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1

Falk, Stanley L., and Lou Reda. "General Douglas MacArthur." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1432. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568739.

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2

Gramer, Regina U., Gustav Schmidt, and Charles F. Doran. "In Memoriam Douglas MacArthur." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254460.

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3

Beaver, Daniel R., and Carol Morris Petillo. "Douglas MacArthur: The Philippine Years." Military Affairs 49, no. 3 (July 1985): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1987928.

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4

Dingman, Roger, and Michael Schaller. "Douglas MacArthur: The Far Eastern General." Journal of American History 77, no. 1 (June 1990): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078758.

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5

Stueck, William, and Michael Schaller. "Douglas MacArthur: The Far Eastern General." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162924.

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6

Perry, Samuel P. "Douglas MacArthur as Frontier Hero: Converting Frontiers in MacArthur's Farewell to Congress." Southern Communication Journal 77, no. 4 (September 2012): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1041794x.2012.659791.

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7

Pappas, Theodore N. "Heroic Measures for an American Hero: Attempting to save the Life of General Douglas MacArthur." American Surgeon 83, no. 12 (December 2017): 1329–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481708301213.

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General Douglas MacArthur was a towering public figure on an international stage for the first half of the 20th century. He was healthy throughout his life but developed a series of medical problems when he entered his 80s. This article reviews the General's medical care during two separate life-threatening medical crises that required surgical intervention. The first episode occurred in 1960 when MacArthur presented with renal failure due to an obstructed prostate. Four years later after his 84th birthday, MacArthur developed bile duct obstruction from common duct stones. He underwent an uncomplicated cholecystectomy and common duct exploration but developed variceal bleeding requiring an emergent splenorenal shunt. His terminal event was precipitated by strangulated bowel in long-ignored very large inguinal hernias. MacArthur died, despite state-of-the-art surgical intervention, due to renal failure and hepatic coma.
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8

BRANDS, HAL. "Who Saved the Emperor?" Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 271–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.2.271.

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The dominant school of literature on the occupation of Japan stresses the role of Supreme Commander Douglas MacArthur in "saving" Hirohito and the imperial institution from the harsh policy intended by officials in Washington and the American public. MacArthur's role in emperor policy was actually much less influential than is commonly believed. Washington's choice to retain Hirohito and the imperial institution evolved out of a wartime assumption that the emperor was central to U.S. plans for postwar Japan and East Asia. Rather than a flash of inspiration from the supreme commander, American policy toward the emperor represented a confluence of motivations that crystallized in the early days of the occupation.
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9

Stoler, Mark A., and Geoffrey Perret. "Old Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650952.

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10

Petillo, Carol Morris, and Geoffrey Perret. "Old Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1472. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953032.

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11

Matray, James I., and Geoffrey Perret. "Old Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur." Journal of Military History 61, no. 3 (July 1997): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954062.

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12

Lee, Kan. "The “China Lobby” in Tokyo: The Struggle of China’s Mission in Japan for General Douglas MacArthur’s Military Assistance in the Chinese Civil War, 1946-1949." Journal of Chinese Military History 8, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341338.

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Abstract The Chinese Mission in Japan, which existed from 1946 until Japan regained its sovereignty as a result of the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952, represented the Republic of China in working with the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) in reconstructing postwar Japan. The original objective of the Chinese Mission was to serve as the government’s agency to carry out the repatriation of Japanese troops and civilians from China in coordination with the Allies, secure war reparations from Japan, and try war criminals. However, as President Harry S. Truman terminated US aid to China in 1947 and Guomindang (GMD) military fortunes in the Chinese Civil War declined under the command of Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese Mission was given an additional assignment: to lobby General Douglas MacArthur to secure military assistance from SCAP. This essay discusses the interaction between the Chinese Mission and General MacArthur during the Chinese Civil War from 1946 to 1949 and examines the way in which the Chinese Mission persuaded him to play a role in the Civil War. This study argues that although it was in opposition to Washington, MacArthur’s determination to assist Chiang Kai-shek was in great part due to the strenuous lobbying of the Chinese Mission in Tokyo. Although MacArthur’s intervention could not reverse the final outcome of the Chinese Civil War, his anti-Communist outlook was formed and played a significant role during the Korean War a year later.
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13

Masafumi, Okazaki. "Chrysanthemum and Christianity: Education and Religion in Occupied Japan, 1945––1952." Pacific Historical Review 79, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 393–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.3.393.

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American occupying forces had an unprecedented opportunity to establish Christianity in post-World War II Japan, but their efforts failed. This article argues that Gen. Douglas MacArthur's efforts at Christianization failed because of a fundamental contradiction within the goals of the Occupation. On the one hand, MacArthur saw Christianity and American-style democratic institutions as inextricably linked and serving similar purposes, including fending off communism. On the other, the American ideal of the separation of church and state, which explicitly criticized the influence of State Shinto in pre-war Japan and was embodied in the Occupation's Shinto Directive, ran counter to the promotion of Christianity to replace Shinto. This internal conflict eliminated one of the Occupation's more promising avenues for Christianization——public education.
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14

Goodman, Grant K. "Bonner Fellers in the Philippines: American Colonial Prototype." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 1 (2012): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656112x640715.

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Bonner Fellers (1896-1973), later prominent in the American occupation of Japan, in 1936 was assigned as captain in the U.S. Army to the staff of General Douglas MacArthur in Manila. His first assignment was to organize and develop a Reserve Officers’ Service School for the newly founded Philippine Army. Fellers's letters to his wife give a private view of how he gained the confidence of both General MacArthur and Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon when from 1937 to 1940 he served both men as principal aide and supported them on a trip to Washington in 1937. Fellers multitasked remarkably well and was privy to the highest level of both the American and Philippine governments.
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15

Seto, Brandon. "A Defense of Faith." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, no. 4 (November 21, 2016): 368–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02304002.

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At the outset of the u.s. Occupation of Japan following the end of World War ii, the Truman administration charged General Douglas MacArthur, as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (scap), with the primary goals of demilitarizing and democratizing the defeated nation. MacArthur received broad authority and little oversight for his management of this project, which he in turn used to accomplish his mission as he saw fit. For his part, the general firmly held that the promotion of Christianity served the objectives of the u.s. occupation and larger Cold War aims. This essay demonstrates that MacArthur sought to use his power to make Christian proselytizing in Japan a critical part of his agenda. He repeatedly argued that a Christian-oriented Japan would keep communism from taking root in the nation and create a lasting, strong, and democratic u.s. ally in the Cold War in Asia. Religious conversion would make a significant contribution to achieving the overall goal of purging Japan of its militarism and antagonistic past and fashioning a friendly nation in the image of the United States.
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16

Leavitt, William M. "General Douglas MacArthur: Supreme Public Administrator of Post-World War II Japan." Public Administration Review 75, no. 2 (January 13, 2015): 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12326.

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17

Bowen, L. N., I. A. Malaty, R. L. Rodriguez, and M. S. Okun. "Did General Douglas MacArthur have Parkinson disease?: A video and archival analysis." Neurology 76, no. 19 (May 9, 2011): 1668–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0b013e318219fb18.

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18

Michael Schaller. "Douglas MacArthur: Statecraft and Stagecraft in America's East Asian Policy (review)." Journal of Military History 73, no. 2 (2009): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0269.

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19

Mauch, Peter. "Hirohito and General Douglas MacArthur: The First Meeting as Documented by Shōwa tennō jitsuroku." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2017.1386446.

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20

Dingman, Roger. "Douglas MacArthur: Statecraft and Stagecraft in America's East Asian Policy - By Russell D. Buhite." Presidential Studies Quarterly 40, no. 2 (June 2010): 374–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2010.03763.x.

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21

Holzimmer, Kevin C. "Walter Krueger, Douglas MacArthur, and the Pacific War: The Wakde-Sarmi Campaign as a Case Study." Journal of Military History 59, no. 4 (October 1995): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944497.

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22

LOVE, PETER. "An Ally and a Recalcitrant General: Great Britain, Douglas MacArthur and the Korean War, 1950–I." English Historical Review CV, no. CCCCXVI (1990): 624–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cv.ccccxvi.624.

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23

Meixsel, Richard Bruce. "Manuel L. Quezon, Douglas MacArthur, and the Significance of the Military Mission to the Philippine Commonwealth." Pacific Historical Review 70, no. 2 (May 1, 2001): 255–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2001.70.2.255.

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24

Pathak, Professor Bishnu. "The Tokyo Tribunal: Precedent for Victor’s Justice II." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 8 (August 25, 2021): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.88.10666.

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Besides, previous publication of Nuremberg Tribunal: A Precedent for Victor’s Justice (2020), the study is named as The Tokyo Tribunal: Precedent for Victor’s Justice II. The bombings at Hiroshima and Nagasaki were heinous crimes against humankind that caused physical, material, socio-cultural, and emotional losses. The bombings violated humanitarian law. This paper aims to find out the situations of the investigation, prosecution and punishment, and analyse the preference for justice: victor’s justice or victim’s justice. During World War II, anti-communist Emperor Hirohito actively led Japan decorated by the Army’s uniform but pretended to be a ceremonial Emperor making scapegoats to his opponents. Former Prime Ministers Konoe and Tojo were conspiratorially assassinated. Hirohito bribed callous US Army General Douglas MacArthur. MacArthur ordered to gather testimonies to prove Hirohito as innocent. The Tokyo Tribunal was biased since it did not speak a word against the indiscriminate bombings and mass killings in Chinese cities, among others. The Tribunal had a pseudo justice body, highly influenced by the US military and retributive justice doctrines. Judges were appointed from each allied victor excluding from Japan. Five of the 11 Judges submitted separate opinions on their judgment. Justice had been elusive for the innocent, weak, and poor victims. Most crimes committed went unpunished. The Tribunal ironically ensured the victor’s justice, further limiting the victim’s justice. Thus, the Tribunal appeared as a sword in a judge's toupee.
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25

Saunders, Denis. "OBITUARY: Graeme Talbot Smith February 1938-June 1999." Pacific Conservation Biology 6, no. 2 (2000): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc000174.

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Graeme Talbot Smith was born in Adelaide on the 10th of February 1938. He spent some of his early childhood in Brisbane where his father was on the staff of General Douglas MacArthur during the latter part of the Second World War. After the war, his family moved to Melbourne where Graeme completed his secondary schooling. He then went to Melbourne University where he majored in Zoology and Geology. The only time he professionally used any of his geological skills was when he worked in the mining industry at Kalgoorlie during one of his university breaks. Graeme chose to specialize in Zoology because he felt there was more scope for employment in that discipline. His first published paper was in 1964. It was a note on a bat mandible found in a cave in Victoria.
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26

Forbes, Joseph. "General Douglas MacArthur and the Implementation of American and Australian Civilian Policy Decisions in 1944 and 1945." Military Affairs 49, no. 1 (January 1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1988268.

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27

Thompson, Jan. "Making "The Tragedy of Bataan": The Bataan Death March through the Lens of a Filmmaker." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 18, no. 3-4 (2011): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656111x614265.

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AbstractThe television and radio documentary "The Tragedy of Bataan" uses extensive interviews with survivors to bring the 1942 Bataan Death March to life for contemporary viewers. The filmmaker, whose father was a POW in the Philippines, describes the process of gathering the interviews and putting them together into a compelling story. She describes the film strategy of having the men and women involved tell the story in their own words, with no historians or experts on camera; explains how a documentary film differs from a written monograph; and explores the constraints set by television and by the television audience. Allowing these participants and eye-witnesses to tell the story conveys their perceptions of the atrocities committed by the Imperial Japanese Army, of General Douglas MacArthur, and of the suffering, the humor, and the heroism of the common American soldiers.
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28

Barnhart, Michael A. "Douglas MacArthur: The Far Eastern General. By Michael Schaller. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. xiv, 320 pp. $22.50." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (November 1989): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058127.

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29

Lestev, Anton Evgen'evich. "The use of affidavit in practice of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East." Политика и Общество, no. 1 (January 2020): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2020.1.32705.

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The U.S. lawyers played the leading role in organization and arrangement of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) intended for trial of the main Japanese war criminals. Tribunal was established by a charter issued by the U.S. Army General Douglas MacArthur, who was appointed as a Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Japan. Therefore, prevalence of Anglo-Saxon legal family is evident in the practice of tribunal. One of them is the use of affidavit in the Tokyo International Military Tribunal. The article applies the method of comparative legal studies; conducts analysis of the legal norms stipulated in decrees of the tribunals. Dogmatic method is employed for interpretation of legal norms presented in the decrees. The author examines the practice of presenting and usage of affidavit in the course of judicial procedure in the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. Affidavits were provided into the tribunal by prosecution witnesses, as well as by defendants themselves. The article also demonstrated the use of affidavits by the U.S. administration for political purposes.  
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30

Aldous, Christopher. "“The Anatomy of Allied Occupation: Contesting the Resumption of Japanese Antarctic Whaling, 1945–1952”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 4 (December 9, 2019): 338–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02604002.

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This article scrutinizes the controversy surrounding the resumption of Japanese Antarctic whaling from 1946, focusing on the negotiations and concessions that underline the nature of the Allied Occupation as an international undertaking. Britain, Norway, Australia, and New Zealand objected to Japanese pelagic whaling, chiefly on the grounds of its past record of wasteful and inefficient operations. Their opposition forced the Natural Resources Section of General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, to increase the number of Allied inspectors on board the two Japanese whaling factories from one to two, and to respond carefully to the criticisms they made of the conduct of Japanese whaling. U.S. sensitivity to international censure caused the Occupation to encourage the factory vessels to prioritize oil yields over meat and blubber for domestic consumption. Moreover, General Douglas MacArthur, the U.S. Occupation commander, summarily rejected a proposal to increase the number of Japanese fleets from two to three in 1947. With its preponderance of power, the United States successfully promoted Japanese Antarctic whaling, but a tendency to focus only on outcomes obscures the lengthy and difficult processes that enabled Japanese whaling expeditions to take place on an annual basis from late 1946.
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31

Kim, Nam-hyuk. "A Study of Films in the Détente Period Dealing with General Douglas MacArthur and Operation Chromite in South-North Korea, and America." Literary Criticism 74 (December 31, 2019): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31313/lc.2019.12.74.7.

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32

Friedman, Hal M. "The Most Dangerous Man in America: The Making of Douglas MacArthur. By Mark Perry. (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2014. Pp. xviii, 365. $29.99.)." Historian 78, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12104.

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33

Schaller, Michael. "The Most Dangerous Man in America: The Making of Douglas MacArthur. By Mark Perry. (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2014. Pp. xviii, 380. $29.99.)." Historian 78, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12186.

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34

Kopff, E. Christian. "Two Problems in Douglas MacArthur's "Farewell Address": Improvisation and Plato." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 22, no. 3 (July 2009): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/anqq.22.3.48-51.

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35

Drea, Edward J. "Ultra intelligence and general Douglas MacArthur's leap to Hollandia, January‐April 1944." Intelligence and National Security 5, no. 2 (April 1990): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529008432055.

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36

김남혁. "Douglas MacArthur’s heroic image in South Korea made by translating and rewriting." Korean Cultural Studies ll, no. 72 (August 2016): 355–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.17948/kcs.2016..72.355.

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37

Carpenter, Ronald H. "General Douglas Macarthur's oratory on behalf of Inchon: Discourse that altered the course of history." Southern Communication Journal 58, no. 1 (December 1992): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10417949209372882.

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38

Vennesson, Pascal, and Amanda Huan. "The General’s Intuition." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 3 (November 20, 2017): 498–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17738771.

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Can we trust the operational intuitions of generals? The proponents of the overconfidence model, one of the most influential perspectives in the psychology of judgment, commonly offer a skeptical answer. Generals’ operational intuitions are likely to be hampered by overconfidence and negatively affect military effectiveness. However, the successful operational outcome of General Douglas MacArthur’s decision to land at Inchon (June–September 1950) seemingly contradicts the model. We seek to complement and refine the overconfidence model by examining the Inchon landing decision through the analytical lens of the recognition-primed decision model. This model typically envisions that under specific circumstances—notably an experienced decision maker, an adequate environment regularity, and an opportunity to learn—generals are able to make quick and satisfactory decisions. We show that such a configuration was present in the Inchon landing case and helps explain both the decision process and its successful outcome.
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39

Muller, V. C. "AMERICAN CAESAR: Douglas MacArthur, 1880-1964." Scientia Militaria - South African Journal of Military Studies 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/10-2-712.

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40

"Douglas MacArthur: the Far Eastern general." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 03 (November 1, 1989): 27–1712. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-1712.

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41

Mulyana, Ginanjar Setia, Agus Mulyana, and Leli Yulifar. "KAISAR AMERIKA DI NEGERI SAKURA : PERANAN DOUGLAS MACARTHUR DALAM REKONSTRUKSI JEPANG PASCA PERANG DUNIA II." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v6i2.9956.

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The main purpose of this research is to describe the Role of Douglas MacArthur in the Reconstruction of Japan after World War II in 1945-1951. Historical method is being used in this research paper, the method consists of : heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. While the main topic of this research is how is the role of Douglas MacArthur in the reconstruction of Japan after World War II. Since he was appointed as SCAP in Japan by president Truman, with the supreme authority more than the Emperor himself, the U.S military officer made many reconstructive policies for Japan which was U.S main enemy of the Pacific War. With so many critics threw upon him from the Western countries, MacArthur rebuilt Japan from the political and economical sector with some changes especially liberalism and democratic view. The purpose of the reconstruction in to make Japan as the same side with the United States in the middle of Cold War with Soviet Union.
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42

Mulyana, Ginanjar Setia, Agus Mulyana, and Leli Yulifar. "KAISAR AMERIKA DI NEGERI SAKURA : PERANAN DOUGLAS MACARTHUR DALAM REKONSTRUKSI JEPANG PASCA PERANG DUNIA II." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v6i2.9979.

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The main purpose of this research is to describe the Role of Douglas MacArthur in the Reconstruction of Japan after World War II in 1945-1951. Historical method is being used in this research paper, the method consists of : heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. While the main topic of this research is how is the role of Douglas MacArthur in the reconstruction of Japan after World War II. Since he was appointed as SCAP in Japan by president Truman, with the supreme authority more than the Emperor himself, the U.S military officer made many reconstructive policies for Japan which was U.S main enemy of the Pacific War. With so many critics threw upon him from the Western countries, MacArthur rebuilt Japan from the political and economical sector with some changes especially liberalism and democratic view. The purpose of the reconstruction in to make Japan as the same side with the United States in the middle of Cold War with Soviet Union.
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43

"Old soldiers never die: the life of Douglas MacArthur." Choice Reviews Online 34, no. 04 (December 1, 1996): 34–2378. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.34-2378.

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44

"General Douglas MacArthur, 1880-1964: historiography and annotated bibliography." Choice Reviews Online 32, no. 03 (November 1, 1994): 32–1297. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.32-1297.

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45

"michael schaller. Douglas MacArthur: The Far Eastern General New York: Oxford University Press. 1989. Pp. xi, 320. $22.50." American Historical Review, December 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/95.5.1651.

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46

"Geoffrey Perret. Old Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur. New York: Random House. 1996. Pp. xii, 663. $32.50." American Historical Review, February 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.1.289.

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47

"General Douglas MacArthur, 1880-1964: Historiography and Annotated Bibliography. By Eugene L. Rasor. (Westport: Greenwood, 1994. xxiv, 217 pp. $52.00, ISBN 0-313-28873-9.)." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (March 1, 1996): 1689. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/82.4.1689.

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48

Brien, Donna Lee. "Forging Continuing Bonds from the Dead to the Living: Gothic Commemorative Practices along Australia’s Leichhardt Highway." M/C Journal 17, no. 4 (July 24, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.858.

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The Leichhardt Highway is a six hundred-kilometre stretch of sealed inland road that joins the Australian Queensland border town of Goondiwindi with the Capricorn Highway, just south of the Tropic of Capricorn. Named after the young Prussian naturalist Ludwig Leichhardt, part of this roadway follows the route his party took as they crossed northern Australia from Morton Bay (Brisbane) to Port Essington (near Darwin). Ignoring the usual colonial practice of honouring the powerful and aristocratic, Leichhardt named the noteworthy features along this route after his supporters and fellow expeditioners. Many of these names are still in use and a series of public monuments have also been erected in the intervening century and a half to commemorate this journey. Unlike Leichhardt, who survived his epic trip, some contemporary travellers who navigate the remote roadway named in his honour do not arrive at their final destinations. Memorials to these violently interrupted lives line the highway, many enigmatically located in places where there is no obvious explanation for the lethal violence that occurred there. This examination profiles the memorials along Leichhardt’s highway as Gothic practice, in order to illuminate some of the uncanny paradoxes around public memorials, as well as the loaded emotional terrain such commemorative practices may inhabit. All humans know that death awaits them (Morell). Yet, despite this, and the unprecedented torrent of images of death and dying saturating news, television, and social media (Duwe; Sumiala; Bisceglio), Gorer’s mid-century ideas about the denial of death and Becker’s 1973 Pulitzer prize-winning description of the purpose of human civilization as a defence against this knowledge remains current in the contemporary trope that individuals (at least in the West) deny their mortality. Contributing to this enigmatic situation is how many deny the realities of aging and bodily decay—the promise of the “life extension” industries (Hall)—and are shielded from death by hospitals, palliative care providers, and the multimillion dollar funeral industry (Kiernan). Drawing on Piatti-Farnell’s concept of popular culture artefacts as “haunted/haunting” texts, the below describes how memorials to the dead can powerfully reconnect those who experience them with death’s reality, by providing an “encrypted passageway through which the dead re-join the living in a responsive cycle of exchange and experience” (Piatti-Farnell). While certainly very different to the “sublime” iconic Gothic structure, the Gothic ruin that Summers argued could be seen as “a sacred relic, a memorial, a symbol of infinite sadness, of tenderest sensibility and regret” (407), these memorials do function in both this way as melancholy/regret-inducing relics as well as in Piatti-Farnell’s sense of bringing the dead into everyday consciousness. Such memorialising activity also evokes one of Spooner’s features of the Gothic, by acknowledging “the legacies of the past and its burdens on the present” (8).Ludwig Leichhardt and His HighwayWhen Leichhardt returned to Sydney in 1846 from his 18-month journey across northern Australia, he was greeted with surprise and then acclaim. Having mounted his expedition without any backing from influential figures in the colony, his party was presumed lost only weeks after its departure. Yet, once Leichhardt and almost all his expedition returned, he was hailed “Prince of Explorers” (Erdos). When awarding him a significant purse raised by public subscription, then Speaker of the Legislative Council voiced what he believed would be the explorer’s lasting memorial —the public memory of his achievement: “the undying glory of having your name enrolled amongst those of the great men whose genius and enterprise have impelled them to seek for fame in the prosecution of geographical science” (ctd. Leichhardt 539). Despite this acclaim, Leichhardt was a controversial figure in his day; his future prestige not enhanced by his Prussian/Germanic background or his disappearance two years later attempting to cross the continent. What troubled the colonial political class, however, was his transgressive act of naming features along his route after commoners rather than the colony’s aristocrats. Today, the Leichhardt Highway closely follows Leichhardt’s 1844-45 route for some 130 kilometres from Miles, north through Wandoan to Taroom. In the first weeks of his journey, Leichhardt named 16 features in this area: 6 of the more major of these after the men in his party—including the Aboriginal man ‘Charley’ and boy John Murphy—4 more after the tradesmen and other non-aristocratic sponsors of his venture, and the remainder either in memory of the journey’s quotidian events or natural features there found. What we now accept as traditional memorialising practice could in this case be termed as Gothic, in that it upset the rational, normal order of its day, and by honouring humble shopkeepers, blacksmiths and Indigenous individuals, revealed the “disturbance and ambivalence” (Botting 4) that underlay colonial class relations (Macintyre). On 1 December 1844, Leichhardt also memorialised his own past, referencing the Gothic in naming a watercourse The Creek of the Ruined Castles due to the “high sandstone rocks, fissured and broken like pillars and walls and the high gates of the ruined castles of Germany” (57). Leichhardt also disturbed and disfigured the nature he so admired, famously carving his initials deep into trees along his route—a number of which still exist, including the so-called Leichhardt Tree, a large coolibah in Taroom’s main street. Leichhardt also wrote his own memorial, keeping detailed records of his experiences—both good and more regretful—in the form of field books, notebooks and letters, with his major volume about this expedition published in London in 1847. Leichhardt’s journey has since been memorialised in various ways along the route. The Leichhardt Tree has been further defaced with numerous plaques nailed into its ancient bark, and the town’s federal government-funded Bicentennial project raised a formal memorial—a large sandstone slab laid with three bronze plaques—in the newly-named Ludwig Leichhardt Park. Leichhardt’s name also adorns many sites both along, and outside, the routes of his expeditions. While these fittingly include natural features such as the Leichhardt River in north-west Queensland (named in 1856 by Augustus Gregory who crossed it by searching for traces of the explorer’s ill-fated 1848 expedition), there are also many businesses across Queensland and the Northern Territory less appropriately carrying his name. More somber monuments to Leichhardt’s legacy also resulted from this journey. The first of these was the white settlement that followed his declaration that the countryside he moved through was well endowed with fertile soils. With squatters and settlers moving in and land taken up before Leichhardt had even arrived back in Sydney, the local Yeeman people were displaced, mistreated and completely eradicated within a decade (Elder). Mid-twentieth century, Patrick White’s literary reincarnation, Voss of the eponymous novel, and paintings by Sidney Nolan and Albert Tucker have enshrined in popular memory not only the difficult (and often described as Gothic) nature of the landscape through which Leichhardt travelled (Adams; Mollinson, and Bonham), but also the distinctive and contrary blend of intelligence, spiritual mysticism, recklessness, and stoicism Leichhardt brought to his task. Roadside Memorials Today, the Leichhardt Highway is also lined with a series of roadside shrines to those who have died much more recently. While, like centotaphs, tombstones, and cemeteries, these memorialise the dead, they differ in usually marking the exact location that death occurred. In 43 BC, Cicero articulated the idea of the dead living in memory, “The life of the dead consists in the recollection cherished of them by the living” (93), yet Nelson is one of very few contemporary writers to link roadside memorials to elements of Gothic sensibility. Such constructions can, however, be described as Gothic, in that they make the roadway unfamiliar by inscribing onto it the memory of corporeal trauma and, in the process, re-creating their locations as vivid sites of pain and suffering. These are also enigmatic sites. Traffic levels are generally low along the flat or gently undulating terrain and many of these memorials are located in locations where there is no obvious explanation for the violence that occurred there. They are loci of contradictions, in that they are both more private than other memorials, in being designed, and often made and erected, by family and friends of the deceased, and yet more public, visible to all who pass by (Campbell). Cemeteries are set apart from their surroundings; the roadside memorial is, in contrast, usually in open view along a thoroughfare. In further contrast to cemeteries, which contain many relatively standardised gravesites, individual roadside memorials encapsulate and express not only the vivid grief of family and friends but also—when they include vehicle wreckage or personal artefacts from the fatal incident—provide concrete evidence of the trauma that occurred. While the majority of individuals interned in cemeteries are long dead, roadside memorials mark relatively contemporary deaths, some so recent that there may still be tyre marks, debris and bloodstains marking the scene. In 2008, when I was regularly travelling this roadway, I documented, and researched, the six then extant memorial sites that marked the locations of ten fatalities from 1999 to 2006. (These were all still in place in mid-2014.) The fatal incidents are very diverse. While half involved trucks and/or road trains, at least three were single vehicle incidents, and the deceased ranged from 13 to 84 years of age. Excell argues that scholarship on roadside memorials should focus on “addressing the diversity of the material culture” (‘Contemporary Deathscapes’) and, in these terms, the Leichhardt Highway memorials vary from simple crosses to complex installations. All include crosses (mostly, but not exclusively, white), and almost all are inscribed with the name and birth/death dates of the deceased. Most include flowers or other plants (sometimes fresh but more often plastic), but sometimes also a range of relics from the crash and/or personal artefacts. These are, thus, unsettling sights, not least in the striking contrast they provide with the highway and surrounding road reserve. The specific location is a key component of their ability to re-sensitise viewers to the dangers of the route they are travelling. The first memorial travelling northwards, for instance, is situated at the very point at which the highway begins, some 18 kilometres from Goondiwindi. Two small white crosses decorated with plastic flowers are set poignantly close together. The inscriptions can also function as a means of mobilising connection with these dead strangers—a way of building Secomb’s “haunted community”, whereby community in the post-colonial age can only be built once past “murderous death” (131) is acknowledged. This memorial is inscribed with “Cec Hann 06 / A Good Bloke / A Good hoarseman [sic]” and “Pat Hann / A Good Woman” to tragically commemorate the deaths of an 84-year-old man and his 79-year-old wife from South Australia who died in the early afternoon of 5 June 2006 when their Ford Falcon, towing a caravan, pulled onto the highway and was hit by a prime mover pulling two trailers (Queensland Police, ‘Double Fatality’; Jones, and McColl). Further north along the highway are two memorials marking the most inexplicable of road deaths: the single vehicle fatality (Connolly, Cullen, and McTigue). Darren Ammenhauser, aged 29, is remembered with a single white cross with flowers and plaque attached to a post, inscribed hopefully, “Darren Ammenhauser 1971-2000 At Rest.” Further again, at Billa Billa Creek, a beautifully crafted metal cross attached to a fence is inscribed with the text, “Kenneth J. Forrester / RIP Jack / 21.10.25 – 27.4.05” marking the death of the 79-year-old driver whose vehicle veered off the highway to collide with a culvert on the creek. It was reported that the vehicle rolled over several times before coming to rest on its wheels and that Forrester was dead when the police arrived (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Traffic Incident’). More complex memorials recollect both single and multiple deaths. One, set on both sides of the road, maps the physical trajectory of the fatal smash. This memorial comprises white crosses on both sides of road, attached to a tree on one side, and a number of ancillary sites including damaged tyres with crosses placed inside them on both sides of the road. Simple inscriptions relay the inability of such words to express real grief: “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed” and “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed / Forever in our hearts.” The oldest and most complex memorial on the route, commemorating the death of four individuals on 18 June 1999, is also situated on both sides of the road, marking the collision of two vehicles travelling in opposite directions. One memorial to a 62-year-old man comprises a cross with flowers, personal and automotive relics, and a plaque set inside a wooden fence and simply inscribed “John Henry Keenan / 23-11-1936–18-06-1999”. The second memorial contains three white crosses set side-by-side, together with flowers and relics, and reveals that members of three generations of the same family died at this location: “Raymond Campbell ‘Butch’ / 26-3-67–18-6-99” (32 years of age), “Lorraine Margaret Campbell ‘Lloydie’ / 29-11-46–18-6-99” (53 years), and “Raymond Jon Campbell RJ / 28-1-86–18-6-99” (13 years). The final memorial on this stretch of highway is dedicated to Jason John Zupp of Toowoomba who died two weeks before Christmas 2005. This consists of a white cross, decorated with flowers and inscribed: “Jason John Zupp / Loved & missed by all”—a phrase echoed in his newspaper obituary. The police media statement noted that, “at 11.24pm a prime mover carrying four empty trailers [stacked two high] has rolled on the Leichhardt Highway 17km north of Taroom” (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Truck Accident’). The roadside memorial was placed alongside a ditch on a straight stretch of road where the body was found. The coroner’s report adds the following chilling information: “Mr Zupp was thrown out of the cabin and his body was found near the cabin. There is no evidence whatsoever that he had applied the brakes or in any way tried to prevent the crash … Jason was not wearing his seatbelt” (Cornack 5, 6). Cornack also remarked the truck was over length, the brakes had not been properly adjusted, and the trip that Zupp had undertaken could not been lawfully completed according to fatigue management regulations then in place (8). Although poignant and highly visible due to these memorials, these deaths form a small part of Australia’s road toll, and underscore our ambivalent relationship with the automobile, where road death is accepted as a necessary side-effect of the freedom of movement the technology offers (Ladd). These memorials thus animate highways as Gothic landscapes due to the “multifaceted” (Haider 56) nature of the fear, terror and horror their acknowledgement can bring. Since 1981, there have been, for instance, between some 1,600 and 3,300 road deaths each year in Australia and, while there is evidence of a long term downward trend, the number of deaths per annum has not changed markedly since 1991 (DITRDLG 1, 2), and has risen in some years since then. The U.S.A. marked its millionth road death in 1951 (Ladd) along the way to over 3,000,000 during the 20th century (Advocates). These deaths are far reaching, with U.K. research suggesting that each death there leaves an average of 6 people significantly affected, and that there are some 10 to 20 per cent of mourners who experience more complicated grief and longer term negative affects during this difficult time (‘Pathways Through Grief’). As the placing of roadside memorials has become a common occurrence the world over (Klaassens, Groote, and Vanclay; Grider; Cohen), these are now considered, in MacConville’s opinion, not only “an appropriate, but also an expected response to tragedy”. Hockey and Draper have explored the therapeutic value of the maintenance of “‘continuing bonds’ between the living and the dead” (3). This is, however, only one explanation for the reasons that individuals erect roadside memorials with research suggesting roadside memorials perform two main purposes in their linking of the past with the present—as not only sites of grieving and remembrance, but also of warning (Hartig, and Dunn; Everett; Excell, Roadside Memorials; MacConville). Clark adds that by “localis[ing] and personalis[ing] the road dead,” roadside memorials raise the profile of road trauma by connecting the emotionless statistics of road death directly to individual tragedy. They, thus, transform the highway into not only into a site of past horror, but one in which pain and terror could still happen, and happen at any moment. Despite their increasing commonality and their recognition as cultural artefacts, these memorials thus occupy “an uncomfortable place” both in terms of public policy and for some individuals (Lowe). While in some states of the U.S.A. and in Ireland the erection of such memorials is facilitated by local authorities as components of road safety campaigns, in the U.K. there appears to be “a growing official opposition to the erection of memorials” (MacConville). Criticism has focused on the dangers (of distraction and obstruction) these structures pose to passing traffic and pedestrians, while others protest their erection on aesthetic grounds and even claim memorials can lower property values (Everett). While many ascertain a sense of hope and purpose in the physical act of creating such shrines (see, for instance, Grider; Davies), they form an uncanny presence along the highway and can provide dangerous psychological territory for the viewer (Brien). Alongside the townships, tourist sites, motels, and petrol stations vying to attract customers, they stain the roadway with the unmistakable sign that a violent death has happened—bringing death, and the dead, to the fore as a component of these journeys, and destabilising prominent cultural narratives of technological progress and safety (Richter, Barach, Ben-Michael, and Berman).Conclusion This investigation has followed Goddu who proposes that a Gothic text “registers its culture’s contradictions” (3) and, in profiling these memorials as “intimately connected to the culture that produces them” (Goddu 3) has proposed memorials as Gothic artefacts that can both disturb and reveal. Roadside memorials are, indeed, so loaded with emotional content that their close contemplation can be traumatising (Brien), yet they are inescapable while navigating the roadway. Part of their power resides in their ability to re-animate those persons killed in these violent in the minds of those viewing these memorials. In this way, these individuals are reincarnated as ghostly presences along the highway, forming channels via which the traveller can not only make human contact with the dead, but also come to recognise and ponder their own sense of mortality. While roadside memorials are thus like civic war memorials in bringing untimely death to the forefront of public view, roadside memorials provide a much more raw expression of the chaotic, anarchic and traumatic moment that separates the world of the living from that of the dead. While traditional memorials—such as those dedicated by, and to, Leichhardt—moreover, pay homage to the vitality of the lives of those they commemorate, roadside memorials not only acknowledge the alarming circumstances of unexpected death but also stand testament to the power of the paradox of the incontrovertibility of sudden death versus our lack of ability to postpone it. In this way, further research into these and other examples of Gothic memorialising practice has much to offer various areas of cultural study in Australia.ReferencesAdams, Brian. Sidney Nolan: Such Is Life. Hawthorn, Vic.: Hutchinson, 1987. Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety. “Motor Vehicle Traffic Fatalities & Fatality Rate: 1899-2003.” 2004. Becker, Ernest. The Denial of Death. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1973. Bisceglio, Paul. “How Social Media Is Changing the Way We Approach Death.” The Atlantic 20 Aug. 2013. Botting, Fred. Gothic: The New Critical Idiom. 2nd edition. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2014. Brien, Donna Lee. “Looking at Death with Writers’ Eyes: Developing Protocols for Utilising Roadside Memorials in Creative Writing Classes.” Roadside Memorials. Ed. Jennifer Clark. Armidale, NSW: EMU Press, 2006. 208–216. Campbell, Elaine. “Public Sphere as Assemblage: The Cultural Politics of Roadside Memorialization.” The British Journal of Sociology 64.3 (2013): 526–547. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero. 43 BC. Trans. C. D. Yonge. London: George Bell & Sons, 1903. Clark, Jennifer. “But Statistics Don’t Ride Skateboards, They Don’t Have Nicknames Like ‘Champ’: Personalising the Road Dead with Roadside Memorials.” 7th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. Bath, UK: University of Bath, 2005. Cohen, Erik. “Roadside Memorials in Northeastern Thailand.” OMEGA: Journal of Death and Dying 66.4 (2012–13): 343–363. Connolly, John F., Anne Cullen, and Orfhlaith McTigue. “Single Road Traffic Deaths: Accident or Suicide?” Crisis: The Journal of Crisis Intervention and Suicide Prevention 16.2 (1995): 85–89. Cornack [Coroner]. Transcript of Proceedings. In The Matter of an Inquest into the Cause and Circumstances Surrounding the Death of Jason John Zupp. Towoomba, Qld.: Coroners Court. 12 Oct. 2007. Davies, Douglas. “Locating Hope: The Dynamics of Memorial Sites.” 6th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. York, UK: University of York, 2002. Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government [DITRDLG]. Road Deaths Australia: 2007 Statistical Summary. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2008. Duwe, Grant. “Body-count Journalism: The Presentation of Mass Murder in the News Media.” Homicide Studies 4 (2000): 364–399. Elder, Bruce. Blood on the Wattle: Massacres and Maltreatment of Aboriginal Australians since 1788. Sydney: New Holland, 1998. Erdos, Renee. “Leichhardt, Friedrich Wilhelm Ludwig (1813-1848).” Australian Dictionary of Biography Online Edition. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1967. Everett, Holly. Roadside Crosses in Contemporary Memorial Culture. Austin: Texas UP, 2002. Excell, Gerri. “Roadside Memorials in the UK.” Unpublished MA thesis. Reading: University of Reading, 2004. ———. “Contemporary Deathscapes: A Comparative Analysis of the Material Culture of Roadside Memorials in the US, Australia and the UK.” 7th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. Bath, UK: University of Bath, 2005. Goddu, Teresa A. Gothic America: Narrative, History, and Nation. New York: Columbia UP, 2007. Gorer, Geoffrey. “The Pornography of Death.” Encounter V.4 (1955): 49–52. Grider, Sylvia. “Spontaneous Shrines: A Modern Response to Tragedy and Disaster.” New Directions in Folklore (5 Oct. 2001). Haider, Amna. “War Trauma and Gothic Landscapes of Dispossession and Dislocation in Pat Barker’s Regeneration Trilogy.” Gothic Studies 14.2 (2012): 55–73. Hall, Stephen S. Merchants of Immortality: Chasing the Dream of Human Life Extension. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt, 2003. Hartig, Kate V., and Kevin M. Dunn. “Roadside Memorials: Interpreting New Deathscapes in Newcastle, New South Wales.” Australian Geographical Studies 36 (1998): 5–20. Hockey, Jenny, and Janet Draper. “Beyond the Womb and the Tomb: Identity, (Dis)embodiment and the Life Course.” Body & Society 11.2 (2005): 41–57. Online version: 1–25. Jones, Ian, and Kaye McColl. (2006) “Highway Tragedy.” Goondiwindi Argus 9 Jun. 2006. Kiernan, Stephen P. “The Transformation of Death in America.” Final Acts: Death, Dying, and the Choices We Make. Eds. Nan Bauer-Maglin, and Donna Perry. Rutgers University: Rutgers UP, 2010. 163–182. Klaassens, M., P.D. Groote, and F.M. Vanclay. “Expressions of Private Mourning in Public Space: The Evolving Structure of Spontaneous and Permanent Roadside Memorials in the Netherlands.” Death Studies 37.2 (2013): 145–171. Ladd, Brian. Autophobia: Love and Hate in the Automotive Age. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2008. Leichhardt, Ludwig. Journal of an Overland Expedition of Australia from Moreton Bay to Port Essington, A Distance of Upwards of 3000 Miles during the Years 1844–1845. London, T & W Boone, 1847. Facsimile ed. Sydney: Macarthur Press, n.d. Lowe, Tim. “Roadside Memorials in South Eastern Australia.” 7th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. Bath, UK: University of Bath, 2005. MacConville, Una. “Roadside Memorials.” Bath, UK: Centre for Death & Society, Department of Social and Policy Sciences, University of Bath, 2007. Macintyre, Stuart. “The Making of the Australian Working Class: An Historiographical Survey.” Historical Studies 18.71 (1978): 233–253. Mollinson, James, and Nicholas Bonham. Tucker. South Melbourne: Macmillan Company of Australia, and Australian National Gallery, 1982. Morell, Virginia. “Mournful Creatures.” Lapham’s Quarterly 6.4 (2013): 200–208. Nelson, Victoria. Gothicka: Vampire Heroes, Human Gods, and the New Supernatural. Harvard University: Harvard UP, 2012. “Pathways through Grief.” 1st National Conference on Bereavement in a Healthcare Setting. Dundee, 1–2 Sep. 2008. Piatti-Farnell, Lorna. “Words from the Culinary Crypt: Reading the Recipe as a Haunted/Haunting Text.” M/C Journal 16.3 (2013). Queensland Police. “Fatal Traffic Incident, Goondiwindi [Media Advisory].” 27 Apr. 2005. ———. “Fatal Truck Accident, Taroom.” Media release. 11 Dec. 2005. ———. “Double Fatality, Goondiwindi.” Media release. 5 Jun. 2006. Richter, E. D., P. Barach, E. Ben-Michael, and T. Berman. “Death and Injury from Motor Vehicle Crashes: A Public Health Failure, Not an Achievement.” Injury Prevention 7 (2001): 176–178. Secomb, Linnell. “Haunted Community.” The Politics of Community. Ed. Michael Strysick. Aurora, Co: Davies Group, 2002. 131–150. Spooner, Catherine. Contemporary Gothic. London: Reaktion, 2006.
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