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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Lyndon B. Johnson'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Geralds, Andrea J. "Lyndon Johnson and Eastern Europe." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/314930.

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History
M.A.
Between 1963 and 1968, Lyndon B. Johnson struggled to take advantage of increasing instability in Eastern Europe. By negotiating Most Favored Nation trade treaties and using the Import-Export Bank of America to finance "deferred payment" trade arrangements, Johnson hoped to strengthen American and Eastern European relations. Where Johnson failed to arrange new trade agreements he opted for broadening diplomatic ties. Johnson believed advantages to this strategy included weakening Soviet hegemony in the Warsaw nations, generating a new influx of trade to stabilize the American balance of payments, and preventing Soviet expansion into third world nations. I argue that President Johnson was unsuccessful in Eastern Europe because certain segments of Congress would not support deeper ties with Communist nations. Congress' refusal to treat with the Warsaw Nations stemmed from two sources: a refusal to validate the Communist system and increasing American involvement in the Vietnam War. President Johnson promoted improved interactions, desiring stronger East- West ties and weaker Soviet control in the region. Congress endorsed the international isolation of Communist nations, aiming to cause economic collapse in the Communist governments.
Temple University--Theses

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2

Preuss, Gene B. "Progressivism in Texas : the origins of LBJ's educational philosophy /." View online, 1993. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/histtad/6.

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3

Gaskin, Thomas Mayhew. "Senator Lyndon B. Johnson and United States foreign policy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10353.

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4

Hague, Laura Elizabeth. "The beautiful society : environmental policy during the Lyndon Johnson years /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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5

Briscoe, Dolph IV Parrish T. Michael. "He was ours : Lyndon Baines Johnson and American identity /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4838.

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6

Thornton, Jamie. "The rhetorical strategies of Lyndon Baines Johnson promoting education." Fort Worth, Tex. : Texas Christian University, 2007. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-06222007-142150/unrestricted/thornton.pdf.

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7

Parker, Gary. "Comparison of IKONOS Derived Vegetation Index and LiDAR Derived Canopy Height Model for Grassland Management." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12179/.

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Forest encroachment is understood to be the main reason for prairie grassland decline across the United States. In Texas and Oklahoma, juniper has been highlighted as particularly opportunistic. This study assesses the usefulness of three remote sensing techniques to aid in locating the areas of juniper encroachment for the LBJ Grasslands in Decatur, Texas. An object based classification was performed in eCognition and final accuracy assessments placed the overall accuracy at 94%, a significant improvement over traditional pixel based methods. Image biomass was estimated using normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) for 1 meter resolution IKONOS winter images. A high correlation between the sum of NDVI for tree objects and field tree biomass was determined where R = 0.72, suggesting NDVI sum of a tree area is plausible. However, issues with NDVI saturation and regression produced unrealistically high biomass estimates for large NDVI. Canopy height model (CHM) derived from 3-5m LiDAR data did not perform as well. LiDAR typically used for digital elevation model (DEM) production was acquired for the CHM and produced correlations of R = 0.26. This suggests an inability for this particular dataset to identify juniper trees. When points that registered a tree height where correlated with field values, an R = 0.5 was found, suggesting denser point spacing would be necessary for this type of LiDAR data. Further refining of the methods used in this study could yield such information as the amount of juniper tree for a given location, fuel loads for prescribed burns and better information for the best approach to remove the juniper and ultimately management juniper encroachment into grasslands.

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8

Whisenant, Shane Weston. "White-tailed deer population dynamics and management on the Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center." Thesis, Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1190.

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White-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) numbers on the National Aeronautics and Space Administration's (NASA) Johnson Space Center (JSC) in Houston, Texas have increased in recent years and are a cause of urban-related accidents (e.g., deer-vehicle collisions, negative interation with humans). Safety personnel for the JSC are interested in reducing human-deer interaction by a reduction in overall population numbers. My overall study objectives were to (1) estimate population parameters for JSC deer, (2) develop a computer simulation model for the JSC deer, and (3) evaluate 2 management strategies to control JSC deer numbers a priori using the JSC deer model. The 2 management strategies I evaluated were the efficacy of SpayVac immunocontraceptive vaccine (sterilization) and trap and translocation (deer removal) efforts in managing white-tailed deer on JSC. In general, single treatments of removals or sterilization (less than 75 percent of female deer treated) were not effective in reducing population growth (R greater than 1). Approximately 50% of female deer needed to be removed annually to reduce population growth whereas approximately 25% of female deer needed to be treated annually with SpayVac for the same effects. A combination of trap and removals and sterilizations was effective in reducing population growth when applied to approximately 25% of the female population annually. I recommend the use of sterilization annually (25%) or a combination of sterilization and removal (25%) to achieve the goals of JSC in maintaining current deer numbers. Removing or sterilizing > 50% of the female deer annually caused the JSC deer population to decrease to a level near eradication.

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9

Lee, Sang-Dawn. "Big brother, little brother : the American influence on Korean culture in the Lyndon B. Johnson years /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008378.

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10

Anderson, Christopher James. "The peripeteia, an analysis of reversal speeches by Barbara Bush, Richard Nixon, and Lyndon B. Johnson." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2008.

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11

Colman, Jonathan. "A 'special relationship'? : Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68 /." Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10096093.

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12

Mayer, Jean-Paul. "La Stratégie nucléaire américaine d'Hiroshima à la fin du mandat de Lyndon B. Johnson un discours d'inspiration puritaine." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37594299g.

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13

Webster, Madeline. "“An Impossible Job”: The Effect of the Vice Presidency on the Legacies of Lyndon B. Johnson and Hubert H. Humphrey." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107496.

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Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs
The vice presidencies of Lyndon B. Johnson and Humphrey H. Humphrey were momentous stages in both of their political careers. After leaving the position of Senate majority leader to become John F. Kennedy’s vice president, Johnson underwent a swift, total decrease in political efficacy. Those dark years impacted how he tackled the presidency, particularly in the handling of his own vice president. As Johnson’s vice president, Humphrey also watched the political power he had accrued as Senate majority whip evaporate. In an attempt to impress Johnson, Humphrey overcompensated and became a disciple for the Johnson administration’s unpopular war in Vietnam, destroying any chance Humphrey had to further his political career past the vice presidency. I argue that while their terms as vice presidents—Johnson’s was less than three years long and Humphrey’s was four years—were short periods of time in the grand scheme of their long careers, they were highly consequential for both men and severely damaging for Humphrey
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: History

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14

Santa, Cruz Paul H. "Making JFK matter popular memory and the 35th president /." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1459953.

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Thesis (M.A. in History)--S.M.U.
Title from PDF title page (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 47-03. Adviser: Thomas J. Knock. Includes bibliographical references.

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15

Parker, Gary Dong Pinliang. "Comparison of IKONOS derived vegetation index and LiDar derived canopy height model for grassland management." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12179.

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16

Pujoll, Claude J. "De la nouvelle frontière à la grande société : une étude de la lutte contre la pauvreté sous la présidence de John F. Kennedy et Lyndon B. Johnson." Bordeaux 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986BOR30034.

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Les conceptions erronees heritees des experiences passees ont toujours cours dans le domaine de la protection sociale aux etats-unis. Avec les dispositions adoptees de 1961 a 1968 apparaissent de nouvelles difficultes qui s'ajoutent aux anciennes. Dans ces conditions, l'efficacite de l'assistance sociale americaine se trouve serieusement compromise. De graves deficiences existent aussi bien dans l'organisation spectaculaire de l'office des chances economiques de 1964 que dans les structures plus anciennes de l'assistance traditionnelle. Elles resident a la fois dans les principes et dans la legislation qui regissent tout le dispositif d'assistance des etats-unis. Il est possible d'expliquer cet etat de choses de la facon suivante. Souvent, la nouvelle legislation ne constitue, pour des raisons variees (politiques, socio-economiques, etc. ), qu'un replatrage de l'ancienne. Resultat: les defauts de construction subsistent. Dans d'autres cas, pour parer au plus presse, des mesures ont ete echaffaudees trop rapidement sur des fondations legislatives peu sures. Ou bien encore, surtout en ce qui concerne l'assistance traditionnelle, on a simplement neglige de consolider les bases et de reformuler les principes. De ce fait, si certaines causes de la pauvrete sont effectivement combattues, elles le sont au gre des circonstances, de facon empirique, et les resultats enregistres, souvent limites, risquent d'etre sans lendemain. Malgre les declarations officielles, bien des problemes en apparence resolus ne sont en realite que camoufles. Finalement, une question se pose inevitablement: pourquoi ces negligences, ces omissions, ces erreurs, ces demi-mesures? c'est a l'origine meme du systeme, dans le domaine des principes et du droit, que des reformes profondes devront etre effectuees si les etats-unis veulent vraiment remporter la victoire dans "la guerre contre la pauvrete"
The purpose of the research has been 1) to study the historical causes which led to the situation prevalent in 1961-68 as well as the extent of poverty in the united states; 2) to examine in depth the war on poverty declared by president kennedy and pursued by president johnson, and to explore the scope and nature of the law applicable to the poor within the constitution, primarily as that law is found in welfare codes, statutes, ordinances, programs and administrations, and to report the efforts being made by the federal, state and local governments to assist the poor; 3) to provide a critical review of the rules and procedures, doctrines and presuppositions of the law applicable to the poor within the framework of the economic opportunity act of 1964. Suggestions for improving existing systems of assistance and for entirely new ones have also been discussed

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17

McCullough, Kristen Anne. "The news media and public opinion the press coverage of U.S. international conflicts and its effect on presidential approval /." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002701.

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18

Garey, Julie Marie. "Presidential Decision-Making During the Vietnam War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1219374275.

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19

Jackson, Keyla Amil. "Presidential power and the law: what are the limitations of the president of the United States of America? a focus on Lyndon B. Johnson and George W. Bush in time of war." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/206.

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This study examined the constitutional limitations placed on the President of the United States of America during times of war. This study was based on the premise that presidents exceed Constitutional limitations when in times of crisis and or emergency. To conduct this study, the war time presidencies of Presidents Johnson during the Vietnam War and Bush during the Iraq War were examined. This research is both a qualitative analysis and a comparative case study and was chosen because at least two cases need to be observed to study the persons and events which pertain to the substantive issues to be explored. The researcher found that even though it is clear that the United States Constitution limits the power of the president to initiate war without congressional consent, both President Johnson and Bush were able to secure congressional consent, in part, because they influenced congress to act within a context of uncertainty and often misinformation. Therefore, they did not exceed their constitutionally granted authority they used the media, influence, public opinion and other factors to expand their presidential powers. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggest that given the President’s control of intelligence that is often uncertain, political scientists need to research the practicality of providing Congress with an independent entity to cross check the intelligence provided by the President. Constitutional scholars should continue to explore presidential decisions to initiate war by authorizing law that force the executive branch to justify decisions to go to war. Also, the focus of research regarding the extra-constitutional use of war authority should shift to an analysis of what makes congress, the media, and the public so complicit when war is initiated.

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20

Organtini, Chiara <1979&gt. "1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3787/.

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The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

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21

Hurtado, Torres Sebastian. "The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1476710773529045.

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22

Blubaugh, Hannah Patrice. ""Self-Determination without Termination:" The National Congress of American Indians and Defining Self-Determination Policy during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1533051153006372.

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23

Bristow, Alexander. "The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approach." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e25b695-def3-4854-a04a-033566034384.

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This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

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Koscheva-Scissons, Chloe. "Crossing Oceans with Words: Diplomatic Communication during the Vietnam War, 1945-1969." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1426004411.

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McCandless, Richard Thomas. "Korean War and Vietnam War Strategies: A Comparison." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1236018769.

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Ebert, Martin. "Lyndon B. Johnsons triple war der amerikanische Präsident, die Medien, die Öffentliche Meinung und der Krieg in Vietnam /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB11513801.

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Martin, Daniel E. "Institutional Innovator: Sargent Shriver's Life as an Engaged Catholic and as an Active Liberal." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1461580896.

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Frisbie, Margaret Xochitl. "Johnson Settlement Area, Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park cultural landscape inventory." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3181.

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The Cultural Landscape Inventory is a comprehensive inventory of all historically significant landscapes within the National Park Service. This cultural landscape inventory documents the Johnson Settlement Area at the Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park in Johnson City, Texas. The Johnson Settlement Area served as the headquarters for former president Lyndon B. Johnson’s paternal grandparents, Samuel Ealy Johnson and Eliza Bunton’s, open-range cattle ranch from 1867 through 1872. After the collapse of the cattle ranching enterprise, the land was sold to James Polk Johnson and later converted into a small-scale farm by John Bruckner. From 1970 through 1972, Lyndon B. Johnson was involved with the planning, acquisition, and donation of a portion of the original settlement property to the National Park Service. In 1972, a major restoration and reconstruction project was completed as the property was converted into an historic interpretive landscape administered by the National Park Service. The Johnson Settlement Area is primarily an open pastoral landscape with reconstructed livestock corrals and a cluster of restored and reconstructed building and structures that collectively convey the ranching and frontier heritage of former president Lyndon B. Johnson. The cultural landscape inventory documents the physical development and historical significance of the Johnson Settlement Area. The inventory evaluates the landscape characteristics of the district and considers the integrity and overall condition of this historic vernacular landscape. Further, the inventory assesses eligibility for the National Register of Historic Places. The Johnson Settlement Area Cultural Landscape Inventory expands the 1990 National Register of Historic Places nomination in its period of significance, boundaries and acreage, and National Register Criteria.
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Bolsterli, Eric J. "Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Panama Crisis of 1964." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/49726066.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, 1998.
"May 1998." eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 221-225).

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Turner, Sean Matthew. "Containment and engagement: U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/48391.

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This study argues that despite the basic inertia in U.S. China policy during the Kennedy and Johnson years, the period nonetheless witnessed a fundamental evolution in the strategic presumptions underlying Washington’s approach to the China “problem.” By increments, U.S. policymakers began to seriously question the wisdom of a policy predicated on the idea that the containment of the People’s Republic of China necessitated its political and economic isolation. Inversely, a basic consensus emerged in interested corners of the U.S. foreign policy bureaucracy that considered attempts to engage the Chinese—on levels bilateral and multilateral, official and unofficial—could serve to socialise China’s revolutionaries, thereby facilitating a reduction in Sino-American tensions and paving the way to a bilateral rapprochement. Critically, in this analysis “engagement” was seen as a means of enhancing, rather than simply supplanting, the larger effort to contain China. The dynamics involved in the emergence of this consensus are manifold and complex, and cannot be properly understood without close reference to changes in both the international strategic environment and the domestic political context through the 1960s. At the heart of this process, however, were advocates of policy moderation within the U.S. bureaucracy, mediating external pressures for policy movement, and championing the case for a more conciliatory approach to Sino-American relations. The growing acceptance of what was sometimes articulated as “containment without isolation”—shorthand for a policy framework that implicitly rejects the either/or choice between containment and engagement—found expression in, and was in turn fostered by, basic adjustments in Washington’s posture toward Mao’s China. By the end of 1968 senior U.S. officials had repeatedly signalled that Washington was reconciled to the reality of a Communist-controlled mainland China, and would in fact welcome expanded efforts toward bilateral accommodation and even cooperation. These postural shifts may not have been matched by concrete policy changes, yet they remain significant. In the most immediate sense, the less provocative posture toward China enhanced Washington’s capacity to communicate U.S. intent to China’s leadership, thereby helping avert a direct Sino-American conflict in the 1960s, even as the two sides pursued antithetical objectives in the Asian region. In a longer-term frame of reference, the more flexible posture adopted in the 1960s played an important role in challenging the domestic politicisation of China policy, while establishing a rhetorical framework and conceptual foundation for more substantive policy movement. In the course of tracing these developments, this study also provides new interpretative insights on a number of specific issues pertaining to U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson years, including the policy preferences, relationships, and roles of key U.S. officials in shaping the policy process; the impact of domestic politics, alliance politics, and various Cold War strategic concerns on policy outcomes; the question of how to deal with China’s nuclear development; and the manner in which major China-related events and developments in the 1960s—such as the failure of Mao’s Great Leap Forward, the 1962 Taiwan Strait crisis, the Sino-Indian border war, China’s involvement in Vietnam, and the Cultural Revolution— were interpreted by U.S. officials, and, in turn, shaped understandings of and responses to the China problem.
http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1330812
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

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Tomlins, David Brennan. "The Cold War and US-Guatemalan Relations During the 1960's." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2011-08-10026.

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During the 1960's Guatemalan stability began to falter due to a political and social breakdown; guerilla violence and government repression emerged from this decade as common occurrences. In response to the instability within Guatemala, the US focused on providing significant financial aid to bolster a weak economy, while simultaneously working with the Guatemalan police and military to create more efficient and modern internal security forces capable of combating Communist subversion. Despite US attempts to foster stability, in 1963 President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was removed from office by a military coup organized by his opponents within Guatemala. The Lyndon B. Johnson administration continued to support the Guatemalan government and continued to provide economic and military assistance. Despite US assistance, the internal social and political divisions in Guatemala continued to result in violence. In the midst of the escalating violence, elections were held in 1966 and the center left candidate Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro was elected as the new president of Guatemala. The election of a politically left president further radicalized the Guatemalan right, which resulted in attempted coups and acts of terror. The violence from the leftist guerillas and the radical rightist elements forced Mendez Montenegro to allow the military to use harsh counter-terror strategies to bring the country under control. Despite negative developments, the US consistently tried to help build Guatemalan stability. Unfortunately, its policies ignored the socio-economic inequalities, and internal division which was the biggest problem facing the nation. The internal political division that created the violence and instability made it impossible for any US assistance to have a meaningful impact. During the 1960's these developments in Guatemala paved the way for the violence and genocide of the 1980's and solidified a policy of US involvement that was inadequate and ineffective.

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Todd, Susan Gayle. "MacBird!: a history and feminist critique of Barbara Garson’s radical play." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6616.

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Barbara Garson’s controversial play, MacBird!, was written and produced during the Vietnam War era and Johnson administration. The satirical Shakespeare adaptation equates LBJ with Macbeth, the villainous tragic hero who murders his king in order to gain the Scottish crown. The implication that Johnson was responsible for the assassination of JFK created a fury of controversy among critics and the public, as well as the political leaders who were parodied. The play was first published and circulated in 1966 as an underground leaflet. In 1967, it was produced off-Broadway with a cast that featured actors Rue McClanahan, William Devane, Cleavon Little, and Stacy Keach, who won an Obie Award for his performance of the title role. The show launched the careers of these actors. Critics were divided in their reviews of the play’s literary merit, but all seemed to agree that the piece was shocking and significant because it flew in the face of patriotism and of reverence for presidential authority. At the time of its production, acclaimed theater critic Robert Brustein named MacBird! “the most explosive play” of the Sixties theater movement. This dissertation presents the history of the play, within its social and political setting, from its inception through its production and abrupt disappearance at the peak of its success, which coincided with the assassination of Robert Kennedy. Relying upon methodology that includes primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews with the playwright and others involved in the play, this work presents the publication and production history of MacBird!, public and White House response to the play, a contextual analysis under a feminist lens, and a final chapter on MacBird! as a precursor to feminist adaptations of canonical works, Sixties-era Macbeth adaptations, and the notable women whose work intersected in MacBird! MacBird! was a tremendous event in theater history; it belongs at the fore of adaptation studies, particularly Shakespeare and feminist adaptation studies; it is a prime model of performance as a political tool and therefore earns a central place in performance studies; and because it is an attack on patriarchal power and a rare example of a Sixties radical play written by a woman, Barbara Garson needs to be recognized among remarkable women of theater.
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Adámek, Václav. "Vietnamská válka za prezidentství Lyndona B. Johnsona (1963-1969)." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-315764.

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Second indo-Chinese war between communist North Vietnam and non-communist South Vietnam has become the longest war incident in twentieth century. President Johnson who inherited this problem after tragic assassination in November 1963 led USA into the war in Southeast Asia. L. B. Johnson preserves continuity of foreign politics of USA with President Kennedy's politics. USA strictly supported South Vietnam and was ready to risk an open war for its regime. The incident in Tonkin Gulf in August 1964 led to escalation of the war. A tension developed during next months when North Vietnam departed to guerilla war. The reaction of USA to guerilla war was huge bombing of North Vietnam and as well deploying thousands of American soldiers into service in land war operations. President Johnson's political credit was decreasing fast. An essential twist occurred in the beginning of the year 1968. Vietcong (South Vietnamese communist) and North Vietnam army launched the widest offensive during Vietnamese conflict on feast day Tet. Victorious wars become a fiasco under view of cameras and medias. After Tet offensive it was no longer possible to speak about USA victory. Medias, people and public opinion was not willing to continue in jungle war. President Johnson changed some top officers in army and personally announced...

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Hawkins, John Michael. "The Limits of Fire Support: American Finances and Firepower Restraint during the Vietnam War." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/151185.

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Excessive unobserved firepower expenditures by Allied forces during the Vietnam War defied the traditional counterinsurgency principle that population protection should be valued more than destruction of the enemy. Many historians have pointed to this discontinuity in their arguments, but none have examined the available firepower records in detail. This study compiles and analyzes available, artillery-related U.S. and Allied archival records to test historical assertions about the balance between conventional and counterinsurgent military strategy as it changed over time. It finds that, between 1965 and 1970, the commanders of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), Generals William Westmoreland and Creighton Abrams, shared significant continuity of strategic and tactical thought. Both commanders tolerated U.S. Army, Marine Corps, and Allied unobserved firepower at levels inappropriate for counterinsurgency and both reduced Army harassment and interdiction fire (H&I) as a response to increasing budgetary pressure. Before 1968, the Army expended nearly 40 percent of artillery ammunition as H&I – a form of unobserved fire that sought merely to hinder enemy movement and to lower enemy morale, rather than to inflict any appreciable enemy casualties. To save money, Westmoreland reduced H&I, or “interdiction” after a semantic name change in February 1968, to just over 29 percent of ammunition expended in July 1968, the first full month of Abrams’ command. Abrams likewise pursued dollar savings with his “Five-by-Five Plan” of August 1968 that reduced Army artillery interdiction expenditures to nearly ten percent of ammunition by January 1969. Yet Abrams allowed Army interdiction to stabilize near this level until early 1970, when recurring financial pressure prompted him to virtually eliminate the practice. Meanwhile, Marines fired H&I at historically high rates into the final months of 1970 and Australian “Harassing Fire” surpassed Army and Marine Corps totals during the same period. South Vietnamese artillery also fired high rates of H&I, but Filipino and Thai artillery eschewed H&I in quiet areas of operation and Republic of Korea [ROK] forces abandoned H&I in late 1968 as a direct response to MACV’s budgetary pressure. Financial pressure, rather than strategic change, drove MACV’s unobserved firepower reductions during the Vietnam War.

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