Journal articles: 'Lyell'

1

Thomson, John. "Alan Lyell." BMJ 336, no. 7639 (February 7, 2008): 335.2–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39477.694838.be.

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Holubar, Karl, and Lawrence Charles Parish. "Alan Lyell." Dermatology 216, no. 3 (2008): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000114248.

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WILSON, LEONARD G. "A scientific libel: John Lubbock's attack upon Sir Charles Lyell." Archives of Natural History 29, no. 1 (February 2002): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2002.29.1.73.

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John Lubbock's charge that Sir Charles Lyell's discussion of Danish shell mounds in Antiquity of man (1863) was derived from Lubbock's 1861 article on the same subject was assumed by Lubbock's associates to have a basis in fact. In the preface to Pre-historic times (1865), Lubbock said that Lyell had made much use of his article without acknowledgement. The charge was untrue. In correcting proofs, Lyell had inadvertently used two sentences from Lubbock's article. The rest of his discussion was his own. The similarity between Lyell's and Lubbock's treatments of Danish archaeology resulted from their common use of Adolphe Morlot's 1860 article on the subject. Before publication, Morlot had sent proofs to Lyell for his use in writing Antiquity of man. After Morlot's article appeared. Lubbock used it extensively and followed it closely in writing his 1861 article. Although Lubbock continued to insist privately that Lyell had used his article, he did not admit his own copying from Morlot. Lubbock removed the reference to Lyell from his preface. For his part, Lyell altered the preface of Antiquity to describe how he had used Lubbock's article in revising proofs.

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4

Smalley, Ian. "Six days in July: Charles Lyell in the Eifel in 1831 (possibly looking at loess)." Geologos 23, no. 2 (June 27, 2017): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/logos-2017-0014.

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Abstract Charles Lyell made a geological excursion to the Eifel region in Germany in July 1831. He went to examine volcanic rocks and volcanic landscapes. He discussed this outing with Mary Somerville and Samuel & Charlotte Hibbert. It is possible that he observed loess in the Eifel. It is hoped that his Eifel notebook is with the Lyell papers at Kinnordy and that it may be transcribed and published. Lyell spread the word on loess; Von Leonard invented it and Horner enthused about it but Lyell disseminated the essential idea of loess. There is (so far) no clear evidence that Lyell saw and appreciated loess in the Eifel region in 1831. This suggests that his first real encounter with the loess (ground or concept) was in the discussions with the Hibberts in September 1831. He certainly had substantial (reported) encounters in 1832, and was definitely interested by the time of the publication of the Principles of Geology vol. 3 in 1833.

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Csoma, Zsanett, Péter Gál, Angéla Meszes, Gábor Rácz, Katalin Rácz, Edit Tóth-Molnár, Erika Bartha, et al. "Lyell – szindróma gyermekkorban." Bőrgyógyászati és Venerológiai Szemle 89, no. 6 (December 10, 2013): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7188/bvsz.2013.89.6.1.

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6

Zenger, Donald H. "Lyell and Episodicity." Journal of Geological Education 34, no. 1 (January 1986): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5408/0022-1368-34.1.10.

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7

Wilson, I. "David Alexander Lyell." BMJ 345, no. 14 1 (November 14, 2012): e7096-e7096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e7096.

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8

Roujeau, J. C. "Syndrome de Lyell." Revue Française d'Allergologie et d'Immunologie Clinique 34, no. 5 (October 1994): 399–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0335-7457(05)80249-7.

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9

Dott, Robert. "Lyell in America—His Lectures, Field Work, and Mutual Influences, 1841-1853." Earth Sciences History 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.15.2.b4n1102556ju6736.

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Charles Lyell visited North America four times in the twelve years from 1841 to 1853. Except for the last visit, he both lectured and travelled widely to study geology. In 1841 he opened the second season of Lowell Lectures in Boston, and in early 1842 he gave essentially the same lectures again at Philadelphia and New York. In 1845 and 1852, Lyell lectured only at Boston. In 1853, he returned briefly as a British representative at the New York Industrial Fair. The New York lectures were published verbatim, and Lyell's incomplete notes for his lectures, newspaper accounts, and his wife Mary's correspondence from America provide some insight about the others. During 25 months of travel spanning a dozen years, the Lyells saw more of the United States and southeastern Canada—from the Atlantic coast to the lower Mississippi and Ohio Rivers and from the St. Lawrence Valley to the Gulf Coast—than had most citizens of the New World. After the first two visits, Lyell published two travel journals, which contain much material about American geology, geologists, and general natural history, as well as perceptive commentaries upon most aspects of life in the two young nations. The lectures and journals together provide important insights into the development of geology in America and of Lyell's thinking. In spite of the fact that Lyell was a poor speaker, the lectures were great successes with the public. American geologists, however, gave more qualified assessments. Major topics covered by the lectures, which reflected the major current issues of the science, included during an eleven-year span: Crustal movements and the earth's interior; Uniformity of processes through geologic time; Coral reefs; Carboniferous conditions and coal formation, as well as the early appearance of land animals; Origin of the drift and the Sinking and submergence of land; Biogeography; and the Uniformity of an organic plan, including negative commentary about progression and transmutation. Lyell's use of examples from both America and abroad gave the subject a cosmopolitan aspect, and his use of many large diagrams was much acclaimed. Geology was becoming well established in the New World, and Lyell participated in the third annual meeting of the American Association of Geologists and Naturalists in 1842. For field work, he followed his well-honed tactic of seeking experts as guides for efficient learning about local geology and grilling them incessantly. Although initially enthused and open, American geologists soon became apprchensive about Lyell's acquisitiveness for their data. Eventually Lyell's bibliography was enhanced by more than 30 titles on American geology in addition to two travel books, the first of which included a colored geologic map of most of the then United States and adjacent Canada. His other books, Principles of Geology and Elements of Geology, also benefited from countless American examples and from the publication of American editions. Lyell's reputation was enhanced by his American adventures, for, like Darwin and Murchison before, his travels attracted much attention both in the London Geological Society and in the British press. But the visits also enhanced the stature of geology in the New World, and Lyell made several significant original contributions to the understanding of American geology. Moreover, the visits by Charles and Mary Lyell produced a positive impression of America abroad, for they were very captivated by their friendly and industrious hosts and spoke well of them in Britain. On balance, it would seem that the visitors and hosts benefitted about equally.

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10

Desmond, Adrian. "Richard Owen's Reaction to Transmutation in the 1830's." British Journal for the History of Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400021683.

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Following Michael Bartholomew's study of ‘Lyell and Evolution’ in 1973, scholars have become increasingly interested in the response of gentlemen geologists to Lamarckism during the reign of William IV (1830–7). Bartholomew contended that Charles Lyell was ‘alone in scenting the danger’ for man of using transmutation to explain fossil progression, and that he reacted to the threat of bestialisation by restructuring palaeontology along safe non-progressionist lines. Like his Anglican contemporaries, Lyell was concerned to prove that man was no transformed ape, and that morals were not the better part of brute instinct. Dov Ospovat has subsequently suggested that Lyell's theory of climate was equally an attempt to thwart the transformists and ‘preserve man's unique status in creation’. In other words, Lyell's biology and geology were inextricably related in Principles of Geology and his ideology affected his science as a whole. Finally, Pietro Corsi has identified the Continental materialists who most probably alerted Lyell to the danger, intimating that a conservative British response became imperative when Lyell ‘saw signs of the diffusion of transformism in England itself, where it could even form an unholy alliance with prevailing progressionist and directionalist interpretations of the history of life on earth’.

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11

Roujeau, JC. "Le syndrome de Lyell." médecine/sciences 2, no. 7 (1986): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/10608/3535.

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12

ZENGER, DONALD H. "Darwin, Lyell and gradualism." Nature 322, no. 6074 (July 1986): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/322010a0.

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13

Breyer, John. "Charles Lyell, Geologic Change and "Causes Now in Operation"." Earth Sciences History 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.25.1.9q42j8254314quq2.

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Charles Lyell's philosophy of science required uniformity of law, kind and degree as a priori methodological assumptions. Lyell adhered to a philosophy of science most authoritatively articulated in his time by the astronomer John F. W. Herschel. His strict interpretation of Herschel's version of the verae causae doctrine necessitated uniformity of kind and uniformity of degree. These methodological assumptions placed severe constraints on Lyell, which he loosened by using what William Whewell termed the method of gradation to extend "now" into the remote geologic past. Lyell believed that known processes operating at present intensities could effect enormous changes either when summed over long periods of time or when acting in unique situations. He clearly recognized the concept of recurrence interval and allowed the intensity of "causes now in operation" to vary to almost any degree so long as the variation was cyclic, not directional. Lyell may have been wrong in assuming uniformity of degree, but he was not confused. His philosophy of science required uniformity of degree as an a priori assumption.

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14

Montgomery, William. "Charles Darwin's Theory of Coral Reefs and the Problem of the Chalk." Earth Sciences History 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1988): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.7.2.48j0677wp2p7mx62.

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Darwin's effort to relate his theory of coral reefs to global tectonic concepts failed to impress geologists more immediately interested in European phenomena. Charles Lyell had initially regarded coral reefs as a way to explain the European Chalk formation. However, he encountered criticism from catastrophist authors who thought the Chalk was a result of chemical precipitation. Lyell embraced Darwin's coral reef theory in an effort to strengthen his argument; and though C. G. Ehrenberg explained the Chalk as the product of fossil Foramanifera, he reinforced the general case in favor of organic deposition as opposed to chemical precipitation. As a result geologists tended to follow Lyell in discussing coral reef formation in the larger context of carbonate deposition generally.

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15

Harley, Alexis. "Charles Lyell’s Principles of Geology, the Geological Sublime, and the Romantic Theatre." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 45, no. 2 (November 2018): 254–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748372719826485.

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Across the three volumes of his influential Principles of Geology (1830–33), Charles Lyell demonstrates that the scale of earth history is out of all proportion to human temporality. Lyell makes the case that geologists should assume a viewing position outside the drama of geological action. He repeatedly represents this distance through the figure of the theatre, invoking Romantic critiques of theatrical naturalism that aligned with developments in natural philosophy. At the same time, Lyell deployed technologies from the contemporary stage in his public lectures, and in personal correspondence, he reveals promiscuous tastes across genres, forms and sites of performance. Ultimately, I argue, these apparent inconsistencies point to the role of his subjectivity in a project that is deeply ambivalent about human points of view.

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16

Khokhlova, Z. A., R. A. Gileva, I. G. Konyakhina, and A. P. Tishkina. "LYELL`S SYNDROME. PRACTICAL CASE." Russian Archives of Internal Medicine 8, no. 3 (June 5, 2018): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20514/2226-6704-2018-8-3-231-236.

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17

Revuz, J. "Alan Lyell and Lyell's syndrome." Journal of the European Academy of Dermatology and Venereology 22, no. 8 (August 2008): 1001–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-3083.2008.02718.x.

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18

Mahjoub, H., S. Yacoubi, L. Knani, F. Krifa, M. Ghorbel, N. Ben Rayana, and F. Ben Hadj Hamida. "394 Le syndrome de Lyell." Journal Français d'Ophtalmologie 30 (April 2007): 2S266. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0181-5512(07)80207-5.

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19

Correia, O., L. Delado, and C. Resende. "Syndrome de Lyell et griséofulvine." Annales Françaises d'Anesthésie et de Réanimation 10, no. 5 (January 1991): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0750-7658(05)80859-7.

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20

Fossum, Sighjorn, Bent Rolstad, and Morten Simonsen. "William Lyell Ford 1936-1984." Scandinavian Journal of Immunology 21, no. 4 (April 1985): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3083.1985.tb01433.x.

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21

Schmutz, J. L., A. Barbaud, and P. Tréchot. "Léflunomide et syndrome de Lyell." Annales de Dermatologie et de Vénéréologie 136, no. 4 (April 2009): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annder.2008.12.021.

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22

Roujeau, Jean-Claude. "Toxic Epidermal Necrolysis (Lyell Syndrome)." Archives of Dermatology 126, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archderm.1990.01670250043005.

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23

Roujeau, Jean-Claude, Olivier Chosidow, Philippe Saiag, and Jean-Claude Guillaume. "Toxic epidermal necrolysis (Lyell syndrome)." Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology 23, no. 6 (December 1990): 1039–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0190-9622(90)70333-d.

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24

Bottrill, R. "The Mount Lyell mines, Tasmania." Journal and proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales 133, no. 1-2 (June 2000): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5962/p.361452.

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25

M, Janet. "The Boulders of Lyell Canyon." Scientific American 322, no. 5 (May 2020): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican0520-22.

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26

Deforzh, H. "Paleontology as a component of development of synthetic theory of evolution." History of science and technology 6, no. 8 (June 22, 2016): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2016-6-8-108-123.

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The idea of evolution in natural history, which formed the basis for radical change not only in science but also in the thinking of modern humanity, was formulated and perceived in its integrity and perspective only in the ХІХ century. In the Earth sciences, this idea was first presented by the prominent English geologist Charles Lyell (1797-1875) in 1830-1833, and in the life sciences evolutionism won after the 1859 publication of the book by a young colleague and student of Ch. Lyell - Charles Darwin (1809-1882) - «On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection».

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27

Garofalo, Devin M. "Victorian Lyric in the Anthropocene." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 4 (2019): 753–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318001602.

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When Charles Lyell chronicles humankind's rise to geologic power in thePrinciples of Geology, he talks out of both sides of his mouth. Detailing the human species’ seemingly unmatched force as a terrestrial “levelling agent,” he ruminates on an unsettling possibility that haunts the present: “it admits of reasonable doubt whether, upon the whole, we fertilize or impoverish the lands we occupy.” Already at the time of Lyell's writing, the human species had “displaced” or altogether extinguished “a number of beasts of prey, birds, and animals of every class” (2:148) through deforestation, hunting, and the “progress of colonization” (2:150–51). But elsewhere in thePrinciples, Lyell puts into question what this history of environmental degradation otherwise seems to assert: that to be human is to possess a singular capacity for mastery. Thus, Lyell declares, “we ought always, before we decide that any part of the influence of man is novel and anomalous, carefully to consider all the powers of other animate agents which may be limited or superseded by him” (2:206). Tracing how swarms of insects gave dramatic and lasting shape to the German arboreal landscape in ways that humans could never replicate, he concludes: “[I]t does not follow that this kind of innovation”—human innovation—“is unprecedented” (2:206). Even as Lyell imagines humankind as “superior” in its capacity to act as “a single species,” he persistently lingers with the very real possibility that humans donotpossess a “novel and anomalous” hold over the world (2:207, emphasis original). Instead, thePrinciplestraces how the world is shaped by “physical causes” and nonhuman agencies that elude control and unmask the relative “insignifican[ce]” of humankind's “aggregate force” (2:207). Inasmuch as humans comprise only one part of an agential assemblage whose shifting interactions elude anthropogenic mastery, thePrinciplesimagines humankind as interpenetrated by and profoundly susceptible to nonhuman life-forms and forces. According to Lyell, then, deep history speaks not only of the human species’ seemingly privileged capacity for action but also its nonintentionality, noninstrumentality, and vulnerability. That thePrinciplestells a story about the porous interfaces between human and nonhuman geologic agents is perhaps surprising, given that it emerged and participated in a moment which, for many, marks the zenith of imperial and anthropogenic power.

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28

Silliman, Robert. "Agassiz Vs. Lyell: Authority in the Assessment of the Diluvium-Drift Problem by North American Geologists, with Particular Reference to Edward Hitchcock." Earth Sciences History 13, no. 2 (January 1, 1994): 180–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.13.2.554365v7557w2717.

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Toward the middle of the nineteenth century in North America, as in Europe, the most vexatious problem of physical geology was to explain the widespread occurrence of erratic boulders, polished bedrock with furrows and scratches, and thick surface deposits of unsorted clay, sand, and gravel. By 1870 the problem had been resolved by a general adoption of Agassiz's glacial theory, which effectively accommodated all these varied phenomena. Agassiz had proposed his theory thirty years earlier, and from the beginning it had been well publicized. Why was its adoption so long delayed? An important consideration is the fact that glacialism had to compete with other, established theories. Although by 1840 it was no longer fashionable to ascribe drift deposits to Noah's Flood, diluvialism in various forms still had its supporters. The more serious contender, however, was Lyell's iceberg theory. In North America the debate had a personal dimension in which, however implicitly, the authority of one immensely prestigious scientist was pitted against that of another. During the period when the debate was most intense Lyell made four visits to North America and Agassiz settled here permanently. Both symbolized European leadership in science and were received with extraordinary respect and enthusiasm. Although Agassiz caught the imagination of the public in a way Lyell did not, Lyell, author of the geology textbook "highest in authority in the English language," had the more solid reputation among professional geologists. The high regard for Lyell and a deepening commitment to Lyellian uniformitarianism helped sustain the iceberg theory. This had the effect of delaying a resolution of the drift problem via the glacial theory.

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29

Davis, Martha. "Lyell F. Thompson-Agronomist and Humanitarian." Journal of Natural Resources and Life Sciences Education 29, no. 1 (2000): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2134/jnrlse.2000.0102.

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30

Fernández Calvo, C., Javier Olascoaga Urtaza, A. Resano, Javier Urcola Echevarria, A. Turneu, and J. Zubizarreta. "Síndrome de Lyell asociado a lamotrigina." Revista de Neurología 31, no. 12 (2000): 1162. http://dx.doi.org/10.33588/rn.3112.2000305.

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31

Camardi, Giovanni. "Charles Lyell and the Uniformity Principle." Biology & Philosophy 14, no. 4 (October 1999): 537–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1006504910017.

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32

Anderson, Owen. "CHARLES LYELL, UNIFORMITARIANISM, AND INTERPRETIVE PRINCIPLES." Zygon® 42, no. 2 (June 22, 2007): 449–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9744.2007.00449.x.

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33

El Sayed, F., R. Dhaybi, I. Kassab, and M. Chababi. "CA8 - Syndrome de Lyell à l’imipénème." Annales de Dermatologie et de Vénéréologie 134, no. 1 (January 2007): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0151-9638(07)89106-x.

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34

Valeyrie-Allanore, L., and J. C. Roujeau. "Syndrome de Lyell (nécrolyse épidermique toxique)." EMC - Dermatologie 2, no. 4 (January 2007): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0246-0319(07)48011-6.

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Sluysmans, T., B. DeBont, and G. Cornu. "Acute epidermal necrolysis of Lyell syndrome." European Journal of Pediatrics 146, no. 2 (March 1987): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02343236.

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36

Rudwick, M. J. S. "Lyell and the Principles of Geology." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.02.

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Thackray, John C. "Charles Lyell and the Geological Society." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.03.

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Wilson, Leonard G. "Lyell: the man and his times." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.04.

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Friedman, Gerald M. "Charles Lyell in New York State." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.07.

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Azzena, B., C. Tiengo, G. Giatsidis, R. Salmaso, and A. Pontini. "Treatment of a Severe Pediatric Lyell Syndrome with Amniotic Membrane: Case Report and Histological Findings." Journal of Tissue Repair and Regeneration 1, no. 2 (December 8, 2018): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14302/issn.2640-6403.jtrr-18-2442.

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Background: Lyell Syndrome (TEN, Toxic epidermal necrolysis) represents a medical emergency particularly in pediatric patients in whom the massive skin damage can quickly lead to multi-organ dysfunction and death. Prompt restoration of the physiologic mucosal/cutaneous barrier is mandatory. The use of amniotic membranes has been described in the treatment of ophthalmic Lyell Syndrome, but its use has not yet been adopted for the management of larger cutaneous wounds. Study Hypothesis: Here we report the use of amniotic membranes in a pediatric case of severe Lyell Syndrome with complete skin surface, ocular and mucosal involvement with life threating presentation. Methods: A 7-year old female was admitted to our Burn Centre for severe cutaneous/mucosal exfoliation (100% Total body surface area, TBSA) as a result of an adverse reaction to ibuprofen administration. Supportive fluid administration, cardiac-pulmonary assistance and pain management were complemented by serial grafting of amniotic membranes on all affected areas to provide coverage of the exfoliated skin/mucosa. Biopsies were obtained to monitor histological skin changes. Results: The patient showed an excellent response to amniotic membrane treatment, with rapid restoration of mucosal and cutaneous layers in the grafted areas. This resulted in a decreased need for dressing changes, avoidance of additional surgeries and a reduced dependence on supportive therapy. Lower pain levels than usually expected led to a reduced need for narcotic pain medications and allowed for early physical rehabilitation and a short hospital stay. Histology confirmed evidence of topical immune-modulation in treated areas (reduction of inflammatory infiltrate). Conclusion: As we tested in numerously TEN and burn pediatric injuries Amniotic membranes with their regenerative and immune-modulatory effects may represent an life saving treatment even in the worst cases of pediatric Lyell syndrome.

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Hambach, Ulrich, and Ian Smalley. "Two critical books in the history of loess investigation: ‘Charakteristik der Felsarten’ by Karl Caesar von Leonhard and ‘Principles of Geology’ by Charles Lyell." Open Geosciences 11, no. 1 (August 29, 2019): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/geo-2019-0032.

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Abstract The two critical books, launching the study and appreciation of loess, were ‘Charakteristik der Felsarten’ (CdF) by Karl Caesar von Leonhard, published in Heidelberg by Joseph Engelmann, in 1823-4, and ‘Principles of Geology’ (PoG) by Charles Lyell, published in London by John Murray in 1830-3. Each of these books was published in three volumes and in each case the third volume contained a short piece on loess (about 2-4 pages). These two books are essentially the foundations of loess scholarship. In CdF Loess [Loefs] was first properly defined and described; section 89 in vol. 3 provided a short study of the nature and occurrence of loess, with a focus on the Rhine valley. In PoG there was a short section on loess in the Rhine valley; this was in vol.3 and represents the major dissemination of loess awareness around the world. A copy of PoG3 (Principles of Geology vol. 3) reached Charles Darwin on the Beagle in Valparaiso in 1834; worldwide distribution. Lyell and von Leonhard met in Heidelberg in 1832. Von Leonhard and Heinrich Georg Bronn (1800-1862) showed Lyell the local loess. These observations provided the basis for the loess section in PoG3. Lyell acknowledged the influence of his hosts when he added a list of loess scholars to PoG; by the 5th edition in 1837 the list comprised H.G. Bronn, Karl Caesar von Leonhard (1779-1862), Ami Boue (1794-1881), Voltz, Johann Jakob Noeggerath (1788-1877), J. Steininger, P. Merian, Rozet, C.F.H. von Meyer (1801-1869), Samuel Hibbert (1782-1848) and Leonard Horner (1785-1864); a useful list of loess pioneers. The loess is a type of ground that has only recently been established, and it seems, the peculiarity of the Rhine region, and of a very general but inconsistent spread.” H.G. Bronn 1830

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Tasch, Paul. "James Croll and Charles Lyell as Glacial Epoch Theorists." Earth Sciences History 5, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.5.2.hu25401053m8k14v.

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Hays et al (1976) showed that variant orbital geometry was the "pacemaker" of the Ice Ages. They referenced James Croll (1875) among others. Croll also had presented calculations to demonstrate an equivalent relationship. Lyell tried unsuccessfully to apply Croll's astronomical data to climatic variation and envisioned large scale subsidence and elevation as the primary control of the Ice Ages. Croll argued against Lyell's use of orbital geometry and his geochronological model, taking 250,000 BP as the start of the glacial epoch, which by his calculation corresponded to the most recent and greatest orbital eccentricity. Both Croll and Lyell, in different ways, were on the right track, but technically updated astronomical data as well as microfossil indicators of oceanic temperature used in the modern synthesis, were needed.

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Sønderholm, M., and H. Tirsgaard. "Lithostratigraphic framework of the Upper Proterozoic Eleonore Bay Supergroup of East and North-East Greenland." Bulletin Grønlands Geologiske Undersøgelse 167 (January 1, 1993): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.34194/bullggu.v167.6723.

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In the region between Canning Land (71° 30’N) and Bessel Fjord (76°N) the Eleonore Bay Supergroup is up to 16 km thick and comprises both metasediments and sediments. It is divided into five new groups. In the eastern outcrops four groups are found; these are from base to top: the Nathorst Land Group (up to c. II 000 m thick), the Lyell Land Group (2000-2800 m thick), the Ymer Ø Group (900-1300 m thick) and the Andrée Land Group (900-1500 m thick). The lower two of these groups consist of altemating sandstones and mudstones (and their metamorphic equivalents). Information on the depositional environment of the Nathorst Land Group is scarce, but both fluvial and marine settings have been tentatively proposed. The Lyell Land Group mainly represents marine shelf environments. The Ymer Ø and Andrée Land Groups are dominated by carbonates deposited in a platform, slope and basinal environment. Furthest west, in the nunatak region, a succession of sandstones and mudstones more than 6300 m thick is included in the Petermann Bjerg Group. The stratigraphic relationship between the Petermann Bjerg Group and the rest of the Eleonore Bay Supergroup is uncertain but possibly correlates with parts of the Nathorst Land and Lyell Land Groups. The Eleonore Bay Supergroup is finally compared with other Upper Proterozoic successions in the North Atlantic region.

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YALDWYN, JOHN C., GARRY J. TEE, and ALAN P. MASON. "The status of Gideon Mantell's “first” Iguanodon tooth in the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa." Archives of Natural History 24, no. 3 (October 1997): 397–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1997.24.3.397.

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A worn Iguanodon tooth from Cuckfield, Sussex, illustrated by Mantell in 1827, 1839, 1848 and 1851, was labelled by Mantell as the first tooth sent to Baron Cuvier in 1823 and acknowledged as such by Sir Charles Lyell. The labelled tooth was taken to New Zealand by Gideon's son Walter in 1859. It was deposited in a forerunner of the Museum of New Zealand, Wellington in 1865 and is still in the Museum, mounted on a card bearing annotations by both Gideon Mantell and Lyell. The history of the Gideon and Walter Mantell collection in the Museum of New Zealand is outlined, and the Iguanodon tooth and its labels are described and illustrated. This is the very tooth which Baron Cuvier first identified as a rhinoceros incisor on the evening of 28 June 1823.

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Branco, Hely Cristian. "Aspectos filosóficos da obra "Princípios de Geologia" de Charles Lyell." Terrae Didatica 17 (November 1, 2021): e021039. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/td.v17i00.8666003.

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A obra “Princípios de Geologia” do geólogo e naturalista inglês Sir Charles Lyell [1797-1875] mudou para sempre a forma como a natureza é vista, elevando a Geologia ao status de ciência e estabelecendo várias das principais bases epistemológicas presentes nesse campo do conhecimento até os dias de hoje. Este artigo analisa alguns dos principais aspectos filosóficos que fundamentam o trabalho, com foco nas influências percebidas a partir da obra do filósofo Sir Francis Bacon [1561-1626], cujo pensamento marcou profundamente a compreensão sobre o que é e como fazer ciência experimental. Dentre as influências em “Princípios”, destacam-se o fundamento teológico, a importância da história natural e da experimentação, bem como a valorização do raciocínio indutivo na construção do conhecimento científico. Deste modo, identifica-se uma base epistemológica marcadamente experimental na obra de Lyell.

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Blundon, D. J., D. A. MacIsaac, and M. R. T. Dale. "Nucleation during primary succession in the Canadian Rockies." Canadian Journal of Botany 71, no. 8 (August 1, 1993): 1093–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/b93-127.

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A study of nucleation during primary succession was carried out on age sequences of communities at two sites in the Canadian Rocky Mountains: one at the Mount Robson moraines, British Columbia, the other at Southeast Lyell Glacier, Alberta. The study concentrated on the associations of species with the nitrogen-fixing plants Hedysarum boreale var. mackenzii at Mount Robson moraines and Dryas drummondii at Southeast Lyell Glacier because those plants might serve as nuclei for colonization by other species, thus facilitating succession. The data show that recruitment of later successional species is greater in patches of the two pioneer species, but the fact that recruitment takes place away from the plants also suggests that although there is nucleation, it is not necessary for succession at these sites. Key words: colonization, nitrogen fixation, nucleation, succession.

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Aïdli, Sihem El, Issam Salouage, Sarrah Kastalli, Samia Srairi, Riadh Daghfous, Mohamed Hédi Loueslati, and Chalbi Belkahia. "Syndrome de Lyell au léflunomide (Arava®)." Therapies 63, no. 2 (March 2008): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2515/therapie:2008040.

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Azoicăi, Alice, Cristiana Andronic, and Bogdan A. Stana. "Lyell syndrome – considerations upon a clinical case." Pediatru.ro 3, no. 59 (2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26416/pedi.59.3.2020.3902.

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Baillie, PW, and FL Sunderland. "Devonian lamprophyres from Mt Lyell, western Tasmania." Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 126 (1992): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26749/rstpp.126.19.

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50

Stephens, Lester D., and Leonard G. Wilson. "Lyell in America: Transatlantic Geology, 1841-1853." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 4 (November 2001): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070265.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Lyell'

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