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1

Macdowell, Douglas M. "Lysias." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.29.

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2

Evans, R. L. S., Lysias, and C. Carey. "Lysias: Selected Speeches." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350856.

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3

Fredal, James. "The Enthymizing of Lysias." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 1 (January 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.20.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT Lysias is best known for his portrayal of character (ethopoiia), his believable narratives, his plain or “Attic” style, and for the role he plays as inferior foil to Socrates in Plato’s Phaedrus. But he was also an important figure in developing, refining, and employing types of argument, including the rhetorical technique that would later be called the enthymeme. In On the Death of Eratosthenes, Lysias not only uses enthymemes, he highlights their use, selects a term (enthymizing), and demonstrates how “enthymizing” could be central to rhetorical artistry, to narrative development, to legal reasoning, and to political activism. Examining Lysias 1 not only deepens our understanding of Lysias’ rhetorical abilities, but it suggests that the orators had an important role to play in the development of rhetorical theory.
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4

Fredal, James. "The Enthymizing of Lysias." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2016.1271751.

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5

Allan, Rutger. "Persuasion by Immersion: The Narratio of Lysias 1, On the Killing of Eratosthenes ." Trends in Classics 14, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2022-0012.

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Abstract In his paper on Lysias, Dionysius of Halicarnassus characterizes the effect of Lysias’ enargeia as the power through which the listener “seems to see the things shown and to be almost in the company of the characters whom the orator introduces”. The capacity to give the audience a sense of being present at the narrated scene, vividly imagining the people, places, and actions, is one the most powerful instruments in Lysias’ persuasive toolbox. The ‘sense of presence’ created by Lysias’ narrative style will be approached as a form of what in cognitive literary studies has become known as immersion, a concept that is defined by in terms that are remarkably similar to Dionysius’ characterization of Lysias’ style, as “the experience through which a fictional world acquires the presence of an autonomous, language-independent reality populated by live human beings” (Ryan 2015, 9). Analyzing Lysias’ narrative techniques through the lens of their immersive power is interesting for several reasons. Psychological research has found evidence that highly immersed readers are more likely to be persuaded by the point of view implicit in a narrative than readers who are less immersed. Approaching Lysias’ style in terms of its immersive qualities also allows us analyze the text in terms of a wide and diverse range of linguistic and narratological devices: not only the strategic use of graphic (“vivid”) details, but also the use of verbal tense and aspect, vocatives, direct speech, the narrator’s visibility, and the narrative’s spatial and temporal organization, handling of perspective (focalization), and its capacity to raise suspense and to engage the audience’s attention and emotions.
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6

Rigsby, Kent J. "THE DATE AT 2 MACCABEES 11.21." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 437–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000403.

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In the course of describing the events of the 160s b.c.e., 2 Maccabees presents the texts of four letters: the Seleucid general Lysias to the Jews granting some concessions and referring their other demands to the king (11.16–21); two letters of Antiochus, to Lysias (11.22–6) and to the Jews (11.27–33), granting various concessions; and Roman envoys to the Jews (11.34–8) endorsing Lysias’ concessions. The third and fourth letters have at their ends (suspiciously) the same date, 15 Xanthikos of Seleucid year 148, c. March 164 b.c.e. The second has no date. The first, Lysias’ letter, is dated ἔτους ἑκατοστοῦ τεσσαρακοστοῦ ὀγδόου, διοσκορινθίου τετράδι καὶ εἰκάδι: year 148 on the 24th of a month; but the month name, standardly printed as Διὸς Κορινθίου, is impossible.
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7

Bruss, Kristine S. "Persuasive Ethopoeia in Dionysius's Lysias." Rhetorica 31, no. 1 (2013): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2013.31.1.34.

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Dionysius of Halicarnassus's account of ethopoeia at Lysias 8 is often cited as evidence of Lysias mastery of character portrayal, but the passage itself has received little in-depth analysis. As a consequence, Dionysius's meaning has at times been misinterpreted, and some of his insights on characterization have been neglected. When the account is examined closely, three unique points of emphasis emerge which, taken together, constitute a particular type of characterization: persuasive, as opposed to propriety-oriented, ethopoeia. Making this distinction promotes conceptual clarity with regard to ethopoeia while calling attention to Dionysius's insights on the role of style and composition in the creation of persuasive ethos.
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8

Bruss, Kristine S. "Persuasive Ethopoeia in Dionysius’s Lysias." Rhetorica 31, no. 1 (January 2013): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rht.2013.0028.

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9

Gagarin, Michael, M. Edwards, and S. Usher. "Greek Orators. I: Antiphon and Lysias." Classical World 80, no. 3 (1987): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350021.

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10

Carey, Christopher. "Structure and Strategy in Lysias XXIV." Greece and Rome 37, no. 1 (April 1990): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029557.

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In the brief introduction to this speech in his recent commentary, S. Usher observes: ‘Little logical order can be discerned, though the speech has a clearly-defined prooemium in which the main ingredients of the speech are already present.’ There is an element of overstatement in this assessment. The organization of the speech as a whole follows the habitual practice of Lysias, who favours a neat division between sections. Thus we have prooemium (§§1–3), prothesis (§§4–5), proofs (§§5–20; τὴν μὲν οὖν in §5 should begin a new paragraph, since there is a clear break as the speaker moves from a summary of the factual case against him to the first point in his refutation), epilogos (§§21–27). There is naturally no narrative section, since the hearing is concerned with status, not events. Within the proof section the speaker tackles each of the allegations against him separately, wealth (§§5ff.), health (§§10ff.), and bad character (§§15ff.).2 Nonetheless, Usher's description of the speech is true to the extent that the progress of thought in the proof section is. often rambling and disjointed. However, a closer examination of the speech shows that this seemingly undisciplined and unstructured movement is the product of a logical ordering principle, which has its origin in the nature of the speaker's case. To appreciate the rationale behind this structure it will be necessary to preface our discussion with an assessment of the strength of the case.
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11

SPATHARAS, DIMOS. "LIAISONS DANGEREUSES: PROCOPIUS, LYSIAS AND APOLLODORUS." Classical Quarterly 62, no. 2 (November 20, 2012): 846–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000353.

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12

Wooten, Cecil W. "The Earrings of Polemarchus' Wife (Lysias 12.19)." Classical World 82, no. 1 (1988): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350261.

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13

Borthwick, E. K. "Two Emotional Climaxes in Lysias' "Against Eratosthenes"." Classical World 84, no. 1 (1990): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350719.

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14

Murphy, T. M. "Lysias 25 and the Intractable Democratic Abuses." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 4 (1992): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295539.

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15

Harris, W. V. "Lysias III and Athenian beliefs about revenge." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (December 1997): 363–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.2.363.

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It has recently been argued by Gabriel Herman that fourth-century Athenian citizens, or at least the majority of them, believed that even under the impact of serious private aggression a man should not pursue revenge. The general ideal, so it is maintained, was to avoid not only violent revenge but also revenge through prosecution. Herman recognizes that other Athenian texts of the same period take the propriety of exacting revenge for granted, and he explains this in part by reference to a supposed ‘double standard’—a rather strange expression in this context, because it suggests that the propriety of revenge in classical Athens depended on the status of the victim of the revenge—which is not in fact the burden of Herman's doctrine.
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16

NELSON, MAX. "THE PHANTOM STELAI OF LYSIAS, AGAINST NICOMACHUS17." Classical Quarterly 56, no. 1 (May 2006): 309–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838806000309.

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17

Furley, W. D. "A Note on [Lysias] 6, Against Andokides." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (December 1989): 550–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037587.

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There is a problem in §23 of Against Andokides, the sixth speech of the Corpus Lysiacum. The passage in question runs: ⋯κ δ᾽ οὖν το⋯του το⋯ τιμ⋯ματος ⋯δ⋯δετο ⋯γγὺς ⋯νιαυτ⋯ν … ‘And as a result of the proposed penalty he was imprisoned for nearly a year …’. The speaker's context is as follows: he is castigating Andokides in connection with his trial in 400/399 for impiety and describing his lawless life since his (alleged) part in the great scandals of 415, the mutilation of the Herms and the profanation of the Mysteries. The problem in the text concerns the words ⋯νιαυτ⋯ν ‘for nearly a year’, as the statement contradicts what we learn about Andokides' imprisonment in 415 from his own defence speech (On the Mysteries) and above all from Thucydides.
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18

Sickinger, James P. "A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1-11." Mnemosyne 64, no. 4 (2011): 668–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x548289.

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19

Mészéros, Tamás. "Lysias: VII. beszéd. A szent olajfáról (Areopagiticus)." Antik Tanulmányok 46, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2002): 327–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.46.2002.1-2.30.

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20

Boas, Evert van Emde. "Mind Style, Cognitive Stylistics, and Ēthopoiia in Lysias." Trends in Classics 14, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2022-0010.

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Abstract This paper approaches Lysianic ēthopoiia from the methodological perspective of ‘mind style’, a concept taken from modern stylistics. It is argued that Lysias gave his speakers individualized speaking styles that are indicative of their characters. The narrative of Lysias 1 is used as test case, and the analysis is based on a variety of linguistic features (sentence length, particle usage, pronoun usage) and cognitive concepts (mindblindness, schemas, cognitive metaphor). It is argued that, in a variety of subtle ways, Euphiletus is portrayed linguistically as a simple man, unaware of the motives and actions of others, and as a passive experiencer rather than an active participant in his own story.
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21

Larsen, Peter Stein. "Den danske nazismekonstruktion." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 32, no. 97 (March 30, 2004): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v32i97.21587.

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Arne Hardis: Æresretten. Dansk Forfatterforening og udrensningen af de unationale 1945-52. Kbh. 2003 (Lindhardt og Ringhof).Søren Espersen: Valdemar Rørdam. Nationalskjald og landsforræder. Kbh. 2003 (Forlaget Lysias).
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22

WERNER, DANIEL. "Rhetoric and Philosophy in Plato's Phaedrus." Greece and Rome 57, no. 1 (March 8, 2010): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350999026x.

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One of the main concerns of Plato's Phaedrus is rhetoric. This concern pervades the dialogue right from the opening scene, where Phaedrus – someone with an obsessive and conspicuously superficial attachment to speech-making – is seen taking a walk in the country, having just come from hearing the great orator Lysias deliver a display speech (πíδϵιξις). There follows a sequence of three speeches: Phaedrus' reading of Lysias' speech, followed by Socrates' two speeches. In the latter half of the dialogue, the scene shifts from a presentation of rhetoric to an extended discussion about rhetoric. In particular, it presents an extended critique of contemporary rhetoric, and outlines what Plato takes to be the ‘true τχνη’ (techne – ‘art’, ‘craft’, or ‘science’) of rhetoric.
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23

Sier, Kurt. "Zu Lysias 12, 47 und zum hippokratischen Eid." Hermes 134, no. 4 (2006): 490–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2006-0040.

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24

Schanbacher, D. "Bearing the risk in pledging: Lysias VIII, 10." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 74, no. 3-4 (2006): 319–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181906778945976.

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AbstractGiving a thing in pledge sometimes means the transfer of ownership to the creditor in case of default of payment. If it happens that the pledge is damaged or even destroyed before the payment is due, the question arises who has to bear the loss. Ancient as well as recent legal sources decide or tend to decide against the creditor.
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25

BOLONYAI, GÁBOR. "A NUMBERS GAME: AN INTERPRETATION OF LYSIAS 17." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 2 (December 2008): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000578.

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26

Wolpert, Andrew. "Lysias 18 and Athenian Memory of Civil War." Transactions of the American Philological Association 132, no. 1 (2002): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2002.0017.

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27

Moore, Christopher. "PINDAR'S CHARIOTEER IN PLATO'S PHAEDRUS (227B9–10)." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 525–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000275.

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In his second question of the Phaedrus, Socrates asks Phaedrus how he spent (διατριβή) his morning with Lysias. Phaedrus answers: ‘You'll learn, should you have the leisure (σχολή) to walk and listen.’ Socrates responds: What? Don't you think I would judge it, as Pindar puts it, a thing ‘surpassing even lack of leisure’ (καὶ ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον), to hear how you and Lysias spent your time? (227b6–10) Socrates quotes from First Isthmian 2. In this victory ode, Pindar celebrates, uniquely in his extant oeuvre, a charioteer winner who has driven his own team. The epinician poem and the dialogue, especially the myth in Socrates’ second speech, have remarkable systematic parallels. This suggests that Pindar's victor serves as model for the palinode's philosophical lover, and Pindar's song for Socrates’ conversation.
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28

Zingano, Marco. "How rude can Socrates be? A note on Phaedrus 228a5-b6." Journal of Ancient Philosophy 9, no. 2 (October 26, 2015): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v9i2p67-77.

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In Phaedrus 228a5-6, Socrates recollects what Phaedrus has just said about his meeting with Lysias. In this passage, 228b5 εἰ μὴ πάνυ τι ἦν μακρός is traditionally read as an independent sentence, saying that Phaedrus is able to learn by heart a discourse unless it is not a bit too long. So read it would make Socrates behave in a rude way, as he gratuitously reminds us that Phaedrus’ ability to retain discourses is pretty limited. But when εἰ μή is governed by a swearing such as 228b4 νὴ τὸν κύνα, it has emphatic force, meaning, in this case, that Lysias’ discourse was in fact a bit too long. When the sentence is read according to this syntactical device, Socrates is not at all rude towards his friend Phaedrus; he is just teasing him and mocking rhetorical techniques in passing.
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29

CAREY, CHRIS. "AN OVERLOOKED PAPYRUS OF ISAIOS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 48, no. 1 (December 1, 2005): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2005.tb00252.x.

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Abstract P. Oxy 2538 was tentatively assigned by its first editor to the orator Lysias. This paper argues for attribution to Isaios on grounds of argument and style. It also discusses the nature of the case and explores possible dating.
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30

Gärtner, Martine. "Les discours judiciaires de Lysias : l'esclave, une figure fantasmatique." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 23, no. 2 (1997): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.1997.2350.

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31

Herman, Gabriel. "Tribal and Civic Codes of Behaviour in Lysias I." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 406–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039926.

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A reiteration of the main details of the case may be helpful. Euphiletus killed Eratosthenes and was prosecuted for premeditated homicide by Eratosthenes' relatives. The present speech, our sole source of information concerning the case, was written for the defendant, partially or totally, by a professional speechwriter, presumably Lysias. In this speech Euphiletus admits killing Eratosthenes. He pleads, however, that, since he killed Eratosthenes after catching him in the act of adultery with his own wife, this was a case of justified homicide. At the same time, he denies a charge of the prosecution that he had killed Eratosthenes for reasons unrelated to the adultery. The speech was delivered before a court of fifty-one judges especially set up to judge such cases, as is attested elsewhere:T1Arist. Ath. Pol. 57.3: ‘If…a person admits that he has killed someone but claims that he had a right to do so, as, for instance, when he has surprised an adulterer in the act,… then the trial takes place in the Delphinion’ (cf. Dem. 23.74).
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32

Murphy, Thomas M. "The Vilification of Eratosthenes and Theramenes in Lysias 12." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 1 (1989): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294951.

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33

Hall, Edith. "Some Functions of Rhetorical Questions in Lysias’ Forensic Orations." Trends in Classics 14, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2022-0015.

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Abstract The rhetorical question, often assumed to have been favoured by the sophist Gorgias, became a fundamental feature of ancient rhetoric in both Greek and Latin. By the time of Senecan tragedy, an accumulation of as many as seventeen serial rhetorical questions can be found expressing extremes of emotion, especially indignation or despair. Rhetorical questions in some archaic and classical Greek authors have received limited attention, for example, in the Iliad those delivered by Thersites in exciting indignation (2.225–233) and by the authorial voice to create pathos in asking Patroclus about the Trojans he has killed (16.692–693); the string of questions Aphrodite humorously asks in Sappho 1; the ritual queries in the Derveni Papyrus; the series of two to three questions found (often near the beginning of speeches) in the agōns of some tragedies. But the increasing variety and sophistication of the deployment of the rhetorical question in the Greek orators has been surprisingly neglected. This article analyses some of the different uses to which Lysias puts rhetorical questions especially in relation to characterisation in his orations and argues that they represent a considerable advance on the practice of any predecessor in any genre.
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34

Hillgruber, Michael. "Ein politisch motivierter Fall „polarer Ausdrucksweise“ in Lysias’ zwölfter Rede." Hermes 133, no. 2 (2005): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2005-0021.

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35

Rydberg-Cox, Jeff. "Talking About Violence: Clustered Participles in the Speeches of Lysias." Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqi021.

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36

Craik, E. M. "Mantitheus of Lysias 16: neither long-haired nor simple-minded." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 626–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.626.

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Hamaker's conjecture κομâ (for τολμâ, sic) at Lysias 16.18 was adopted by Rauchenstein in his influential edition of 1869 and soon given powerful endorsement by Jebb and by Shuckburgh. Successive later editors and commentators have seen no reason to demur: Thalheim, Adams, Hude, Gernet and Bizos, Lamb, and finally Edwards and Usher all adopt κομâ, and, where they comment, unanimously cite Aristophanic parallels (especially Eq. 580) in support of a connection between longhaired affectation and ‘oligarchic’ affiliations; some also adduce the expression ảπ’ὂΨεως in justification. But this is an egregious instance of unwarranted tampering with a sound text. τóλμα is a quality conspicuously displayed by Mantitheus, on his own account of his character, words, and actions.
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37

Kapparis, Konstantinos. "Stephen C. Todd: A commentary on Lysias, Speeches 12–16." Gnomon 96, no. 3 (2024): 209–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2024-3-209.

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38

Nouhaud, Michel. "Le logographe et la politique. Sur deux discours de Lysias." Kentron 5, no. 5 (1989): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/kent.1989.1417.

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39

Todd, S. C. "Selected Speeches of Lysias - C. Carey: Lysias: Selected Speeches. (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics.) Pp. xiii + 230. Cambridge University Press, 1989. £30 (Paper, £11.95)." Classical Review 41, no. 2 (October 1991): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00280207.

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40

Medeiros, Antunes Euclides, and Olívia M.M. Cormineiro. "Territórios e Linguagens nas Fronteiras Amazônicas: Os movimentos narrativos de territorialização na obra Roteiro dos Tocantins, de Lysias Rodrigues." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 10, no. 1 (September 4, 2017): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rt-f.v10i1.589.

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RESUMO:Considerando que a (des)reterritorialização não se restringe à exclusividade dos espaços físicos, podendo ser enunciados em espaços narrativos que sintetizam desejos heterogêneos de geograficidade, neste artigo propomos compreender como na obra Roteiro do Tocantins (1943), escrita por Lysias Rodrigues, uma linguagem subjetiva das sensações e sentidos experimentados nas fronteiras amazônicas forja uma figuração imaginativa da des/reterritorialização do próprio autor e dos sertanejos. Palavras-Chave: (des)reterritorialização; narrativa; figuração imaginativa.
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41

Chiron, Pierre. "Les circuits de la dépense dans le Contre Diogiton de Lysias." Gaia : revue interdisciplinaire sur la Grèce Archaïque 19, no. 1 (2016): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/gaia.2016.1708.

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42

Howland, Jacob. "Plato's Reply to Lysias: Republic 1 and 2 and Against Eratosthenes." American Journal of Philology 125, no. 2 (2004): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2004.0019.

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43

KAPELLOS, AGGELOS. "IN DEFENCE OF MANTITHEUS: STRUCTURE, STRATEGY AND ARGUMENTATION IN LYSIAS 16." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00071.x.

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Abstract Lysias presents Mantitheus as an exemplary citizen, a democrat, who participates sentimentally in the misfortunes of Athens, a good son, distinct from the Thirty. His name in the cavalry register is only a part of the problem of the identification of the cavalrymen He is dissociated from dissolute youngsters, a quiet man, a pater familias and a good citizen. He puts Athens' interests above ideologies; he is generous towards his fellow soldiers, brave and more courageous than Thrasybulus, a charismatic soldier, ready for self-sacrifice, supported by all the social strata of Athens. He does not want to arouse envy, asks what he deserves and respects the Council.
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44

Sinclair, R. K. "Lysias’ Speeches and the Debate About Participation in Athenian Public Life." Antichthon 22 (1988): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003622.

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The socio-economic composition of the assembly and the law-courts in the period from the mid-fifth century to 322 B.C. constitutes one of the most intractable problems in the history of Athenian public life. The difficulties arise from two major sources: the paucity and the character of the evidence, and the possible range of variables that may have affected participation in the Ekklesia and the Dikasteria.
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45

O’Connell, Peter A. "Pronouns, Persuasion, and Performance in the Athenian Courtroom: ΟΥΤΟΣ in Lysias." Classical Philology 118, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/722615.

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46

Usher, S. "Lysias' Dokimasia Speeches - Michael Weissenberger: Die Dokimasiereden des Lysias (orr. 16, 25, 26, 31). (Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie, 182.) Pp. xi + 276. Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1987." Classical Review 39, no. 1 (April 1989): 19–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00270169.

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47

Bartol, Krystyna. "The Structure of Lysias’ Speech in Pseudo-Plutarch’s On Music." Hermes 141, no. 4 (2013): 401–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2013-0040.

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Vlassopoulou, Christina. "La double offrande de Lysias et Évarchis recomposée au musée de l’Acropole." Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 135, no. 1 (2011): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bch.2011.7829.

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La Bua, Giuseppe. "CICERO'S PRO MILONE AND THE ‘DEMOSTHENIC’ STYLE: DE OPTIMO GENERE ORATORUM 10." Greece and Rome 61, no. 1 (March 4, 2014): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000223.

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Abstract:
In a passage from the late rhetorical treatise generally known as De optimo genere oratorum, Cicero defends his past forensic competence in the face of Atticist critique by praising his Pro Milone as an example of grand style (9–10):quod qui ita faciet, ut, si cupiat uberior esse, non possit, habeatur sane orator, sed de minoribus; magno autem oratori etiam illo modo saepe dicendum est in tali genere causarum. (10) ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit. sed si eodem modo putant, exercitu in foro et in omnibus templis, quae circum forum sunt, conlocato, dici pro Milone decuisse, ut si de re privata ad unum iudicem diceremus, vim eloquentiae sua facultate, non rei natura metiuntur.If anyone speaks in this manner without being able to use a fuller style if he wishes, he should be regarded as an orator, but a minor one. The great orator must often speak in that way in dealing with cases of such a kind. (10) In other words, Demosthenes could certainly speak calmly, but Lysias perhaps not with passion. But if they think that at the trial of Milo, when the army was stationed in the Forum and in all the temples round about, it was fitting to defend him in the same style that we would use in pleading a private case before a single judge, they measure the power of eloquence by their own limited ability, not by the nature of the art.
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Usher, S. "Review. Lysias. Lisia, Orazioni XVI-XXXIV, frammenti. Introduzione, traduzione e note. E Medda." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.226.

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