Relevant bibliographies by topics / Lyell

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Lyell'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Lyell"

1

Thomson, John. "Alan Lyell." BMJ 336, no. 7639 (February 7, 2008): 335.2–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39477.694838.be.

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Holubar, Karl, and Lawrence Charles Parish. "Alan Lyell." Dermatology 216, no. 3 (2008): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000114248.

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WILSON, LEONARD G. "A scientific libel: John Lubbock's attack upon Sir Charles Lyell." Archives of Natural History 29, no. 1 (February 2002): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2002.29.1.73.

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John Lubbock's charge that Sir Charles Lyell's discussion of Danish shell mounds in Antiquity of man (1863) was derived from Lubbock's 1861 article on the same subject was assumed by Lubbock's associates to have a basis in fact. In the preface to Pre-historic times (1865), Lubbock said that Lyell had made much use of his article without acknowledgement. The charge was untrue. In correcting proofs, Lyell had inadvertently used two sentences from Lubbock's article. The rest of his discussion was his own. The similarity between Lyell's and Lubbock's treatments of Danish archaeology resulted from their common use of Adolphe Morlot's 1860 article on the subject. Before publication, Morlot had sent proofs to Lyell for his use in writing Antiquity of man. After Morlot's article appeared. Lubbock used it extensively and followed it closely in writing his 1861 article. Although Lubbock continued to insist privately that Lyell had used his article, he did not admit his own copying from Morlot. Lubbock removed the reference to Lyell from his preface. For his part, Lyell altered the preface of Antiquity to describe how he had used Lubbock's article in revising proofs.
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Smalley, Ian. "Six days in July: Charles Lyell in the Eifel in 1831 (possibly looking at loess)." Geologos 23, no. 2 (June 27, 2017): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/logos-2017-0014.

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Abstract Charles Lyell made a geological excursion to the Eifel region in Germany in July 1831. He went to examine volcanic rocks and volcanic landscapes. He discussed this outing with Mary Somerville and Samuel & Charlotte Hibbert. It is possible that he observed loess in the Eifel. It is hoped that his Eifel notebook is with the Lyell papers at Kinnordy and that it may be transcribed and published. Lyell spread the word on loess; Von Leonard invented it and Horner enthused about it but Lyell disseminated the essential idea of loess. There is (so far) no clear evidence that Lyell saw and appreciated loess in the Eifel region in 1831. This suggests that his first real encounter with the loess (ground or concept) was in the discussions with the Hibberts in September 1831. He certainly had substantial (reported) encounters in 1832, and was definitely interested by the time of the publication of the Principles of Geology vol. 3 in 1833.
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Csoma, Zsanett, Péter Gál, Angéla Meszes, Gábor Rácz, Katalin Rácz, Edit Tóth-Molnár, Erika Bartha, et al. "Lyell – szindróma gyermekkorban." Bőrgyógyászati és Venerológiai Szemle 89, no. 6 (December 10, 2013): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7188/bvsz.2013.89.6.1.

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Zenger, Donald H. "Lyell and Episodicity." Journal of Geological Education 34, no. 1 (January 1986): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5408/0022-1368-34.1.10.

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Wilson, I. "David Alexander Lyell." BMJ 345, no. 14 1 (November 14, 2012): e7096-e7096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e7096.

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8

Roujeau, J. C. "Syndrome de Lyell." Revue Française d'Allergologie et d'Immunologie Clinique 34, no. 5 (October 1994): 399–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0335-7457(05)80249-7.

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9

Dott, Robert. "Lyell in America—His Lectures, Field Work, and Mutual Influences, 1841-1853." Earth Sciences History 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.15.2.b4n1102556ju6736.

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Charles Lyell visited North America four times in the twelve years from 1841 to 1853. Except for the last visit, he both lectured and travelled widely to study geology. In 1841 he opened the second season of Lowell Lectures in Boston, and in early 1842 he gave essentially the same lectures again at Philadelphia and New York. In 1845 and 1852, Lyell lectured only at Boston. In 1853, he returned briefly as a British representative at the New York Industrial Fair. The New York lectures were published verbatim, and Lyell's incomplete notes for his lectures, newspaper accounts, and his wife Mary's correspondence from America provide some insight about the others. During 25 months of travel spanning a dozen years, the Lyells saw more of the United States and southeastern Canada—from the Atlantic coast to the lower Mississippi and Ohio Rivers and from the St. Lawrence Valley to the Gulf Coast—than had most citizens of the New World. After the first two visits, Lyell published two travel journals, which contain much material about American geology, geologists, and general natural history, as well as perceptive commentaries upon most aspects of life in the two young nations. The lectures and journals together provide important insights into the development of geology in America and of Lyell's thinking. In spite of the fact that Lyell was a poor speaker, the lectures were great successes with the public. American geologists, however, gave more qualified assessments. Major topics covered by the lectures, which reflected the major current issues of the science, included during an eleven-year span: Crustal movements and the earth's interior; Uniformity of processes through geologic time; Coral reefs; Carboniferous conditions and coal formation, as well as the early appearance of land animals; Origin of the drift and the Sinking and submergence of land; Biogeography; and the Uniformity of an organic plan, including negative commentary about progression and transmutation. Lyell's use of examples from both America and abroad gave the subject a cosmopolitan aspect, and his use of many large diagrams was much acclaimed. Geology was becoming well established in the New World, and Lyell participated in the third annual meeting of the American Association of Geologists and Naturalists in 1842. For field work, he followed his well-honed tactic of seeking experts as guides for efficient learning about local geology and grilling them incessantly. Although initially enthused and open, American geologists soon became apprchensive about Lyell's acquisitiveness for their data. Eventually Lyell's bibliography was enhanced by more than 30 titles on American geology in addition to two travel books, the first of which included a colored geologic map of most of the then United States and adjacent Canada. His other books, Principles of Geology and Elements of Geology, also benefited from countless American examples and from the publication of American editions. Lyell's reputation was enhanced by his American adventures, for, like Darwin and Murchison before, his travels attracted much attention both in the London Geological Society and in the British press. But the visits also enhanced the stature of geology in the New World, and Lyell made several significant original contributions to the understanding of American geology. Moreover, the visits by Charles and Mary Lyell produced a positive impression of America abroad, for they were very captivated by their friendly and industrious hosts and spoke well of them in Britain. On balance, it would seem that the visitors and hosts benefitted about equally.
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Desmond, Adrian. "Richard Owen's Reaction to Transmutation in the 1830's." British Journal for the History of Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400021683.

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Following Michael Bartholomew's study of ‘Lyell and Evolution’ in 1973, scholars have become increasingly interested in the response of gentlemen geologists to Lamarckism during the reign of William IV (1830–7). Bartholomew contended that Charles Lyell was ‘alone in scenting the danger’ for man of using transmutation to explain fossil progression, and that he reacted to the threat of bestialisation by restructuring palaeontology along safe non-progressionist lines. Like his Anglican contemporaries, Lyell was concerned to prove that man was no transformed ape, and that morals were not the better part of brute instinct. Dov Ospovat has subsequently suggested that Lyell's theory of climate was equally an attempt to thwart the transformists and ‘preserve man's unique status in creation’. In other words, Lyell's biology and geology were inextricably related in Principles of Geology and his ideology affected his science as a whole. Finally, Pietro Corsi has identified the Continental materialists who most probably alerted Lyell to the danger, intimating that a conservative British response became imperative when Lyell ‘saw signs of the diffusion of transformism in England itself, where it could even form an unholy alliance with prevailing progressionist and directionalist interpretations of the history of life on earth’.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lyell"

1

BOUTIN, BOUVIER GWENOLA. "Prise en charge du syndrome de lyell : experience nantaise a propos de 18 cas." Nantes, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993NANT081M.

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BERTHON, MARC. "Syndrome de lyell : a propos des cas observes en champagne-ardenne en 1988 et 1989 et prise en charge en urgence." Reims, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990REIMM021.

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Wennerbom, Alan John Lyell Charles Mantell Gideon Algernon. "Charles Lyell and Gideon Mantell, 1821-1852 their quest for elite status in English geology /." Connect to full text, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/380.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 1999.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 16, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
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McKeown, Michael. "Kriging, selective mining and profitability of the Prince Lyell Mine." Thesis, Federation University Australia, 1996. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/164936.

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The thesis describes a good kriged resource model which if adopted would enable The Prince Lyell Mine to increase copper production and thus be better able to cope with falling copper prices.
Master of Engineering Science
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Wennerbom, Alan John. "Charles Lyell and Gideon Mantell, 1821-1852: Their Quest for Elite Status in English Geology. Supplementary Volume: The Correspondence between Charles Lyell and his family and Gideon Algernon Mantell: 1821-1852." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/380.

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An analysis of the correspondence between Charles Lyell and Gideon Mantell from 1821 to 1852, in conjunction with other manuscript material, highlights the contrasting backgrounds and geological careers of the two men. It is also characterised by two underlying themes: the nature and timing of their geological work; and the influence of various social factors on their career plans and desire to achieve high social and scientific status. In turn, these points raise several wider issues and inter-related questions concerning the following aspects of English geology in the first half of the nineteenth century. When, why and how did an elite group of geologists emerge in England during this period? Who were its members and what were their characteristics in common? What was the nature and scope of the geological work carried out by the identified elite? In what way did it differ from Mantell's? What social and other barriers did Mantell encounter in his search for scientific and social status? What were the critical factors? In this thesis these issues are examined on a decade-by-decade basis, in three main chapters, as a prelude to examining the central question of why Mantell, unlike Lyell, did not achieve the status of an elite geologist. First, an elite group of English geologists is identified through a series of prosopographic and 'screening' analyses of all members of council of the Geological Society of London (GSL). Geologists who did not meet the prescribed criteria are taken into account. Thirteen geologists are identified in the penultimate and final stages of screening over the four decades. Mantell was the only provincial identified, but he did not attain a position in the final list, which consisted exclusively of a distinctive group of 'gentleman-specialists'. Second, the concept of a geological 'domain' is introduced to analyse the nature and scope of the geological work carried out by the identified group. A critical finding is that all members identified in the final 'screening' list established a 'domain' in one of four categories of the concept and were recognised as the leading authority or exponent of the domain they had fashioned. Finally, the impact and relative importance of specific social and other factors on the careers of Lyell and Mantell are examined. When the findings from each decade of the three chapters are brought together it is shown that by the end of the 1820s it was necessary for a future elite geologist to be so 'positioned' in terms of basic geological experience, location, income and available time that he was able to identify and subsequently fashion an appropriate geological 'domain'. 'Gentleman-specialists', such as Lyell, who were able to follow this strategy, constituted a clearly defined elite that dominated the GSL in the 1830s and 1840s. Mantell's failure to achieve elite geological status stemmed from the fact that he placed too much emphasis on fashioning his image and social status, rather than his scientific career. In doing so, he let the opportunity slip of establishing a major domain - British fossil reptiles - in the early 1830s.
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Wennerbom, Alan John. "Charles Lyell and Gideon Mantell, 1821-1852: Their Quest for Elite Status in English Geology. Supplementary Volume: The Correspondence between Charles Lyell and his family and Gideon Algernon Mantell: 1821-1852." University of Sydney, History and Philosophy of Science, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/380.

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An analysis of the correspondence between Charles Lyell and Gideon Mantell from 1821 to 1852, in conjunction with other manuscript material, highlights the contrasting backgrounds and geological careers of the two men. It is also characterised by two underlying themes: the nature and timing of their geological work; and the influence of various social factors on their career plans and desire to achieve high social and scientific status. In turn, these points raise several wider issues and inter-related questions concerning the following aspects of English geology in the first half of the nineteenth century. When, why and how did an elite group of geologists emerge in England during this period? Who were its members and what were their characteristics in common? What was the nature and scope of the geological work carried out by the identified elite? In what way did it differ from Mantell's? What social and other barriers did Mantell encounter in his search for scientific and social status? What were the critical factors? In this thesis these issues are examined on a decade-by-decade basis, in three main chapters, as a prelude to examining the central question of why Mantell, unlike Lyell, did not achieve the status of an elite geologist. First, an elite group of English geologists is identified through a series of prosopographic and 'screening' analyses of all members of council of the Geological Society of London (GSL). Geologists who did not meet the prescribed criteria are taken into account. Thirteen geologists are identified in the penultimate and final stages of screening over the four decades. Mantell was the only provincial identified, but he did not attain a position in the final list, which consisted exclusively of a distinctive group of 'gentleman-specialists'. Second, the concept of a geological 'domain' is introduced to analyse the nature and scope of the geological work carried out by the identified group. A critical finding is that all members identified in the final 'screening' list established a 'domain' in one of four categories of the concept and were recognised as the leading authority or exponent of the domain they had fashioned. Finally, the impact and relative importance of specific social and other factors on the careers of Lyell and Mantell are examined. When the findings from each decade of the three chapters are brought together it is shown that by the end of the 1820s it was necessary for a future elite geologist to be so 'positioned' in terms of basic geological experience, location, income and available time that he was able to identify and subsequently fashion an appropriate geological 'domain'. 'Gentleman-specialists', such as Lyell, who were able to follow this strategy, constituted a clearly defined elite that dominated the GSL in the 1830s and 1840s. Mantell's failure to achieve elite geological status stemmed from the fact that he placed too much emphasis on fashioning his image and social status, rather than his scientific career. In doing so, he let the opportunity slip of establishing a major domain - British fossil reptiles - in the early 1830s.
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7

Pucheu, Chantal. "Etude de la goutte : traitement par l'allopurinol : données pharmacologiques et toxicologiques." Bordeaux 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992BOR2P003.

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Nassif, Amal. "Caractérisation phénotypique et fonctionnelle des lymphocytes T contenus dans le liquide de bulles au cours de syndrome de Lyell." Paris 12, 2003. https://athena.u-pec.fr/primo-explore/search?query=any,exact,990003949640204611&vid=upec.

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Le syndrome de Lyell appelé aussi nécrolyse épidermique toxique (NET) est une réaction médicamenteuse caractérisée par un décollement de l’épiderme avec formation de bulles et érosion des muqueuses. Cette destruction massive est due à un mécanisme d’apoptose des kératinocytes, les médicaments les plus souvent responsables sont les sulfamides anti-bactériens, les anti-convulsivants et les anti-inflammatoires non stéroïdiens. Des études préalables ont montré la présence prédominante des lymphocytes CD8+ activés dans le liquide de bulles chez des patients atteints de NET. Notre objectif a été de caractériser phénotypiquement et fonctionnellement cette population lymphocytaire. L’analyse phénotypique des cellules présentes dans les bulles a montré un phénotype homogène de lymphocytes T cytotoxiques. Ainsi la sous-population lymphocytaire CD8, exprime un récepteur T de type alpha-béta, des molécules d’activation HLA-DR et CLA (cutaneous associated leucocytes antigene) permettant le « homing » cutané. De plus ces lymphocytes expriment particulièrement le marqueur des cellules « naturall killer » CD56. L’étude fonctionnelle a montré que ces cellules présentaient une activité cytotoxique sans activation préalable, médiée par leur récepteur. Nous avons également démontré la présence de lymphocytes T spécifiques au médicament induisant la NET. Cette cytotoxicité spécifique est restreinte par les molécules du complexe majeur d’histocompatibilité de classe I. La cytotoxicité des lymphocytes spécifiques au médicament a également été observée sur des kératinocytes autologues cultivés à partir de follicules pileux. Cette apoptose est médiée principalement par la voie perforine/granzynie. Ainsi elle est abolit un inhibiteur de cette voie la concanamycine A (CMA), mais pas par un monoclonal anti-Fas (CD95) ou par un monoclonal anti-TRAIL. De plus les lymphocytes T (les bulles contiennent des granules qui sont marqués positivement avec un anti-granzyme B. Le liquide de bulles n’induit pas d’apoptose sur- les kératinocytes autologues. En revanche il les stimule en induisant une surexpression des molécules de classe I, une induction de l’expression des molécules HLA de classe II et des molécules d’adhésion CD54/ICAM1 a leur surface. L’ensemble de ces résultats confirme le rôle essentiel d’une cytotoxicité spécifique du médicament dans la nécrolyse épidermique toxique, restreinte aux molécules MHC de classe I et médiée par la voie perforine /granzyme
Toxic Epidermal Necrolysts (TEN) are very rare but extremcly severe adverse reactions to medications, characterized by widespread apoptosis of keratinocytes with more or Iess extensive blistering of the epidermis. To further evaluate the phenotype, cytokine production ancl functions of lymphocytes present in the blisters of patients with TEN. In a first study (paper I) we reported the presence in the blister fluid ofdiseased skin in one patient suffering from sulfamethoxazole tnduced TEN, of CD8 cytotoxic T-lymphocytes (CTL). Like classical CTL they kiiled autologous lymphocytes in a drug specific, ciass I restrtcted and perforin/granzyme mcdiated pathway, without any ex vivo re-stimulation. In a second study (paper 2) we extended our initial findings to 6 patients. In ail 6 cases blister lymphocytes werc cytotoxic after activation of their TCR by a CD3 monoclonal antibody. A drug specific cytotoxicity vas observed in 4 cases (3 related to cotrimoxazole and I to carbamazepine) towards autologous or MHC-class I matched EBV transformed lymphocytes. We also demonstrated that blister cells killed autologous keratinocytes in the prescnce of drug. Blister cells showed a strong immunoreaetivity for granzyme B and the cytotoxtcity was abohshed by EGTA, but not by anti-Fas/CD95, suggesting perforin/granzyme rnediated ktlltng. In a third study (paper 3) We investigated whether the cytokines present in the blister fluid originated from local T-lymphocytes and may play a role in the propagation of keratinocyte apoptosis. IFNy, TNFalpha, SFasL were present in much highcr concentration in the blister fluids of 13 TEN patients than in control fluids. RT-PCR and FACS studies indicated that oniy IFN-y was produced by mononuclear cells present in the fluid, suggesttng that other cytokines (TNFalpha, sFasL, but also IL-10 and IL18) rather originated from activated keratinocytes. Keratinocytes cultured from one patient were indeed activated by incubation with autologous blister fluid but did not undergo apoptosis. The Th1 profile of T-lymphocyte activation found in the blister fluid ofpatients with TEN is consistent with a key role for drug specific CTL as previously reported, the activation ofkeratinocyte by JFN-y making them sensitive to cell-mediated cytolysis. We did not find evidence that other cytokincs played a direct role in “epidernic” apoptosis ofkeratinocytes. These results strongly suggest that drug-specific, MHC class I restricted, perforin/granzyme mediated cytotoxicity is the main effector mechanism of TEN. These results provide a rationale for therapeutic interventions targeting activated CTL
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Nassif, Amal Roujeau Jean-Claude. "Caractérisation phénotypique et fonctionnelle des lymphocytes T contenus dans le liquide de bulles au cours de syndrome de Lyell." Créteil : Université de Paris-Val-de-Marne, 2007. http://doxa.scd.univ-paris12.fr:8080/theses-npd/th0394964.pdf.

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Thèse doctorat : Sciences de la vie et de la santé : Paris 12 : 2003.
Version électronique uniquement consultable au sein de l'Université Paris 12 (Intranet). Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. : 119 réf.
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Wolkenstein, Pierre. "Prédisposition métabolique et mécanisme de mort cellulaire au cours du syndrome de Stevens-Johnson et de la nécrolyse épidermique toxique." Paris 12, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA120079.

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Le but de notre travail etait d'etudier les predispositions metaboliques et la mort keratinocytaire au cours de la necrolyse epidermique toxique. Nous avons montre que: 1) la necrolyse epidermique toxique aux sulfamides et aux anticomitiaux etait liee a un deficit hautement specifique de la detoxication des metabolites reactifs du medicament responsable, constitutionnel et genetiquement transmis ; 2) un genotype d'acetylation lente est un facteur de risque de la necrolyse epidermique toxique induite par les sulfamides ; 3) le cytochrome p450 3a4 a un role majeur dans la formation des metabolites reactifs de la carbamazepine et est present dans l'epiderme humain ; 4) le mecanisme de mort cellulaire au cours la necrolyse epidermique toxique est apoptotique. En conclusion, la necrolyse epidermique toxique est associee a une predisposition metabolique conduisant a une accumulation des metabolites reactifs du medicament responsable ; chez certains sujets, la formation d'un neoantigene (metabolites-p450) declencherait une cytotoxicite a mediation cellulaire qui conduirait a l'apoptose des keratinocytes
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Books on the topic "Lyell"

1

Rudwick, Martin J. S. Lyell and Darwin, Geologists. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003418702.

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Wilson, Leonard G. Lyell in America: Transatlantic geology, 1841-1853. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.

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J, Blundell Derek, and Scott Andrew C, eds. Lyell: The past is the key to the present. London: Geological Society, 1998.

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Hanna, Ralph. Smaller Bodleian collections: English miscellaneous, English poetry, English theology, Finch, Latin theology, Lyell, Radcliffe Trust. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: D.S. Brewer, 1997.

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Tran, Susan H. Blueprints Q&A step 2. Obstetrics & gynecology: Susan H. Tran, Deirdre J. Lyell, Aaron B. Caughey. 2nd ed. Malden, Mass: Blackwell, 2005.

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Kaunzner, Wolfgang. Über eine frühe lateinische Bearbeitung der Algebra al-Khwārizmīs in MS Lyell 52 der Bodleian Library Oxford. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-40994-7.

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Brush, Stephen G. Transmuted past: The age of the Earth and the evolution of the elements from Lyell to Patterson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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Thomson, Rodney M. Books and learning in twelfth-century England: The ending of 'alter orbis' ; the Lyell lectures 2000-2001. Walkern, Herts: Red Gull Press, 2006.

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The golden reefs: An account of the great days of quartz-mining at Reefton, Waiuta & the Lyell. 2nd ed. Nelson, NZ: Nikau Press, 1992.

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Their hands before our eyes: A closer look at scribes : the Lyell lectures delivered in the University of Oxford, 1999. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Lyell"

1

Douglas, W. Stewart, Thomas McFadyen, and Clare May. "Alan Lyell." In Pantheon of Dermatology, 711–17. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-33224-1_119.

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Sommer, Marianne. "Lyell, Charles." In Kindlers Literatur Lexikon (KLL), 1. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05728-0_15427-1.

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Smalley, Ian J. "Charles Lyell." In Encyclopedia of Evolutionary Psychological Science, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16999-6_1280-1.

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Sommer, Marianne. "Charles Lyell." In Kindler Kompakt Klassiker der Naturwissenschaften, 108–10. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05529-3_27.

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Halioua, Bruno, and Jean Revuz. "Alan Lyell et le syndrome de Lyell." In Quelques cas historiques en dermatologie, 123–29. Paris: Springer Paris, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0032-5_8.

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Leung, Alexander K. C., Cham Pion Kao, Andrew L. Wong, Alexander K. C. Leung, Thomas Kolter, Ute Schepers, Konrad Sandhoff, et al. "Staphylogene Lyell Syndrome." In Encyclopedia of Molecular Mechanisms of Disease, 1976–77. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-29676-8_6880.

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Ring, Johannes, Günter Wimschneider, and Christoph Luderschmidt. "Arzneimittel-induziertes Lyell-Syndrom." In Fortschritte der praktischen Dermatologie und Venerologie, 252–64. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-71732-1_36.

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Bowen, James. "Lyell, Charles (1797–1875)." In Encyclopedia of Modern Coral Reefs, 645–46. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-2639-2_226.

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Held, Andreas, and Manuela Held. "Hutton, Lyell und Lamarck." In Evolution 1, 5–7. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-55108-0_2.

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Rudwick, Martin J. S. "Charles Darwin in London: The Integration of Public and Private Science." In Lyell and Darwin, Geologists, IX_186—IX_206. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003418702-13.

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Conference papers on the topic "Lyell"

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Clary, Renee M., and David T. Dockery. "CHARLES LYELL (1797-1875) IN MISSISSIPPI: THE HISTORIC TOWN CREEK LOCALE." In GSA Connects 2021 in Portland, Oregon. Geological Society of America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2021am-368255.

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Becker, Richard A., Basil Tikoff, and Shaun A. Marcott. "DATING THE DEGLACIATION OF TUOLUMNE MEADOWS AND LYELL CANYON IN YOSEMITE NATIONAL PARK WITH 10BE." In GSA Annual Meeting in Denver, Colorado, USA - 2016. Geological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2016am-281083.

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Gammatica, M., A. Lafon, P. Larras, and V. Ahossi. "Le syndrome de Lyell et de Steven-Johnson, implication en odontologie : A propos d’un cas clinique." In 62ème Congrès de la SFCO. Les Ulis, France: EDP Sciences, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/sfco/20146203014.

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Glazner, Allen F., and John M. Bartley. "DIKING, DEFORMATION, AND DILEMMAS ALONG LYELL FORK IN THE HALF DOME GRANODIORITE, YOSEMITE NATIONAL PARK, CALIFORNIA." In 113th Annual GSA Cordilleran Section Meeting - 2017. Geological Society of America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2017cd-292599.

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Che, Yueyi, Alyssa Abbey, Greg Stock, Kurt M. Cuffey, and David L. Shuster. "IN SITU COSMOGENIC BE-10 AND C-14 EXPOSURE AGE EVIDENCE FOR THE TIMING OF CIRQUE GLACIERS FORMATION IN LYELL CANYON, YOSEMITE DURING THE POST-LAST GLACIAL MAXIMUM DEGLACIATION." In GSA Connects 2023 Meeting in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Geological Society of America, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2023am-393911.

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Fong, Jeffrey T., Roland deWit, Pedro V. Marcal, James J. Filliben, N. Alan Heckert, and Stephen R. Gosselin. "Design of a PYTHON-Based Plug-In for Benchmarking Probabilistic Fracture Mechanics Computer Codes With Failure Event Data." In ASME 2009 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2009-77974.

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In a 2007 paper entitled “Application of Failure Event Data to Benchmark Probabilistic Fracture Mechanics (PFM) Computer Codes” (Simonen, F. A., Gosselin, S. R., Lydell, B. O. Y., Rudland, D. L., & Wikowski, G. M. Proc. ASME PVP Conf., San Antonio, TX, Paper PVP2007-26373), it was reported that the two benchmarked PFM models, PRO-LOCA and PRAISE, predicted significantly higher failure probabilities of cracking than those derived from field data in three PWR and one BWR cases by a factor ranging from 30 to 10,000. To explain the reasons for having such a large discrepancy, the authors listed ten sources of uncertainties: (1) Welding Residual Stresses. (2) Crack Initiation Predictions. (3) Crack Growth Rates. (4) Circumferential Stress Variation. (5) Operating temperatures different from design temperatures. (6) Temperature factor in actual activation energy vs. assumed. (7) Under reporting of field data due to NDE limitations. (8) Uncertainty in modeling initiation, growth, and linking of multiple cracks around the circumference of a weld. (9) Correlation of crack initiation times and growth rates. (10) Insights from NUREG/CR-6674 (2000) fatigue crack growth models using conservative inputs for cyclic strain rates and environmental parameters such as oxygen content. In this paper we design a Python-based plug-in that allows a user to address those ten sources of uncertainties. This approach is based on the statistical theory of design of experiments with a 2-level factorial design, where a small number of runs is enough to estimate the uncertainties in the predictions of PFM models due to some combination of the source uncertainties listed by Simonen et al (PVP2007-26373).
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Reports on the topic "Lyell"

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Souther, J. G. Geology of central Lyell Island, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/132824.

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Foreman, I. J. A Kinematic Analysis of the Beresford Inlet Fault Zone, Lyell Island, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/133565.

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Rich, Megan, Charles Beightol, Christy Visaggi, Justin Tweet, and Vincent Santucci. Vicksburg National Military Park: Paleontological resource inventory (sensitive version). National Park Service, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36967/2297321.

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Vicksburg National Military Park (VICK) was established for its historical significance as a one of the principle military sieges resulting in a turning point during the American Civil War. The steep terrain around the city of Vicksburg was integral in the military siege, providing high vantage points and a substrate that was easy to entrench for the armies, but unknown to many is the fossil content, particularly a diversity of fossil mollusks. These fossils at VICK are important paleontological resources which have yet to receive focused attention from park staff, visitors, and researchers. The park’s geology is dominated by windblown silt from the last Ice Age which overlays river-transported gravels and bedrock of the late Oligocene–early Miocene-age Catahoula Formation or early Oligocene Vicksburg Group. The park is home to the type section (a geological reference locality upon which a formation is based) for the Mint Spring Formation, one of the most fossiliferous formations in this group (Henderson et al. 2022). Beginning roughly 32 million years ago (Dockery 2019), the early Oligocene deposits of the Vicksburg Group were deposited as the sea level along the Gulf Coast shore repeatedly rose and fell. The eponymously named Vicksburg Group is comprised of, from oldest to youngest, the Forest Hill, Mint Spring, Marianna Limestone, Glendon Limestone, Byram, and Bucatunna Formations. Each of these formations are within VICK’s boundaries, in addition to outcrops of the younger Catahoula Formation. Paleozoic fossils transported by the ancestral Mississippi River have also been redeposited within VICK as pre-loess stream gravels. Overlying these layers is the Quaternary-age silt which composes the loess found throughout VICK, meaning the park’s fossils span the entire Phanerozoic Eon. The fossils of VICK consist mostly of near-shore marine Oligocene invertebrates including corals, bryozoans, bivalves, gastropods, scaphopods, ostracods, and more, though terrestrial and freshwater snails of the loess, microfossils, plant fossils, occasional vertebrates, and others can also be found in the park. Notable historical figures such as Charles Alexandre Lesueur, Charles Lyell, and John Wesley Powell all collected fossils or studied geology in the Vicksburg area. The Vicksburg Group is culturally relevant as well, as the Glendon Limestone Formation has been identified by its embedded fossils as a source rock for Native American effigy pipes. This paleontological resource inventory is the first of its kind for VICK. Although Vicksburg fossils have most recently been studied as part of the Gulf Coast Inventory & Monitoring Network (Kenworthy et al. 2007), the park has never received a comprehensive, dedicated fossil inventory before this report. At least 27 fossil species, listed in Appendix B, have been named and described from specimens collected from within VICK’s lands, and VICK fossils can be found at six or more non-NPS museum repositories. Beginning in January 2022, field surveys were undertaken at VICK, covering nearly all the park’s wooded areas, streams, and other portions beyond the preserved trenches and tour road. Fossils were collected or observed at 72 localities. These specimens will be added into VICK’s museum collections, which previously contained no paleontological resources. Considering the minimal attention dedicated to these resources in the past, these newly acquired fossil specimens may be used in the future for educational, interpretive, or research purposes. Future park construction needs should take into account the protection of these resources by avoiding important localities or allowing collection efforts before localities become inaccessible or lost.
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Premises - Commonwealth Bank of Australia - Post Office Agencies - North Mt Lyell Tasmania - late 1913. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-014143.

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