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Journal articles on the topic 'Lyndon B. Johnson'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

RUMYANTSEV, VLADIMIR. "THE ORIGINS OF THE US PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON’S PRO-ISRAELI SYMPATHY, 1908-1948." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-35-43.

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The purpose of this study is to identify the origins of the pro-Israeli affections of the prominent American politician Lyndon Baines Johnson (the President of the United States in 1963-1968) in the initial period of his political career before winning the Senate elections in 1948. The study resulted in conclusion that preferences of Lyndon Johnson towards Israel were influenced by a number of factors. First of all, this was the influence of the views that had developed in the family of an American politician. His grandfather and aunt were active members of the Christodelphian community, in which the protection of the Jews as God’s chosen people was one of the principles of life. Lyndon’s father, Samuel Ealy Johnson, jr. always tried to take the side of the oppressed and persecuted people. Because of this, Lyndon’s father received threats against him from the Ku Klux Klan. We should also note the role of Lyndon Johnson’s encirclement at the dawn of his political career. A number of prominent American Zionists stood out in this encirclement. In addition, the life attitudes and values of the future 36th US president coincided with the philosophy and experience of the founders of the State of Israel, from side of its leaders as well as from the side of ordinary citizens, soldiers and farmers. Being raised on the Texas frontier and admired for examples of bravery and courage, Johnson felt justified in Israel’s willingness to use force at any moment. Lyndon Johnson’s words and deeds were never at variance. He personally took part in saving the lives of Jewish refugees from Nazi-occupied Europe. Though, their number, apparently, was not as large as it is sometimes presented in publicist and even historical papers.

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2

Ellison, James. "A companion to Lyndon B. Johnson." Cold War History 14, no. 4 (October 2014): 711–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2014.955695.

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3

McQuaid, Kim, Vaughn Davis Bornet, Richard L. Schott, and Dagmar S. Hamilton. "The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of American History 71, no. 4 (March 1985): 911. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1888583.

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4

Goble, Danney, and Vaughn Davis Bornet. "The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of Southern History 51, no. 2 (May 1985): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208861.

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5

González Ortiz, Cristina. "1968: las expectativas de Lyndon B. Johnson." Secuencia, no. 20 (January 1, 1991): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i20.345.

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<p>Exposición de las razones que llevaron a Johnson a retirarse de Ia campaña electoral de 1968 y dejar libre el camino a R. Kennedy. La investigación se realizó en Ia biblioteca Lyndon B. Johnson con documentos inéditos de los años 1964-1968 correspondencia de Ia Casa Blanca con congresistas, gobernadores, líderes; sugerencias de consejeros, ayudantes del presidente y opinión de la prensa. Aunque el material no revela la intención de retirarse, su baja popularidad y la participación de Kennedy en la campaña aceleraron la decisión</p>

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6

Johnson, Robert David. "Lyndon B. Johnson and the Fortas Nomination." Journal of Supreme Court History 41, no. 1 (March 2016): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jsch.12095.

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7

Garson, Robert. "Lyndon B. Johnson and the China Enigma." Journal of Contemporary History 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949703200105.

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8

Eisenberg, Evan R., Robert S. Waldbaum, and Arthur D. Smith. "1220: Lyndon B. Johnson: How Urology Changed History." Journal of Urology 171, no. 4S (April 2004): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0022-5347(18)38445-3.

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9

Fite, Gilbert C., and John A. Goldsmith. "Colleagues: Richard B. Russell and His Apprentice, Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1819. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081835.

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10

Gould, Lewis L., and John A. Goldsmith. "Colleagues: Richard B. Russell and His Apprentice, Lyndon B. Johnson." American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (April 1995): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169193.

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11

McLaurin, Ann, and John A. Goldsmith. "Colleagues: Richard B. Russell and His Apprentice, Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of Southern History 61, no. 2 (May 1995): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211632.

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12

Divine, Robert A. "Colleagues: Richard B. Russell and His Apprentice, Lyndon B. Johnson." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950854.

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13

Novosejt, Aurelie Basha I. "Mitchell B. Lerner (ed.), A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of Contemporary History 51, no. 1 (January 2016): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009415620132h.

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14

Young, Franz. "A Review of “Lyndon B. Johnson and Modern America”." History: Reviews of New Books 39, no. 2 (February 25, 2011): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2011.537230.

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15

Knill, Mary K. "The Lyndon B. Johnson library in the information age." Government Information Quarterly 12, no. 1 (January 1995): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(95)90007-1.

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16

Rumyantsev, Vladimir P. "Lyndon B. Johnson and the Suez crisis, 1956-1957." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 71 (June 1, 2021): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/71/13.

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17

Stern, Mark. "Calculating Visions: Civil Rights Legislation in the Kennedy and Johnson Years." Journal of Policy History 5, no. 2 (April 1993): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006722.

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The presidential years of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson are synonymous with the culmination of the Second Reconstruction. This study examines the civil rights legislative strategies of presidents Kennedy and Johnson as they dealt with what became the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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18

Karatzas, Konstantinos. "Lyndon B. Johnson and the Civil Right Act of 1964." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 21, no. 3 (September 2016): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2016.3.3.

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19

McGlinchey, Stephen. "Lyndon B. Johnson and Arms Credit Sales to Iran 1964–1968." Middle East Journal 67, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 229–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/67.2.14.

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20

Portes, Jacques. "Lyndon B. Johnson et Earl Warren. Deux progressistes à l'heure libérale." Matériaux pour l histoire de notre temps N° 87, no. 3 (2007): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mate.087.0005.

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21

Billington, M. "President Lyndon B. Johnson and the Separation of Church and State." Journal of Church and State 29, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/29.1.101.

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22

Hargrove, Erwin C. "Presidential Leadership and Policy Bankruptcy: The Gamble of Lyndon B. Johnson." Congress & the Presidency 15, no. 1 (March 1988): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343468809507953.

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23

Gilbert, Robert E. "The Political Effects of Presidential Illness: The Case of Lyndon B. Johnson." Political Psychology 16, no. 4 (December 1995): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791892.

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24

Michel, Eddie. "Those bothersome Rho-dents: Lyndon B. Johnson and the Rhodesian Information Office." Safundi 19, no. 2 (March 26, 2018): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2017.1411442.

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25

Best, James J. "Who Talked to the President When? A Study of Lyndon B. Johnson." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 3 (1988): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150762.

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26

Brennan, Mary. "Lyndon B. Johnson and the Transformation of American Politics by John L. Bullion." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 112, no. 3 (2009): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/swh.2009.0121.

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27

Schuyler, Michael. "The Bitter Harvest: Lyndon B. Johnson and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy." Journal of American Culture 8, no. 3 (September 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.1985.0803_101.x.

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28

Jamieson, Patrick E. "Seeing the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidency through the March 31, 1968, Withdrawal Speech." Presidential Studies Quarterly 29, no. 1 (March 1999): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1741-5705.00024.

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29

Wiele, Andrew James, Trung Nguyen, Onyebuchi Ononogbu, Kristyn-Mae Russo, Phat Le, Tejal Amar Patel, Hilary Y. Ma, and Alyssa G. Rieber. "Reducing the wait time to initiate inpatient chemotherapy at Lyndon B. Johnson Hospital." Journal of Clinical Oncology 38, no. 29_suppl (October 10, 2020): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.38.29_suppl.210.

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210 Background: Delays in initiating inpatient (inpt) chemotherapy (chemo) for planned admissions can decrease patient (pt) satisfaction and increase length of stay and healthcare costs. Our center, a community public teaching hospital, lacked clear standard operating procedures for scheduled chemo admissions, resulting in significant delays. We developed a process improvement initiative to reduce the pt wait time from admission to chemo administration (time to chemo [TTC]). Methods: A multidisciplinary team was formed to clarify workflows and identify root causes prolonging wait times for pts admitted to the inpt chemo unit. We implemented two Plan-Do-Study-Act (PDSA) cycles over a 6-month period. First, in early March, we collaborated with pharmacy and nursing to standardize the inpt chemo operating procedures and extend pharmacy’s evening hours for chemo preparation (prep) from 7pm to 9pm. Second, in early June, we implemented a Pre-admission Checklist that was visibly displayed in clinic for fellows to review with faculty, and began discussing pts scheduled for admission during the daily, multidisciplinary huddle that already occurred on the inpt chemo unit. Using the electronic medical record and available time stamps, baseline data was collected from November-December 2019, post-intervention data for PDSA cycle 1 was collected from March-April 2020, and data collection for PDSA cycle 2 is ongoing. Results: Root cause analysis identified late afternoon admissions and PICC line placements as two main sources for TTC delays. Hospital procedures also limited inpt PICC line placement between 8am-4pm and inpt chemo prep between 7am-7pm. Baseline data revealed 77.4% (24/31) of pts were admitted between 3pm-10pm, the median TTC was 20.4 hrs, and 6.5% (2/31) of pts had chemotherapy initiated within 12 hrs of admission (TTC < 12). Additionally, 56.5% (26/46) of pts had PICC lines placed during their admission, but 69.2% (18/26) of the pts with PICC lines were eligible for outpatient port placement according to institutional intravenous (IV) access guidelines. After PDSA cycle 1, median TTC decreased by 10% to 18.4 hrs, and 33.3% (5/15) of pts had TTC < 12. Conclusions: After standardizing inpt chemo procedures and extending chemo prep times, PDSA cycle 1 resulted in a 10% reduction in TTC and a 26.8% increase in the rate of TTC < 12. Although admission times cannot be controlled at this time, the impact of improving pre-admission planning, and specifically addressing IV access, for PDSA cycle 2 is currently being evaluated and will be reported at the time of abstract presentation.

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30

FAWCETT, SHARON K. "Presidential Libraries: A View from the Center." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.13.

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Abstract: This article is the author's reflection on the long-term viability of the presidential library system and how it continues to evolve to meet the needs of the twenty-firstcentury visitor and researcher. The reflections and assessments are based on the author's long association with this unique system from the time in 1969 when she started as an archivist at the Lyndon B. Johnson Library until her present position as the Assistant Archivist for Presidential Libraries.

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31

Bass, Jack, and William E. Leuchtenburg. "The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 2 (May 1, 2007): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649460.

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32

Carter, D. T. "The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of American History 93, no. 3 (December 1, 2006): 835–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486427.

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33

Krasovic, Mark. "Prisoners of Hope: Lyndon B. Johnson, the Great Society, and the Limits of Liberalism." Journal of American History 104, no. 1 (June 2017): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax116.

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34

Widén, J. J., and Jonathan Colman. "Lyndon B. Johnson, alec Douglas-home, Europe and the Nato multilateral force, 1963–64." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 2007): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794019908656863.

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35

Mantler, Gordon. "Prisoners of Hope: Lyndon B. Johnson, the Great Society, and the limits of liberalism." Sixties 9, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2016.1254438.

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36

YUILL, KEVIN L. "THE 1966 WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE ON CIVIL RIGHTS." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007723.

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Lyndon B. Johnson fails to mention the 1966 White House Conference on Civil Rights in his autobiography and the conference has been equally ignored by historians. Yet this conference, promised in Johnson's famous Howard University speech in 1965, was to be the high point of Johnson's already considerable efforts on civil rights. Underlying the confusion and rancour that characterized the conference held in June 1966 (but more especially the ‘planning conference’, held in November 1965) was a struggle to maintain the integrative impetus of the ‘American Creed’ against the realization that integration was unlikely to take place except in the very long term. The conference transcripts, recorded verbatim, provide a useful reminder of the very different mood of the mid-1960s, suggesting that the extent of panic after the Watts riot went beyond racial issues into fears for the survival of political and governmental institutions. Especially evident is the fragmentation of Johnson's liberal civil rights coalition before dissent on the Vietnam War ensured his downfall.

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37

Ulrich, Kristi. "Archaeological Survey of the Proposed Road Improvements at the Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park, Johnson City, Gillespie County, Texas." Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State 2009, no. 1 (2009): Article 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21112/ita.2009.1.1.

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38

Cuddy, Edward. "Vietnam: Mr. Johnson's War—or Mr. Eisenhower's?" Review of Politics 65, no. 4 (2003): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039073.

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Conventional wisdom pins responsibility for the Vietnam War primarily on Lyndon B. Johnson. This essay presents a revisionist argument, attempting to shift primary responsibility for the war on President Dwight D. Eisenhower. The case rests heavily on John F. Kennedy's challenge to historians: “How the hell” can they evaluate presidential performances unless they know the “real pressures” and the “real alternatives” confronting the occupiers of the Oval Office. In assessing those pressures, this essay concludes that Eisenhower had the unique luxury of a clean break from President Truman's commitments, thanks to the Vietnamese victory at Dien Bien Phu, and a clear-cut alternative provided by the Geneva Accords. Unfortunately, Eisenhower chose to ignore the Accords, committed America to South Vietnam, and played a major role, during and after his presidency, in creating the heavy pressures that shaped Johnson's Vietnam decisions.

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39

Lekarenko, Oksana G. "The reaction of Lyndon B. Johnson administration to the EU and NATO crises (1965-1966)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 62 (December 1, 2019): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/62/13.

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40

Sherman, Max, and Marilyn P. Duncan. "Building Partnerships with Governments: The Experience of the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs." New Directions for Higher Education 2000, no. 112 (2000): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/he.11204.

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41

Lerner, Mitchell. "The foreign policy of Lyndon B. Johnson: the United States and the world, 1963–69." Cold War History 11, no. 3 (August 2011): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.599979.

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42

Skidmore, Max J. "The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, and Lyndon B. Johnson." Journal of American Culture 29, no. 2 (June 2006): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2006.00367.x.

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43

Mozumi, Seiichiro. "The Kennedy–Johnson Tax Cut of 1964, the Defeat of Keynes, and Comprehensive Tax Reform in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 25–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000379.

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Abstract:In 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson, the successor of John F. Kennedy, signed into law the largest tax cut in U.S. history until 1981, the so-called Kennedy–Johnson tax cut. Many scholars have evaluated it as representative Keynesian tax policy; this article focuses on the effort of the Treasury Department, tax experts such as Stanley S. Surrey and Wilbur D. Mills, the chairman of House Committee on Ways and Means, to reform the federal income tax system comprehensively—making it simpler, fairer, and more equitable—and their defeat by the 1964 tax cut. Through the policymaking and legislative process, the Kennedy administration’s Council Economic Advisers defeated the Treasury and Surrey by domesticating Keynes’s ideas on tax policy. Until the 1964 passage of the tax cut, Mills, with his inconsistent action, abandoned the accomplishment of their ideal tax reform.

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44

Pauley, Garth E. "Presidential rhetoric and interest group politics: Lyndon B. Johnson and the civil rights act of 1964." Southern Communication Journal 63, no. 1 (December 1997): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10417949709373074.

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45

John M. Carland. "War, Politics, Diplomacy, and the Presidency: Off the Record Comments by Lyndon B. Johnson in Retirement." Journal of Military History 72, no. 4 (2008): 1257–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0147.

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46

Wiele, Andrew, Helen Ajufo, Joshua Michael Gulvin, Andrew L. Laccetti, Sarah Brown, Leslie Stapleton, Sarah Rizvi, Anne Park, Hilary Y. Ma, and Alyssa G. Rieber. "Establishing a prostate cancer referral pathway between urology and medical oncology at Lyndon B. Johnson Hospital." Journal of Clinical Oncology 37, no. 27_suppl (September 20, 2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2019.37.27_suppl.60.

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60 Background: Treatment for biochemically recurrent (bcr) and metastatic prostate cancer (pc) is evolving, making multidisciplinary evaluation a critical need. Our center, a community public hospital, lacked clear referral criteria between the Urology (Uro) and Medical Oncology (Onc) clinics, resulting in inconsistent care. We aimed to improve multidisciplinary communication and the rate of patient (pt) referrals by establishing standardized referral criteria for pc pts between Uro and Onc. Methods: Referral criteria were based on the presence or concern for primary refractory, bcr, castrate resistant (cr), or metastatic pc, as established by the PCWG3 and RTOG-ASTRO Phoenix consensuses. Primary refractory pc was defined as a failure of the PSA to fall to undetectable levels after radical prostatectomy (rp). Bcr pc was defined as two consecutive PSA values ≥ 0.2ng/mL after rp, or a rise in PSA 2ng/mL above post-treatment nadir after radiation therapy. Cr pc was defined as radiographic (progressive measurable disease) or chemical (two rising PSA levels 6-12 weeks apart) progression despite castrate levels of testosterone (T), defined as a serum T < 50ng/dL. Metastatic pc was defined as the development of bone lesion(s), organ involvement, or lymphadenopathy above the bifurcation of common iliac vessels. The referral criteria were organized into a chart and visibly displayed, discussed during multidisciplinary meetings, and distributed during educational sessions with Uro Residents and Onc Fellows in January 2019. Referral rate was collected from July 2018 through December 2018, and collection of post-intervention referral rate is planned from January 2019 through June 2019. Results: Pre-intervention, 39% (23/59 pts) of the pts that met referral criteria were referred to Onc. Preliminary data from January through April 2019 demonstrated a referral rate of 60% (9/15 pts). Conclusions: In 4 months, our intervention improved the referral rate by 21%. These criteria continue to be reinforced during multidisciplinary meetings and more educational sessions are planned as new personnel establish in the clinics. Ultimately, more time and pts are required to determine the full impact of this project.

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47

Shannon Frystak. "The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson (review)." West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies 2, no. 1 (2008): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wvh.0.0014.

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48

Reynolds, David. "A ‘Special Relationship’? Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American Relations ‘at the Summit’, 1964–68." English Historical Review 120, no. 488 (September 1, 2005): 1105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei382.

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49

Curran, James. "Beyond the Euphoria: Lyndon Johnson in Australia and the Politics of the Cold War Alliance." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 64–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00531.

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This article asks new questions about the U.S.-Australian alliance at the height of the Cold War. Looking at Lyndon B. Johnson's visit to Australia in October 1966—the first time a serving U.S. president had set foot in the country—the article contends that Johnson's presence brought Australian and U.S. approaches to the Cold War into sharp relief, shedding new light on the policies of both countries, especially as they grappled with the ongoing conflict in Vietnam. Although many Australian historians have claimed that this inaugural visit by a U.S. president exposed the alliance between the two countries as that of an imperial power and a colony, a closer look at reactions to the visit reveals a much more complex picture. The article challenges the widely held assumption that Johnson's trip put the final ceremonial gloss on Australia's exit from the bonds of the British Empire and heralded its entry into a U.S.-dominated global order.

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50

Martin, Theodore. "War-on-Crime Fiction." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 136, no. 2 (March 2021): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s003081292100002x.

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AbstractThis essay tells the story of how the War on Crime helped remake American crime fiction in the 1960s and 1970s. Amid starkly racialized public anxieties about rising crime rates and urban uprisings, Lyndon B. Johnson officially launched the War on Crime in 1965. The cultural logic of Johnson's crime war infiltrated various kinds of crime writing in the ensuing decade. Tracking the crime war's influence on the police procedurals of Joseph Wambaugh; the Black radical novels of Sam Greenlee, John A. Williams, and John Edgar Wideman; and the vigilante fiction of Donald Goines and Brian Garfield, I argue that crime fiction in the War-on-Crime era emerged as a key cultural site for managing divergent political responses to a regime of social control that worked by criminalizing both race and revolt. By studying how novelists responded to the formative years of the War on Crime, we can begin to understand the complex role that literature played in alternately contesting and abetting the postwar transformation of the United States into a carceral state.

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