Синода от начала 30-х гг. XX в. до настоящего времени. The article is devoted to a destiny of the theological part of the Holy Synod Library. The author considers an issue of selling this book collection to Germany, tracing the fate of Russian books after the failure of establishing the Institute of Oriental Churches, and also shows the use of the book collection, unique for Germany, at the Department of History and Theology of the Christian East of the Theological Faculty of the Friedrich-Alexander University in Erlangen. The main source of the research is the archival materials of the organization Martin-Luther-Bund in Erlangen, supporting activities of the Lutheran communities in the diaspora, in particular, the correspondence with the «International Book» in both German and Russian has been considered. Based on the results of his work with the documents, the author fully describes the fate of theological books of the Holy Synod Library from the beginning of the 1930s to this day.
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Graf, Friedrich Wilhelm. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change under Ulbricht and Honecker. Robert F. Goeckel." Journal of Religion 72, no. 3 (July 1992): 438–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488934.

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9

Hanhardt, A. M. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State. By Robert F. Goeckel. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990. 328 pp. $39.95." Journal of Church and State 33, no. 3 (June 1, 1991): 604–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/33.3.604.

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Kozłowski, Janusz. "About the essense of the masurian Gromadkar movement." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 304, no. 2 (July 20, 2019): 218–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134839.

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After the Reformation Masurians as subjects of the rulers of the first evangelical state in the world became Lutherans. Over time, the inhabitants of the southern areas of Easy Prussia and the so- called Lithuania Minor felt the lack of the deepened spirituality, which they did not find in the evangelical church. Through the settled in Gąbin (Gumbinnen) exiled from the area of Salzburg pietist Evangelists in Masuria, “The six books on True Christianity” by John Arndt appeared. The book, after the Bible and the Small Catechism of Luther became the most popular among people of Masuria. The first piety movements appeared in Masuria in the county of Nidzica and Szczytno at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. However their true upturn took place from the 1840s. It manifested itself in running home services, prayer meetings- so-called “beads” and increased activity of travelling preachers. In the seventies and eighties of the nineteenth century, The Gromadkar movement comprised between 30 and 80% of the Masurian population. The centre of the Masurian clusters was located near Szczytno, Pisz and Mrągowo. Registered in 1885 by the Prussian Lithuanian Christopher Kukat , the East Prussian Evangelical Prayers Association which with the help of its bilingual (German Lithuanian) paper Pakajaus Paslas/ Friedens- Bote gave the organizational framework to the East Prussian clusters. At the turn of 19th and 20th centuries, the Gromadkar movement reached its apogee, also spreading among the Mazurian workers’ communities in the Ruhr. Since the First World War, there has been a gradual stifling of the movement, which in the Nazi era entered agonal phase. The key to understanding the world of clusters is the “Six Books on True Christianity” by John Arndt, in which he creates a kind of bridge between Luther’s teachings and the writings of the Rhine mystics of Master Eckhart, John Tauler and Henry Suzo, giving Mazurians directions for spiritual growth. It was supposed to rely on “Six Books” to deny yourself, to reject your own ego, to seek contact with God, indicating as the goal the union with God. The uniqueness of the Gromadkar movement consisted in going beyond the Lutheran principle of “justification by faith” and entering the ground of Christian mysticism unknown to the Evangelical doctrine, which happened through the work of Arndt. An additional aspect that opens up in this context is the Slavic and Lithuanian spirituality and the sensitivity of the crowd, without which undoubtedly it would not be possible to practice mysticism on the basis of the Evangelical religion.
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Bugge, K. E. "Menneske først - Grundtvig og hedningemissionen." Grundtvig-Studier 52, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 115–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v52i1.16400.

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First a Man - then a Christian. Grundtvig and Missonary ActivityBy K.E. BuggeThe aim of this paper is to clarify Grundtvig’s ideas on missionary activity in the socalled »heathen parts«. The point of departure is taken in a brief presentation of the poem »Man first - and then a Christian« (1838), an often quoted text, whenever this theme is discussed. The most extensive among earlier studies on the subject is the book published by Georg Thaning: »The Grundtvigian Movement and the Mission among Heathen« (1922). The author provides valuable insights also into Grundtvig’s ideas, but has, of course, not been able to utilize more recent studies.On the background of the revival movement of the late 18th and early 19th century, The Danish Missionary Society was established in 1821. In the Lutheran churches such activity was generally deemed to be unnecessary. According to the Holy Scripture, so it was argued, the heathen already had a »natural« knowledge of God, and the word of God had been preached to the ends of the earth in the times of the Apostles. Nevertheless, it was considered a matter of course that a Christian sovereign had the duty to ensure that non-Christian citizens of his domain were offered the possibility of conversion to the one and true faith. In the double-monarchy Denmark-Norway such non-Christian populations were the Lapplanders of Northern Norway, the Inuits in Greenland, the black slaves in Danish West India and finally the native populations of the Danish colonies in West Africa and East India. Under the influence of Pietism missionary, activity was initiated by the Danish state in South India (1706), Northern Norway (1716), and Greenland (1721).In Grundtvig’s home the general attitude towards missionary work among the heathen seems to have reflected traditional Lutheranism. Nevertheless, one of Grundtvig’s elder brothers, Jacob Grundtvig, volunteered to become a missionary in Greenland.Due to incidental circumstances he was instead sent to the Danish colony in West Africa, where he died after less than one year of service. He was succeeded by his brother Niels Grundtvig, who likewise died within a year. During the period when Jacob Grundtvig prepared himself for the journey to Greenland, we can imagine that his family spent many an hour discussing his future conditions. It is probable that on these occasions his father consulted his copy of the the report on the Greenland mission published by Hans Egede in 1737. It is a fact that Grundtvig imbibed a deep admiration for Hans Egede early in his life. In his extensive poem »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, published 1814), the theme of which is the history of Christianity in Denmark, Grundtvig inserted more than 70 lines on the Greenland mission. Egede’s achievements are here described in close connection with the missionary work of Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg in Tranquebar, South India, as integral parts of the same journey towards the celestial Jerusalem.In Grundtvig’s famous publication »The Church’s Retort« (1825) he describes the church as an historical fact from the days of the Apostles to our days. This historical church is at the same time a universal entity, carrying the potential of becoming the church of all humanity - if not before, then at the end of the world. A few years later, in a contribution to the periodical .Theological Monthly., he applies this historicaluniversal perspective on missionary acticity in earlier times and in the present. The main features of this stance may be summarized in the following points:1. Grundtvig rejects the Orthodox-Lutheran line of thought and underscores the Biblical view: That before the end of time the Gospel must be preached out into all comers of the world.2. Our Lutheran, Biblically founded faith must not lead to inactivity in this field.3. Correctly understood, missionary activity is a continuance of the acts of the Apostles.4. The Holy Spirit is the intrinsic dynamic power in the extension of the Christian faith.5. The practical procedure in this extension work must never be compulsion or stealth, but the preaching of the word and the free, uninhibited decision of the listeners.We find here a total reversion of the Orthodox-Lutheran way of rejection in principle, but acceptance in practice. Grundtvig accepts the principle: That missionary activity is a legitimate and necessary Christian undertaking. The same activity has, however, both historically and in our days, been marred by unacceptable practices, on which he reacts with forceful rejection. To this position Grundtvig adhered for the rest of his life.Already in 1826, Grundtvig withdrew from the controversy arising from the publication of his .Retort.. The public dispute was, however, continued with great energy by the gifted young academic, Jacob Christian Lindberg. During the 1830s a weekly paper, edited by Lindberg, .Nordisk Kirke-Tidende., i.e. Nordic Church Tidings, became Grundtvig’s main channel of communication with the public. All through the years of its publication (1833-41), this paper, of which Grundtvig was also an avid reader, brought numerous articles and reports on missionary activity. Among the reasons for this editorial practice we find some personal motives. Quite a few of Grundtvig’s and Lindberg’s friends were board members of the Danish Missionary Society. Furthermore, one of Lindberg’s former students, Christen Christensen Østergaard was appointed a missionary in Greenland.In the present paper the articles dealing with missionary activity are extensively reported and quoted as far as the years 1833-38 are concerned, and the effects on Grundtvig of this incessant .bombardment. of information on missionary activity are summarized. Generally speaking, it was gratifying for Grundtvig to witness ho w many of his ideas on missionary activity were reflected in these contributions. Furthermore, Lindberg’s regular reports on the progress of C.C. Østergaard in Greenland has continuously reminded Grundtvig of the admired Hans Egede.Among the immediate effects the genesis of the poem »First the man - then the Christian« must be mentioned. As already observed by Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig has read an article in the issue of Nordic Church Tidings, dated, January 8th, 1838, written by the Orthodox-Lutheran, German theologian Heinrich Møller on the relationship between human nature and true Christianity. Grundtvig has, it seems, written his poem in protest against Møller’s assertion: That true humanness is expressed in acceptance of man’s fundamental sinfulness. Against this negative position Grundtvig holds forth the positive Johannine formulations: To be »of the truth« and to hear the voice of the Good Shepherd. Grundtvig has seen a connection between Møller’s negative view of human nature and a perverted missionary practice. In the third stanza of his poem Grundtvig therefore inserted some critical remarks, clearly inspired by his reading of Nordic Church Tidings.Other immediate effects are seen in the way in which, in his sermons from these years, Grundtvig meticulously elaborates on the Biblical argumentation in favour of missionary activity. In this context he combines passages form the Old and New Testament - often in an ingenious, original manner. Finally must be mentioned the way in which Grundtvig, in his hymn writing from the middle of the 1830s, more often than hitherto recognized, interposes stanzas dealing with the preaching of the Gospel to heathen populations.Turning from general observations and a study of immediate impact, the paper considers the effects, which become apparent in a longer perspective. In this respect Grundtvig’s interpretation of the seven churches mentioned in chapters 2-3 of the Book of Revelation is of crucial importance. According to Grundtvig, they symbolize seven stages in the historical development of Christianity, i.e. the churches of the Hebrews, the Greeks, the Romans, the English, the Germans and the »Nordic« people. The seventh and last church will reveal itself sometime in the future.This vision, which Grundtvig expounds for the first time in 1810, emerges in his writings from time to time all through his life. The most impressive literary monument describing the vision is his great poem, »The Pleiades of Christendom« from 1856-60.In 1845 he becomes convinced that the arrival of the sixth stage is revealed in the breakthrough of a new and vigourous hymn-singing in the church of Vartov. As late as the spring of 1863 Grundtvig voices a contented optimism in a church-historical lecture, where the Danish missions to Greenland and to Tranquebar in South India are characterized as .signs of life and good omens.. Grundtvig here refers back to his above-mentioned »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, 1814), where he had offered a spiritual interpretation of the names of persons and localities involved in the process. He had then observed that the colony founded in Greenland by Hans Egede was called »Good Hope«, a highly symbolic name. And the church built by the missionaries in Tranquebar was called »Church of the New Jerusalem«, a name explicitly referring to the Book of Revelation, and thus welding together his great vision and his view on missionary activity. After Denmark’s humiliating defeat in the Danish-German war of 1864, the optimism faded away. Grundtvig seems to have concluded that the days of the sixth and .Nordic. church had come to an end, and the era of the seventh church was about to commence. In accordance with his poem on »The Pleiades« etc. he localizes this final church in India.In Grundtvig’s total view missionary activity was the dynamism that bound his vision together into an integrated process. Through the activity of »Denmark’s apostle«, Ansgar, another admired mis-sionary, the universal church had become a locally rooted reality. Through the missions of Hans Egede and Ziegenbalg the Gospel was carried out to the ends of the earth. The local Danish church thus contributed significantly to the proliferation of a universal church. In the development of this view, Grundtvig was inspired as well as provoked by his regular reading of Nordic Church Tidings in the 1830s.
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Ward, W. R. "Art and Science: or Bach as an Expositor of the Bible." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012547.

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For a long time before dramatic recent events it has been clear that the German Democratic Republic has been in die position, embarrassing to a Marxist system, of having nothing generally marketable left except (to use the jargon) ‘superstructure’. The Luther celebrations conveniendy bolstered the implicit claim of the GDR to embody Saxony’s long-delayed revenge upon Prussia; still more conveniendy, they paid handsomely. Even the Francke celebrations probably paid their way, ruinous though his Orphan House has been allowed to become. When I was in Halle, a hard-pressed government had removed the statue of Handel (originally paid for in part by English subscriptions) for head-to-foot embellishment in gold leaf, and a Handel Festival office in the town was manned throughout the year. Bach is still more crucial, both to the republic’s need to pay its way and to the competition with the Federal Republic for the possession of the national tradition. There is no counterpart in Britain to the strength of the Passion-music tradition in East Germany. The celebrations which reach their peak in Easter Week at St Thomas’s, Leipzig, are like a cross between Wembley and Wimbledon here, the difference being that the black market in tickets is organized by the State for its own benefit. If Bach research in East Germany, based either on musicology or the Church, has remained an industry of overwhelming amplitude and technical complexity, the State has had its own Bach-research collective located in Leipzig, dedicated among other things to establishing the relation between Bach and the Enlightenment, that first chapter in the Marxist history of human liberation. Now that a good proportion of the population of the GDR seems bent on liberation by leaving the republic or sinking it, the moment seems ripe to take note for non-specialist readers of some of what has been achieved there in recent years.
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Junghans, Helmar. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change Under Ulbricht and Honecker. By Robert F. Goeckel. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990. xiv + 327 pp." Church History 64, no. 2 (June 1995): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167960.

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Conway, J. S. "Book Reviews : The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political conflict and change under Ulbricht and Honecker. By Robert F. Goeckel. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. 1990. xiv + 327 pp. $39.95." German History 9, no. 2 (June 1, 1991): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549100900231.

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Rutan, Gerard F. "The Lutheran Church and the East German State. By Robert F. Goeckel. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990. 327p. $39.95. - Catholicism and Politics in Communist Societies. Edited by Pedro Ramet. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990. 454p. $49.95 cloth, $21.95 paper." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (September 1991): 1050–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963907.

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Tilli, Jouni. "‘Deus Vult!’ The Idea of Crusading in Finnish Clerical War Rhetoric, 1941–1944." War in History 24, no. 3 (February 14, 2017): 362–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515625683.

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Finland’s Winter War (1939–40) against the Soviet Union had been defensive, but the so-called Continuation War that broke out in June 1941 was not. This offensive operation in alliance with Nazi Germany demanded a thorough justification. The Lutheran clergy were important in legitimizing the war because the priests were de jure officials of the state, as well as of the church. Also, nearly 96 per cent of Finns belonged to the Lutheran Church. This article analyses how the Lutheran clergy used crusading imagery in the Continuation War, 1941–4, strategically shifting the emphasis as the war progressed.
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Witmer, Olga. "Clandestine Lutheranism in the eighteenth-century Dutch Cape Colony*." Historical Research 93, no. 260 (April 25, 2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa007.

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Abstract This article examines the survival strategies of Lutheran dissenters in the eighteenth-century Dutch Cape Colony. The Cape Colony was officially a Reformed settlement during the rule of the Dutch East India Company (V.O.C.) but also had a significant Lutheran community. Until the Lutherans received recognition in 1780, part of the community chose to uphold their faith in secret. The survival of Lutheranism in the Cape Colony was due to the efforts of a group of Cape Lutheran activists and the support network they established with ministers of the Danish-Halle Mission, the Francke Foundations, the Moravian Church and the Lutheran Church in Amsterdam.
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Hope, Nicholas. "The View from the Province. A Dilemma for Protestants in Germany, 1648–1918." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 4 (October 1990): 606–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900075746.

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Uber dem Berg gibst auch Leute. This ultramontane remark made in 1742 by Christoph Matthäus Pfaff, professor of theology and chancellor of Tübingen University between 1720 and 1756, was intended to shake students out of their cosy, provincial and exclusive Lutheran theology. It was time, so Pfaff argued, they opened windows, put aside their arrogant hair-splitting about correct Lutheran doctrine, and looked at the wider Protestant world beyond Württemberg. Knowledge of the sources of the Christian Church, and of the customs and legal shape of Protestantism in Germany as it had developed since the Reformation, provided the only sure defence of the Protestant Church in an age when autocratic behaviour was fashionable with princes, and the temporal authority of Popes Clement xi and Clement XII was still an inescapable fact.
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DIXON, C. SCOTT. "Faith and History on the Eve of Enlightenment: Ernst Salomon Cyprian, Gottfried Arnold, and the History of Heretics." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 1 (January 2006): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905006159.

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When it first appeared in Germany, Gottfried Arnold's History of heretics (1699) was a publishing sensation, immediately causing a stir due to its radical reinterpretation of the Christian past. Numerous scholars wrote against it, but the most determined was the Orthodox Lutheran Ernst Salomon Cyprian, who considered the central thesis of the work – that the history of the Christian Church was a history of decline – a deliberate attack on the principles of Lutheran belief. In Cyprian's view, Arnold's reading of the past was shaped by a cast of personal faith which not only rewrote the Protestant narrative of Christian history, but threatened the very fabric of Lutheran belief.
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Burganova, Maria A., and Dietrich Brauer. "INTERVIEW WITH DIETRICH BRAUER, ARCHBISHOP OF THE EVANGELICAL-LUTHERAN CHURCH OF RUSSIA." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 16, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2020-16-4-10-18.

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The journal traditionally opens with an academic interview. In this issue, we present Dietrich Brauer, Archbishop of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Russia, member of the Council for Interaction with Religious Associations under the President of the Russian Federation, chevalier of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, who kindly agreed to answer questions from Maria Burganova, the Editor in chief of The Burganov House. The Space of Culture journal.
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Stayer, James M. "The Contours of the Non-Lutheran Reformation in Germany, 1522–1546." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (July 21, 2021): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10025.

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Abstract Among the common ways of portraying Reformation divides are the following categories: Magisterial vs Radical Reformations; or a “church type” vs a “sect type” of reform. This essay offers an alternative view. It underscores the differences between Lutherans and Anglicans on one side; and the Reformed, Anabaptists, and Schwenckfelders on the other. The Lutherans, like the Anglicans under Henry VIII, worshipped in altar-centered churches which were Roman Catholic in appearance. They presented themselves as reformers of Catholic errors of the late Middle Ages. By contrast, when the Reformed, Anabaptists, and Schwenckfelders met for worship, it was in unadorned Bible-centered meeting houses. The Anabaptists were targeted for martyrdom by the decree of the Holy Roman Empire of 1529 against Wiedertäufer (“rebaptists”). Contrary to the later memory that they practiced a theology of martyrdom, the preference of apprehended Anabaptists was to recant.
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MCINTOSH, TERENCE. "PIETISTS, JURISTS, AND THE EARLY ENLIGHTENMENT CRITIQUE OF PRIVATE CONFESSION IN LUTHERAN GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 3 (March 19, 2015): 627–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000900.

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From the 1680s to the 1720s German Lutheran pastors’ use of private confession and suspension from Communion as a means of disciplining wayward parishioners generated seminal theological and intellectual debates. They were driven by Pietists and secular natural law jurists and concerned ultimately the purported corruption in the early Christian church that led to the abusive, unwarranted, and centuries-long intrusion of clerical power into secular affairs. By investigating these debates, this essay reveals in new ways the constructive collision of two different intellectual predispositions—one clerical, the other legal—that propelled the early Enlightenment in Germany. Letters from the 1680s and other writings of Philipp Jakob Spener, the father of German Pietism, show how he and fellow clergymen wrestled with specific pastoral challenges regarding the disciplining of allegedly unrepentant and incorrigible sinners. Christian Thomasius, a central figure in the early Enlightenment, and other secular natural law jurists vigorously rebutted the Pietists’ claims by critically examining the practice of confession in the primitive church, thereby exposing the historical origins of priestcraft. In doing so, Thomasius highlighted affinities between his work and that of the radical Pietist Gottfried Arnold, who had indicted the clergies of Christian churches for their unjust and inveterate persecution of religious dissidents. But Thomasius also faulted Arnold for weaknesses in his biblical scholarship. Thomasius's criticism points to the special form of biblical scholarship that secular natural law jurists had helped to develop and that predisposed them to embrace radical interpretations of Scripture, a potent stimulant of early Enlightenment thought.
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Benne, Robert, and James M. Estes. "Godly Magistrates and Church Order: Johannes Brenz and the Establishment of the Lutheran Territorial Church in Germany 1524-1559." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20476981.

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WEBER, FRIEDRICH, and CHARLOTTE METHUEN. "The Architecture of Faith under National Socialism: Lutheran Church Building(s) in Braunschweig, 1933–1945." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 2 (April 2015): 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913002571.

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It has frequently been assumed that church building ceased after the National Socialists came to power in Germany in 1933. This article shows that it continued, and considers the reasons why this was the case. Focussing on churches built in the Church of Braunschweig between 1933 and 1936, it explores the interactions between emergent priorities for church architecture and the rhetoric of National Socialist ideology, and traces their influence on the building of new Protestant churches in Braunschweig. It examines the way in which Braunschweig Cathedral was reordered in accordance with National Socialist interests, and the ambiguity which such a reordering implied for the on-going Christian life of the congregation. It concludes that church building was widely understood to be a part of the National Socialist programme for creating employment, but was also used to emphasise the continuing role of the Church in building community. However, there is still much work to be done to investigate the ways in which churches and congregations interacted with National Socialism in their day-to-day existence.
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Scribner, R. W. "Pastoral Care and the Reformation in Germany." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001575.

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Of the numerous criticisms and expressions of grievance directed at the Church in Germany on the eve of the Reformation, the most devastating was the charge of inadequate pastoral care. Reformers of all complexions bewailed the poor state of the parish clergy and the inadequate manner in which they provided for the spiritual needs of their flocks. At the very least, the parish clergy were ill-educated and ill-prepared for their pastoral tasks; at the very worst, they exploited those to whom they should have ministered, charging for their services, treating layfolk as merely a means of increasing their incomes, and, above all, resorting to the tyranny of the spiritual ban to uphold their position. The popular propaganda of the early Reformation fully exploited such deficiencies, exposing the decay in root and branch of a system of pastoral care depicted as no more than an empty shell, a facade of a genuine Christian cure of souls. The attack on the traditional Church was highly successful, successful enough to provoke an ecclesiastical revolution, and almost a socio-political revolution as well. It was, indeed, so successful that generations of historians of the Reformation have seen the condition of the pre-Reformation Church largely through the eyes of its critics and opponents. This negative image was matched by an idealized view of what succeeded it: where the old Church had failed the Christian laity, indeed, so much that they had virtually fallen into the hands of the Devil, the new Church offered solutions, a new way forward, a new standard of pastoral care and concern that created a new ideal, the Lutheran pastor, who cared for his flock as a kindly father, a shepherd who would willingly give up his life for his sheep.
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Sweetman, Will. "Empire and Mission." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 1-2 (2015): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02801021.

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The historiography of the entanglement of mission and empire in India has often taken the inclusion of the so-called “pious clause” in the East India Company’s 1813 charter to mark the end of a ban on missions in Company territories, and the beginning of a period of co-operation between church and company. This neglects the importance in this debate of the mission founded by German Lutherans in the Danish settlement of Tranquebar in south India in 1706. The mission received direct patronage from the Company for almost a full century before 1813, and was invoked by both sides in the debate over the pious clause. A work published anonymously in 1812, purporting to be a new translation of dialogues between the first missionaries in Tranquebar and their Hindu and Muslim interlocutors, is shown here to be a skilful and savage satire on the dialogues published by the first missionaries.
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Birecki, Piotr. "The Lutheran Church in Rodowo as a Place of the Spiritual Meeting of Three Social Strata." Entangled Religions 7 (July 27, 2018): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v7.2018.109-136.

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The article presents the hitherto unknown decoration of the furnishing of a little Protestant church in Rodowo in Ducal Prussia, founded by the local aristocratic family ofthe Schack von Wittenaus. After firstly providing an overview of the complicated confessional history of the region, the church, and its patrons, the second part of this article presents the emblematic decoration of church benches based on the “Four Elements,” with models for tapestries designed by Charles Le Brun and published in Paris in 1668 (and later in Germany). The original emblems, with descriptions by Charles Perrault, refer to King Louis XVI as the ideal ruler, but in Rodowo they emphasize the position of the Prussian nobility as the most important social group in the country. The second part of the article presents four unknown easel paintings on the church walls, with a symbolic presentation of Lutheran piety connected with Pietism in Ducal Prussia. The entire artistic ensemble in the church refers to the role of noblemen as leaders in the social and religious life of Ducal Prussia.
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Mikoski, Gordon S. "Martin Luther and Anti-Semitism: A Discussion." Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721912.

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This transcription of the Question and Answer period for the public event “Martin Luther and Anti-Semitism” was held at the Morgan Library & Museum in New York City on November 13, 2016. This event was co-presented by the Morgan Library & Museum, the Leo Baeck Institute, the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul in New York City, and the Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany. The discussion session—as well as the two lectures preceding (also published in this issue)—took place as part of a series of events in conjunction with the Morgan Library & Museum’s exhibition “Word and Image: Martin Luther’s Reformation” which ran from October 7, 2016 through January 22, 2017. Professor Mark Silk, Director, Leonard Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life and Professor of Religion in Public Life at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut, served as moderator for the Q&A session. The respondents were Professor Dean P. Bell, Provost, Vice President, and Professor of History at the Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership in Chicago and Dr. Martin Hauger, Referent für Glaube und Dialog of the High Consistory of the Evangelical Church (EKD) in Germany. The translator for portions of the Q&A session was the Rev. Miriam Gross, pastor of the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul ( Deutsche Evangelisch-Lutherische St. Pauls Kirche) in Manhattan. Theology Today is grateful to the Morgan Library & Museum for permission to publish the transcription of this discussion session.
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Burgess, J. P. "Church-State Relations in East Germany: The Church as a "Religious" and "Political" Force." Journal of Church and State 32, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/32.1.17.

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Jasiński, Grzegorz. "The situation in the Masurian diocese of the Evangelical-Augsburg Church in the light of statistical data from 1956–1959." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 293, no. 3 (November 23, 2016): 579–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135043.

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Based on static data, changes in the diocese of the Masurian Evangelical-Augsburg Church were caused by the mass movement of Lutheran people to both German states. The number of faithful in the diocese decreased by 41.8% (from 39,811 to around 23,200), the parish council disintegrated, and the diocese’s income fell drastically (although the percentage of Church contributions paid by the faithful remained at the previous level). Along with the faithful, seven priests went to Germany; two state authorities were removed from the Masurian territories because of their pro-German views. 1959 is also a time of intensified efforts by the state authorities to procure the rectory and other non-religious buildings from the Church, which greatly undermined the Church’s pastoral and social work, and undermined the material basis of its existence.
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Dierken, Jörg. "Konfessionsbündische Unübersichtlichkeit oder unevangelische Zentralisierung?" Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 47, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2003-0117.

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AbstractIn the current debate of possible ways to reform the structure and organisation of the protestant church in Germany (Landeskirchen, Konfessionsbünde, EDK) the general question has come up, whether concepts of the Lutheran church, which are founded on ecclesiology or protestant ecclesiastical law, in principle prohibit institutional changes or not. Regarding this problem, the essay discusses the institution of the Protestant church in aspects of theology and ecclesiasticallaw. The CA assumes that religious belief constitutes the church and gives structure to it as a means for spiritual communication between the faithful. Starting from this point the essay argues that the church is essentially non-institutional. Nevertheless it is a part of the dialectics of the concept of the institutionally organised church that even this non-institutionality gains itself an institutional structure. Because of this the essay pleads for a pragmatic view on church institutions: there are reasons to change or to cling to these structures, but these reasons are only pragmatic ones, when the concept of the church, which is derived from theology and protestant ecclesiasticallaw, is considered as given.
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RANGE, MATTHIAS. "‘Wandelabendmahl’: Lutheran ‘Walking Communion’ and its Expression in Material Culture." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 4 (September 9, 2013): 731–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691200084x.

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This article discusses one specific way in which Protestant communion was, and still is, celebrated: the ‘Wandelabendmahl’, or ‘walking communion’, in which communicants receive bread and wine at the two sides of the altar, walking around it in between. After a general discussion of the ‘Wandelabendmahl’ in Lutheranism, the article examines how this rite was and is reflected in material culture, especially in today's northern Germany and southern Denmark. The rite was physically enshrined in church buildings by special furnishings at and around the altar. This study argues for a more holistic approach to sources: the inclusion of material culture in the study of religious practices allows for consideration and analysis of the experience of parishioners on a day-to-day basis. It is argued that it was by such means – visible, tangible, and to be experienced by each individual parishioner – that complex theological concepts were made accessible to congregations.
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Bryce, Benjamin. "Entangled Communities: Religion and Ethnicity in Ontario and North America, 1880–1930." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 23, no. 1 (May 22, 2013): 179–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015732ar.

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This article examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity, and space in Ontario between 1880 and 1930. It tracks the spread of organized Lutheranism across Ontario as well as the connections that bound German-language Lutheran congregations to the United States and Germany. In so doing, this article seeks to push the study of religion in Canada beyond national boundaries. Building on a number of studies of the international influences on other denominations in Canada, this article charts out an entangled history that does not line up with the evolution of other churches. It offers new insights about the relationship between language and denomination in Ontario society, the rise of a theologically-mainstream Protestant church, and the role of institutional networks that connected people across a large space. The author argues that regional, national, and transnational connections shaped the development of many local German-language Lutheran communities in Ontario.
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Thomann, Günther. "John Ernest Grabe (1666–1711): Lutheran Syncretist and Anglican Patristic Scholar." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 3 (July 1992): 414–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001366.

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The subject of this article claims attention for two special reasons. Firstly, and without any doubt, Grabe was one of the greatest atristic scholars of his age and lent lustre to the scholarly tradition at Oxford where his later years were spent. Secondly, his phenomenal patristic scholarship was inspired by a religious motive, which derived from his attachment to Lutheran Syncretism, a movement begun by the Helmstedt theologian Georg Calixtus (1586-1656). The problem of Grabe's neglect by historians is compounded by the confusion created by a contemporary account of the vital episode which brought him from Germany to Oxford and from Lutheranism to the Church of England. This article will therefore, draw together the scattered information which exists on Grabe's career and thereby remedy the neglect of historians, and dispel some of the confusion surrounding him.
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Garratt, James. "Prophets Looking Backwards: German Romantic Historicism and the Representation of Renaissance Music." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 125, no. 2 (2000): 164–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/125.2.164.

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AbstractCrucial to understanding the reception of Renaissance music in nineteenth-century Germany is an appreciation of the contradictory components of Romantic historicism. The tension between subjective and objective historicism is fundamental to the historiographical reception of Renaissance music, epitomizing the interdependency of historical representation and modern reform. Protestant authors seeking to reform church music elevated two distinct repertories — Renaissance Italian music and Lutheran compositions from the Reformation era — as ideal archetypes: these competing paradigms reflect significantly different historiographical and ideological trends. Early romantic commentators, such as Hoffmann and Thibaut, elevated Palestrina as a universal model, constructing a golden age of old Italian church music by analogy with earlier narratives in art history; later historians, such as Winterfeld and Spitta, condemned the subjectivity of earlier reformers, seeking instead to revivify the objective foundations of Protestant church music. Both approaches are united, however, by the use of deterministic modes of narrative emplotment.
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Monshipouri, M., and J. W. Arnold. "The Christians in Socialism--and after: The Church in East Germany." Journal of Church and State 38, no. 4 (September 1, 1996): 751–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/38.4.751.

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Jackson, Robert. "SOURCES OF UNITY OR DISRUPTION? A REFLECTION ON SOME MID-SIXTEENTH CENTURY REFUGEE CHURCHES." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (March 7, 2017): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/2083.

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The sixteenth century refugee churches in “Germany” show a near universal tendency towards disputation and discord. While this rather depressing picture can be placed at the door of Lutheran hostility, it is sad to record that the refugee churches themselves were not without fault in heightening the conflict between Lutheran and Reformed – making unity between the two confessions increasingly unlikely. The refugee churches were also a product of the circumstances in which they lived, the intimacy of which often gave rise to tension and argument. From these churches can be traced the seeds of congregationalism that took root in the following century. The London Stranger churches present a somewhat different picture. While not free from internal dispute, the social work of their consistories played a large part in the integration of refugee communities into late sixteenth century London. This can be counted as one of the more positive aspects of the sixteenth century refugee church.
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Williams, Beth Ann. "Mainline Churches: Networks of Belonging in Postindependence Kenya and Tanzania." Journal of Religion in Africa 48, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340140.

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AbstractChristian churches are not abstract or ethereal institutions; they impact people’s daily decisions, weekly rhythms, and major life choices. This paper explores the continued importance of Lutheran, Presbyterian, and Anglican church membership for East African women. While much recent scholarship on Christianity in Africa has emphasized the rising prominence of Pentecostalism, I argue that historic, mission-founded churches continue to represent important sources of community formation and support for congregations. Using oral interviews with rural and urban women in Nairobi and northern Tanzania, I explore the ways churches can connect disparate populations through resource (re)distribution and shared religious aesthetic experiences. Moving below the level of church institutions, I focus on the lived experiences and motivations of everyday congregants who invest in religious communities for a range of material, interpersonal, and emotional reasons that, taken together, help us understand the ongoing importance of mainline churches in East Africa.
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Dunn, Dennis J. "Catholicism and Politics in Communist Societies. Volume 2: Christianity Under Stress. Edited by Pedro Ramet. Durham, N.C., and London: Duke University Press, 1990. ix, 454 pp. Tables. $49.95, cloth; $21.95, paper. - The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change Under Ulbricht and Honecker. By Robert F. Goeckel. xiv, 327 pp. Map. Tables. $39.95, cloth." Slavic Review 50, no. 4 (1991): 1056. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500526.

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Stolz, Jörg, Detlef Pollack, and Nan Dirk De Graaf. "Can the State Accelerate the Secular Transition? Secularization in East and West Germany as a Natural Experiment." European Sociological Review 36, no. 4 (June 12, 2020): 626–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa014.

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Abstract Germany was a divided country from 1949 until 1989. During this period, West Germany remained a rather religious country, while East Germany became, under socialist rule, one of the most secular regions in the world. We use this case of socialist state intervention as a natural experiment to test Voas’ model of secular transition, which states that all Western and Central European countries follow the same path and speed of secularization. We employ ESS, GSS, and KMU surveys, as well as church statistics, to show that Voas’ model holds for West Germany but not for the East. In East Germany, the state accelerated the secular transition substantially: through coercion, incentive structures, and education, it succeeded in triggering mass disaffiliations from the church irrespective of age, and in discouraging parents from socializing their children religiously. This led to a self-perpetuating process that resulted in a rapid increase in the number of people who were never socialized religiously at all.
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Ideström, Jonas, and Stig Linde. "Welfare State Supporter and Civil Society Activist: Church of Sweden in the “Refugee Crisis” 2015." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 24, 2019): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.1958.

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2015 was a year of an unprecedented migration from the Middle East to Europe. Sweden received almost 163,000 asylum applications. The civil society, including the former state church, took a notable responsibility. In a situation where the welfare systems are increasingly strained, and both the welfare state and the majority church are re-regulated, we ask: how does this play out in local contexts? This article reports from a theological action research project within a local parish in the Church of Sweden. The Lutheran church has from year 2000 changed its role to an independent faith denomination. The study describes the situation when the local authority and the parish together run temporary accommodation for young asylum seekers. For the local authority the choice of the church as a collaborator was a strategic choice. For the local parish this occasion verified the mission of the church. Confirming its former role as carrier of societal beliefs and values the Church of Sweden supports the welfare state. At the same time, the church explores a new role as a faith denomination and part of the civil society.
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Vasiliauskas, Ernestas. "Julijus Dioringas – XIX amžiaus Šiaurės Lietuvos tyrėjas." Archaeologia Lituana 14 (January 1, 2013): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/archlit.2013.0.2636.

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JULIUS DÖRING. A 19TH-CENTURY NORTH LITHUANIA INVESTIGATORErnestas Vasiliauskas SummaryAn artist, a painting restorer, an art critic, an art pedagogue, a member of the intelligentsia, a historian, an archaeologist, a regional investigator, a librarian, a museum curator, and a traveller, Julius Friedrich Dцring (1818–1898) (Fig. 1) was born on 19(31) August 1818 in Dresden. He began to study art at the Dresden Academy of Fine Arts in 1830, moving in 1845 to Jelgava (Mitau), the seat of Courland Governorate, where he actively participated in the city’s public and cultural life until his death. He was a drawing and calligraphy teacher at Jelgava Gymnasium (1859–1890) and other education in­stitutions. He was also involved with the Courland Society for Literature and Art (Kurländischen Gesellschaft für Lit­eratur und Kunst; hereinafter the Society) as a member from 1857, assistant librarian from 1859, librarian from 1860, and clerk during 1865–1893, the Courland Provincial Museum (Kurländischen Provinzial Museum) (Fig. 3) as a clerk, librar­ian (1865–1893), and member (1865–1898), and the Rīga Art Society as a member from its founding in 1871. In old age J. Dцring outlived his wife, Luise, and eldest son, Manfred, who both died in 1897. He passed away at 80 on 26 Septem­ber 1898 and, like his wife, was buried in the so-called cem­etery of St John’s Church in Jelgava (Fig. 4). It was levelled to the ground in the second half of the 20th century and the location of the grave of J. Dцring, the prominent investigator, remains unknown as do the graves of other prominent figures. J. Dцring also visited Lithuania (Kaunas Governorate at that time) more than once. In 1845 on the road from Ger­many to Courland and in 1847 and 1852 on the road to Germany and Italy he passed through Joniškis, Meškuičiai, Šiauliai, Bubiai, Tauragė, and Tilžė. In 1876 and 1877 he travelled by train through Mažeikiai, Papilė, Šiauliai, and Radviliškis as well as around Panevėžys County (Pasvalys, Moliūnai, Naujamiestis, Skaistakalnis (Jasnagurka), etc.). In 1884 he visited Griežė, in 1882 and 1886 the vicinity of Pasvalys, and 1887 Skuodas, Apuolė, Puodkaliai (presen-ting the results of these trips in the Society’s annual publica­tion), Joniškėlis, etc. J. Dцring’s investigations into Lithuania’s past (mainly in the north and several described objects in central Samogitia) spanned 12 years (1876–1887) and are specifically linked with locating Semigallian Raktė and Sidabrė Castles, Cu­ronian Griežė and Apuolė Castles, seven hillforts (Apuolė, Ąžuolpamūšė, Griežė I and II, Šimonys, Papušiai, and Puod­kaliai), two burial grounds (Griežė, Papušiai), sacred sites, and 15th–17th-century fortifications (Moliūnai) as well as small-scale archaeological excavations or field surveys in 1882 at Ąžuolpamūšė hillfort and in 1884 at Griežė Cemetery (together with Carl Boy). In addition he described an impor-ted winged brooch (Ger. Flügelfibel (Typ Garbsch 238r) mit profiliertem Bügelknopf) found at Adakavas, listed the finds from Griežė cemetery, and wrote commentaries for an arti­cle by Tadeusz Dowgird about the investigations and finds at Paluknys. His contribution in this area is unquestionable; the information he provides about the condition of the sites at that time is an important comparative source for their condition today. J. Dцring also created plans of some of the objects he had visited (Apuolė, Griežė, Moliūnai, Papušiai, and Puodka­liai) and some he had not (Kalnelis) (Figs. 5–14). Some of the objects, judging from his journal entries and publications in 1876–1877, 1882, 1884, and 1886–1887, he had visited, the location of others (Kalnelis/Sidabrė) he iden­tified using orally obtained information. The objective to identify the location of castles mentioned in written sources is connected with an investigation into the boundaries of the tribes that lived in the territory of the then (1881) Courland Governorate during the 12th–13th centuries (Fig. 15).A total of 14 of the publications ascribed to him are spe­cifically devoted to Lithuania* (one each in 1878, and 1883 and two each in 1876, 1881–1882, 1884, and 1886–1887). 1876–1878 and 1881–1887 should be considered his most productive period while information about his activities in 1879–1880 and 1885 is unknown (Table 2–3). In investigating his publications it is seen that the ge­ography of the objects J. Dцring visited and described en­compasses those North Lithuanian localities, where Ger­man landlords (e.g. von Behr, Bistram, Ropp and Keizer­lyng) (Table 1) (Fig. 2) had manors or German pastors (e.g. J. Lieventhal) worked in the Lutheran parishes. These Ger­mans were at the same time members of the Society, who provided investigators with information about the objects in their vicinity and assisted (sponsored (?)) field surveys. In fact, due to a lack of information at that time about spe­cific groups of archaeological sites (hillforts and especially the settlements at their feet) and a lack of a critical attitude towards the information provided in sources, in some cases searches were made for fortifications where none had existed in actuality, the area occupied by settlements was greatly ex­panded without any grounds (in the case of Curonian Griežė), and the location of the same castle given somewhat different names in different sources was identified in different places (in the case of Semigallian Raktė). It is natural that due to a lack of archaeological material, investigators have relied too much on the conclusions of linguists in deciding com­plex questions of ethnogenesis, which is how the term Finno- Curonian (Ger. finische Kuren, kurischfinnischen Einwohner) became established instead Curonian, but the Balts (for whom such concepts are not used) settled in the East Baltic only in the second half of the 1st millennium. In analysing the articles it was noted that he should be considered an advocate of the theory of Germanic migra­tions into the East Baltic region (Ger. Kulturträger) and he was well acquainted with the investigations of contempo­rary archaeologists (Oskar Montelius, Johannes Reinhold Aspelin, etc.). It is interesting that in his publications he never uses the territorial description ‘Kaunas Governorate’, preferring in­stead to use the concept, ‘Lithuania’. J. Dцring’s contribution to Latvian and Lithuanian ar­chaeology and historical geography are undeniable; the re­sults of his investigations into the past were used by inves­tigators working in the second half of the 19th century and later and they have not lost their importance even today....
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Rauhut, Michael. "With God and Guitars: Popular Music, Socialism, and the Church in East Germany." Popular Music and Society 40, no. 3 (March 20, 2017): 292–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007766.2017.1300504.

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Goeckel, Robert F. "Church–State Relations in the Post-Communist Era: The Case of East Germany." Problems of Post-Communism 44, no. 1 (January 1997): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1997.11655713.

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45

Rowlands, Alison. "Father Confessors and Clerical Intervention in Witch-Trials in Seventeenth-Century Lutheran Germany: The Case of Rothenburg, 1692*." English Historical Review 131, no. 552 (October 1, 2016): 1010–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew341.

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Abstract In 1692 a woman named Barbara Ehness was awaiting execution for attempted murder by poison in the Lutheran imperial city of Rothenburg ob der Tauber. She requested spiritual solace, and three Lutheran clerics duly visited her in gaol. As a result of their intervention, Barbara was, at first, persuaded to admit she was a witch, and that she had attended witches’ gatherings where she had seen several other (named) Rothenburg inhabitants. However, Barbara soon retracted these denunciations, telling the city councillors that she had been forced into making them by one of the three clerics who had visited her in gaol, the territory’s chief ecclesiastical official, Church Superintendent Sebastian Kirchmeier. This article offers a close analysis and contextualisation of this richly detailed trial (which included a lengthy defence of his actions by Kirchmeier), exploring Kirchmeier’s motivations, why the councillors refused to follow his witch-hunting lead, and how the case fitted into the wider context of urban politics. The potentially abusive role of father confessors had already been identified by some seventeenth-century critics of witch-hunts (beginning with Friedrich Spee in 1631), but the confidentiality of the confessor–sinner relationship has usually meant that no record of it is left to us in specific cases. The exposure of Kirchmeier’s intervention in the Ehness trial thus gives us a unique insight into how one father confessor tried (and failed) to use his relationship with a prisoner to influence a trial outcome, and to start a witch-hunt, based on the denunciations of alleged sabbath-attenders whom he suggested to her.
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Peters, Fabian, Wolfgang Ilg, and David Gutmann. "Demografischer Wandel und nachlassende Kirchenzugehörigkeit: Ergebnisse aus der Mitgliederprojektion der evangelischen und katholischen Kirche in Deutschland und ihre Folgen für die Religionspädagogik." Zeitschrift für Pädagogik und Theologie 71, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zpt-2019-0023.

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AbstractIn 2020, for the first time in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany, less than half of the 6- to 18-year-old population will be members of the Protestant or Catholic Church. By the year 2060, this percentage will continue to decrease to 25&#x2009;%. These are the results of the first coordinated member projection study for the Evangelical and Catholic Church in Germany.The article depicts the method of the projection model and the developments for the coming four decades. It examines regional peculiarities in West and East Germany by viewing the states of Baden-Württemberg and Saxony as exemplary cases. Questions about the possible consequences for church, school, and society will conclude the article
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Tóth, Heléna. "Dialogue as a Strategy of Struggle: Religious Politics in East Germany, 1957–1968." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000065.

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AbstractThis article argues that the topos of dialogue between Christians and Marxists fulfilled a key role in the creation and maintenance of power relations in religious politics in East Germany. Three case studies illustrate the topos of dialogue as a strategy of struggle: 1. the campaign against ‘revisionism’ and ‘politicised religion’; 2. the church policy strategy of ‘differentiation’; 3. the critique of the phenomena commonly associated with the Christian–Marxist dialogue outside East Germany in the mid-1960s. These instances of socialist religious politics, while having their own dynamics, were closely related through specific actors and argumentative strategies.
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Cercel, Cristian. "The relationship between religious and national identity in the case of Transylvanian Saxons (1933–1944)." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549470.

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Hitler's coming to power in Germany had its key consequences upon the fate of the German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The German community in Romania constituted no exception. After 1933, a process of radicalization can be noticed in the case of the Transylvanian Saxons, one of the several German-speaking groups in Romania. The phenomenon has already been analyzed in its political and economic dimensions, yet not so much in its social ones. This article looks at the latter aspect, its argument being that the Nazification of the Transylvanian Saxon community can be best comprehended by using a conceptual framework developed by political scientist Donald Horowitz in the early 1970s. The analysis uses a series of contemporary sources (diaries, issues of the official periodical of the Lutheran Church in Transylvania, Kirchliche Blätter), but also a wide range of secondary sources, academic and literary. Consequently, the article shows that especially after 1933, the Lutheran affiliation, highly relevant for the production and reproduction of the traditional model of Transylvanian Saxon identity, shifted from the status of a criterion of identity to a mere identification indicium. At the same time, the attraction of a (Pan-) German identity, with its Nazi anchors, became stronger and the center of gravity for Transylvanian Saxon identity radically moved towards German ethnicity, in its National-Socialist understanding.
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Van Der Pol, F. "Eentfoldich End Kortt Discours Van Henlegginge Der Huiden Riligionssverschillen, So Hier Alss Anders-Swaer in Der Evangelische Christenheitt Van Langerhandt40 Erressen." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 74, no. 2 (1994): 216–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820394x00174.

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AbstractThe archives of the town of Kampen in Overijssel (the Netherlands) contain an early 17th-century manuscript by an unknown author. The manuscript is about an ecclesiastical conflict in the period preceding the Synod of Dort (1618-1619). The document might be related to peace efforts as also made by Hugo Grotius in the dispute between Remonstrants and Contraremonstrants. The author does not aim at a doctrinal decision or strict definition, but at accommodation and tolerance. The idea of an evangelical-Lutheran contribution to solve the party conflict in order to reach a conciliation between Lutherans and Reformed also strikes one as 'Grotiaans'. Another feature which makes this document look like the efforts of Grotius is the link between political and ecclesiastical peace. People should accept each other as citizens, despite their religious differences. The document contains a couple of indications which provide a profile of the author. This profile is applied to the border province of Overijssel, with concentration on the town of Kampen. The author may have been the headmaster of a Latin School. In 1617, this school in Kampen was run by Marcus Gualtherus, a scholar from Weinheim in the Lower Palatinate, near Heidelberg. He studied at Heidelberg. His scholarship, his Palatine origin, his many-sided contacts, all this corresponds with features of the treatise. The author shows familiarity with theological issues within the Lutheran Church in Germany. In his proposal, the five articles of the Remonstrants should be approached with the help of the Palatine experience. The writer of the treatise refers to the 16th-century Lutheran creeds and reformers like Luther, Bucer and Zwingli. He indicates the important role of the CA in achieving unity among Lutherans in Germany. This confession is quoted repeatedly as a model for the Protestants in the Netherlands. At the synod a final draft could be formulated with the aid of the Book of Concord. A final text might be endorsed by all evangelical churches. With the acceptance of this document upon which all parties agree, a general concordia of the whole of evangelical Christendom will have been established.
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MOSES, JOHN A. "The Church Policy of the SED Regime in East Germany, 1949–89: The Fateful Dilemma." Journal of Religious History 20, no. 2 (December 1996): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1996.tb00477.x.

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