Relevant bibliographies by topics / Macedonia, politics and government

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'Macedonia, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

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Maksimovska, Aleksandra, Aleksandar Stojkov, and Patrick Schmidt. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Ethnic Politics in Macedonia." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.433-451(2015).

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Competing ethno-centered strategies over the local fiscal resources can seriously undermine political and economic stability of ethnically diverse societies. This study investigates the causal link between ethnic diversity and local government finances by focusing on the case of Macedonia. In particular: whether fiscal decentralization is used as a part of broader strategy for prevention and mitigation of inter-ethnic conflicts. The main argument is that low level of political culture and inter-ethnic tensions are frustrating the development of the government policy along a course of decentralization. The study confronts two emerging scenarios regarding decentralization and inter-ethnic relations. The first scenario puts the economic development at the forefront for country’s stability and treats decentralisation as a driving force to achieve this goal. Ethnic problems are expected to be solved along this path as rising economic stability reduces the inter-ethnic tensions. In the second scenario, the inter-ethnic stability is the main pillar of the country’s stability, which is expected to be accomplished through decentralisation. The paper analyses and synthesizes pros and cons of two scenarios from administrative, legal, political and economic perspectives.
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Staniševski, Dragan M., and Hugh T. Miller. "The Role of Government in Managing Intercultural Relations." Administration & Society 41, no. 5 (September 2009): 551–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399709339012.

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When intercultural tensions flare up, governments typically must engage the conflict one way or another. This article questions the possible role of government in transforming these difficult social–cultural–political conflicts into democratic moments. Three theoretical approaches to democracy compete for status in the realm of multicultural politics: majoritarian, consociational, and deliberative democracy. The multicultural features of these three theoretical models are compared in the context of one divided society, Macedonia, a place where the government has been assigned a new role: to implement a policy regarding multicultural inclusion. Since the so‐called Framework Agreement of 2001 has been in effect, interethnic conflict in Macedonia has not been the overheated political problem it was at the inception of the Agreement, even though cultural groups remain divided, anxieties continue, and policy processes are mostly top–down.
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Stefoska, Irena, and Darko Stojanov. "A tale in stone and bronze: old/new strategies for political mobilization in the Republic of Macedonia." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 3 (May 2017): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1308346.

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The redesign of Skopje's main square and the wider central area in the last six years has been a top priority of the Macedonian government. The project, called Skopje 2014, provoked intense domestic debate and controversy as well as international reaction and concern. Although officials say that project's aim is to unify ethnic Macedonians, it has produced several lines of political, intra-ethnic/interethnic as well as intra-cultural/intercultural divisions in the fragile Macedonian society. The aim of the paper is to offer reflections about its mobilizing potential among ethnic Macedonians in a set of social, economic, and political contexts. In that sense, four areas of mobilization are suggested: (1) around new identity markers; (2) around the name dispute and against threats (real or imagined) to the ethnic and national identity; (3) against the internal Other, that is, the ethnic Albanian community, as well as critics of these identity politics; and (4) in reaction to the global financial crisis and problems within the EU.
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Rudol'fovič-Ajrapetov, Oleg. "Russian politics in the Balkans and the 1903 crisis." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, no. 1 (2023): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-42517.

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After the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion, the situation in the Far East became increasingly dangerous. The contradictions between Russia and Japan in Manchuria and Korea were growing. To activate its policy in the Far East, Saint Petersburg needed a calm rear in Europe and the Balkans. Meanwhile, the situation in Macedonia threatened to put this rear in jeopardy. Russian-Ottoman relations were threatened by the actions of the VMRO activists and acts of terror committed by Albanians against Russian diplomats. Neither Constantinople nor Saint Petersburg wanted further complications. Nevertheless, Russia was forced to organize a naval demonstration and send its Black Sea Fleet Squadron to the European coast of Turkey. That did not lead to further development of the crisis. Faced with the prospect of a common European diplomatic front, which was based on the Russian-Austrian agreement in Mürzsteg, the Ottoman government took a number of measures against the organizers of terror and accepted a reform program in Macedonia, proposed by Russia and Austria-Hungary
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Hubbell, Larry, and Veli Kreci. "The Importance of Introducing a Merit-Based Hiring System in North Macedonian Governments." SEEU Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2019-0023.

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AbstractIn this article, the authors present several topics related to the nascent development of a merit-based hiring system in North Macedonia. This paper employs a normative approach. We advocate for a merit-based hiring system, similar to the American model. First, we explore the pressure exerted by the European Commission to adopt a merit-based system at all levels of government as a condition for entry into the European Union. Second, we delve into the patronage system in North Macedonia. Third, we provide a short history of patronage in the United States and the difficulty that nation had in curbing its entrenched patronage system. Fourth, we discuss the advantages of a merit-based hiring system, namely the creation of good governance, the improvement of employee morale, the development of more public confidence in government, the reduction of the influence of ethnic politics and the furtherance of the rule of law. Finally, we present an example drawn from the American federal government about the basic procedures of a merit-based hiring process.
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Spasovska, Katerina, and Iso Rusi. "From ‘Chaos’ to ‘Order’: The Transition of the Media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03901003.

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The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.
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Dalipi, Samet. "Political and Security dimensions on Settling Kosovo-North Macedonian Border Demarcation." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.369.

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Drawing borders in post-conflict situations is a challenging undertaking between two or more actors that often ends up in arbitration. In some cases, it produces a political confrontation that may turn into a cycle of violence. This article sheds light on the dynamics of political and security challenges, the interaction of the foreign actors and the role of the local government and civic activism in resolving disputes related to the Kosovo-Macedonia border. This article focuses on the obstacles that came from the non-definition of the status of Kosovo and the popular and institutional dissatisfaction regarding the agreement on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), bypassing Kosovo and UNMIK from decisionmaking. Secondly, it asks whether these two sovereign countries have had the right to decide on the part of the border that separates Kosovo and Macedonia and was it an appropriate moment to reach an agreement on the border in tense situation between Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia? If so, why was Kosovo not included in the final stage of implementation of the agreement? Third, in unclear situation with Kosovo political status, which of the parties to the agreement would be able undertake practical ground activity, that of placing the border stones and which kind of writings will take place on them: „Serbia” and „Macedonia”, or „Kosovo” and „Macedonia”? Could the implementation of the agreement be postponed, at least for the part that divided Kosovo and Macedonia, and completed instead after the final status of Kosovo was determined? We argue that political momentum between Kosovo-Macedonia-Serbia triangle did not favor achieve such sensitive agreement between newly created states of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and FYROM. Excluding Kosovo provisional institutions and UN civil administration from the border agreement was a mistake that produced instability, hostility and additional bitterness in interethnic relations at the early stages, followed by the status quo. And, finally, including Kosovo as a partner in implementing the border issue paved the way for interstate cooperation that led to Macedonia’s recognition of Kosovo, which erupt a short wave of anti-Macedonian rhetoric by both, Serbian political leadership and people protests. The evidence used for the arguments presented were positivists qualitative methods such as social survey and official statistics. The principle of uti possidetis was applied on the border disputes in the period after the breakup of Yugoslavia, and also in the case of the demarcation of the border between Kosovo and the states of Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as the best solution because it lies in „its primary aim of securing respect for the territorial boundaries at the moment when independence is achieved”. In drawing conclusions related to the article topic, I used a combined methodology of literature research, comparative analyses and positivist qualitative methods such as social surveys through structured questionnaires, official statistics, interviewing the bearers of the institutions of the time and members of the technical commission for border demarcation. Archive of Kosovo Parliament and personal files also became important sources.
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Petreski, Marjan. "Exploring Diaspora Contribution to North Macedonia’s Development." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 3 (December 10, 2019): 304–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04303005.

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The objective of this article is to qualitatively assess the scope of diaspora contribution to the economic development of North Macedonia. The author’s key argument is that diaspora presents an indispensable source of opportunities for helping the development of the country. The author collected qualitative data and used existing quantitative data, and set them in an exploratory framework. Findings suggest that diaspora works positively for the economic and, broadly societal development of North Macedonia. The contribution of the various forms of diaspora engagement has been assessed as positive. The more systematic evidence existing on the role of remittances in development supports their poverty-alleviation role, as well their acting as informal social protection for the receiving households. However, findings suggest that the potential for diaspora engagement in North Macedonia’s development remains significantly underutilized, particularly in terms of diaspora investment. The insufficiently systematic approach in dealing with the issue, government inefficiency and the perception of political uncertainty and the (deficiency in) rule of law are identified key stumbling blocks.
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Troebst, Stefan. "On Trying To Be a Historian of Eastern Europe”: A Migratory Interim Balance. Part 2." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.10.

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This autobiographic (and thus highly subjective) text asks what motived a non-Eastern European, born in 1955 in West Germany, to become a historian of Eastern Europe. The answers are, on the one hand, an interest in (Slavic) languages and (Cold War) politics, and, to a lesser extent, family background, and, on the other, coincidence and the opportunities for fellowship. Part 1 of the article traced the author’s biography from his high-school years to his first modest academic achievements. Part 2 covers his professional path till retirement in 2021 – leading not only to universities like Uppsala, Hamburg, and finally Leipzig, but also into international institutions outside academia, such as the Slavic Unit of the British Military Government of Berlin, the CSCE / OSCE missions of long-duration in Macedonia and Moldova (in particular in the Dnestr region and Gagauzia), and – as founding director – to the Danish-German European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) in Flensburg.
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Walsh, Dawn. "Constitutional courts as arbiters of post-conflict territorial self-government: Bosnia and Macedonia." Regional & Federal Studies 29, no. 1 (August 17, 2018): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2018.1511980.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.

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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Lianou, Margarita. "The sources of royal power : a study on the migration of power structures from the kingdom of Argead Makedonia to early Ptolemaic Egypt." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1966.

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This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template.
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Rockel, Adam J. "The Efficacy of Decentralization in the Republic of Macedonia." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1218568627.

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Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.
Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill
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Agelopoulos, Georgios. "Cultures and politics in rural Greek Macedonia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627663.

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Hughes, Steven. "After the democracy : Athens under Phocion (322/1-319/8 B.C.)." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0256.

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After the defeat of the Greek forces in the Lamian War the Athenians agreed to Antipater's demand for unconditional surrender. As result of the terms the Macedonian general demanded Phocion became pre-eminent in Athens for a few years from 322/1 to 319/8 B.C. It is my belief that, although he did not seek to become leader in Athens, Phocion none-the-less accepted his new role out of a sense of duty and a firm belief that he was the only person suited for the job. Here was a man whose logical, pragmatic and unemotional attitude to political and world affairs enabled him to rise above what he believed to be the short-sightedness of his contemporaries and accurately assess the future for Athens and the city-state's place in the new world order. Of course our picture of Phocion is taken, mainly, from Plutarch's encomiastic Life of Phocion. According to his account the Athenian general and statesman did not want war but peace and prosperity. He did not believe the Athenians capable of defeating Macedonia. Instead, he felt that the people should accept their new position in the world and make the best of the situation. It should not be forgotten, however, that Plutarch was writing at a time when Europe was under the yoke of the new superpower: Rome. He saw the benefits of living in Greece at a time when the city-states were no longer continually involved in internecine warfare. It was, perhaps, this appreciation of the state of his own world, gained with the benefit of hindsight, that gave rise to his admiration of (what he perceived to be) Phocion's foresight. Phocion appeared to understand, as Plutarch did, that there was no reason why Athens could not still be prosperous. Plutarch's Phocion saw the city-state's future as no longer being primarily reliant on military preparedness but rather on trade and sound economic policy. With the protection of the powerful Macedonian overlord Athens would be free to enjoy life in relative peace and prosperity. Ultimately, Plutarch has had a significant influence on our understanding and appreciation of Phocion the general, statesman and man. The aim of this paper then is, with the use of other primary and secondary sources, to look beyond Plutarch's encomium and attempt to find the real Phocion. In particular, I will be examining the aging general's role in Athenian affairs after the Lamian War. This pivotal time in Athenian history has received too little attention. Life in Athens changed dramatically after Antipater defeated the Greek forces at the Battle of Crannon. The Athenians lost their freedom and autonomy and were fated never to regain the hegemony of the Greeks. Moreover, they had failed to live up to the glorious deeds of their ancestors. It was Phocion's task to help his people to come to terms with this new state of affairs and to find a place for Athens in the new world order. And so, political life in Athens was turned upside down as democracy was changed to oligarchy.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Michalopoulos, Georgios. "Political parties, irredentism and the Foreign Ministry : Greece and Macedonia, 1878-1910." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cdc024cb-2d15-4c67-8687-881267934f39.

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The Macedonian Question has attracted much attention since the 1990s due to the emergence of the dispute over the name of Macedonia between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. In Greece there is a prolific literature on this subject, but some basic questions remain unanswered. In particular, the role of the government, and of government institutions – especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – have attracted little or no attention: on the contrary, historians have focused on the „heroes‟ of the conflict, the fighters themselves, the result being that the Macedonian Question is understood as a military fight of good versus evil. In this D.Phil. thesis, we examine how the government got involved with the Macedonian Question and second, in what ways it was involved, especially given that an official acknowledgement of the government‟s involvement with the paramilitary operations was diplomatically impossible. We approached these questions by examining the personal archives of Greek politicians and diplomats (most notably of the Dragoumis family) and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, especially the Archives of the Greek Embassies in London, Paris and Constantinople, which have only recently become available. The key finding is that the Greek government, despite its declarations to the opposite effect, was involved heavily with the paramilitary fighting in Macedonia, but also that the official involvement with Macedonia was constrained and influenced by electoral concerns and by the powerful Macedonian lobbies in Athens. Decisions were rarely made in a rational, bureaucratic way, but were more often reached after consultations with journalists, military officers and intellectuals and always bearing domestic political realities in mind. These findings suggest that future research should move away from understanding the „Macedonian Struggle‟ solely as a military issue, and put it into the wider context of early twentieth-century Greek political and diplomatic history.
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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Books on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

1

Pekar, Harvey. Macedonia. New York: Villard, 2007.

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USA Project on Ethnic Relations--Princeton. Macedonia: Agenda 2006 : Mavrova, Macedonia, December 13-14, 2005. Princeton, N.J: Project on Ethnic Relations, 2006.

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Jakimovski, Ljubomir, and Filip Korženski. The Republic of Macedonia. Skopje: SIBIS, 2011.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., ed. Bosnia and Macedonia: U.S. military operations. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

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Carol, Migdalovitz, and Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, eds. Macedonia (Skopje): Recognition and conflict prevention. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Bosnia and Macedonia: U.S. military operations. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Bosnia and Macedonia: U.S. military operations. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

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Barbara, Feinstein, and Project on Ethnic Relations--Princeton, USA., eds. Macedonia's interethnic coalition: The first six months : May 10-11, 2003, Mavrovo, Macedonia. Princeton, N.J: Project on Ethnic Relations, 2003.

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Ǵoko, Popovski, and Macedonia (Republic) Sobranie, eds. Republika Makedonija Sobranie =: Assembly Republic of Macedonia. Skopje: Sobranie na Republika Makedonija, 1994.

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Pettifer, James. Macedonia: Names, nomenclaturas and NATO. [Shrivenham, England]: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Advanced Research and Assessment Group, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Macedonia." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 383–85. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_32.

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Hartley, Cathy. "North Macedonia." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 476–77. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-130.

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Töpfer, Jochen. "Macedonia." In Constitutional Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 307–31. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-13762-5_13.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Avirovic Bundalevska, Irena. "Postsocialist Migration from North Macedonia." In Decolonial Politics in European Peripheries, 76–89. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003246848-7.

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Nikolov, Marjan. "Macedonia: Local Government Efficiency and Ethnic Fragmentation." In Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 203–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_7.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Conference papers on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

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JAKIMOVSKI, Jorde. "CITIZENS PARTICIPATION IN ADDRESSING LOCAL PROBLEMS: A CASE STUDY OF REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.215.

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The paper discusses the level of satisfaction of the local government performance and certain forms of citizen’s participation in the improvement of the quality of life in the rural communities, such as creating new job positions, improvement of the infrastructure, creating better opportunities for the children, and decreasing of the poverty. Politicians often make big promises before elections while talking about democracy, rule of law and citizens well-being. After their election, however, they forget about the problems of their fellow citizens. Citizens then feel helpless, fall in apathy and hopelessness, and take a distance from politics and the vital questions for their rural community. The paper will show some data related to these issues gathered from a research conducted by the author in 2016 on a representative sample of 640 respondents on the territory of Republic of Macedonia. The research results show the current situation of the citizen’s satisfaction from the local government with respect to the solutions of water supply and sewerage, transport of citizens, opening of new jobs, building of social services facilities, opportunities for culture and recreational activities, and they ways in which the citizens influenced the local government. The results mostly reflect dissatisfaction with the work of the local government in addressing local problems, the underdeveloped mechanism of public participation, low level of human capital in rural local governments and other problems.
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Ambarkov, Nikola. "THE EFFECTIVE NUMBER OF PARLIAMENTARY PARTIES AS AN ASSUMPTION OF THE STABILITY OF THE REPRESENTATIVE BODY. THE PERFORMANCE OF THE MACEDONIAN ASSEMBLY IN THE PAST MORE THAN THREE DECADES OF POLITICAL PLURALISM." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.8.1.23.p31.

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Even before the formal negotiation process of the Republic of North Macedonia (RNM) for membership in the European Union began, the important role that the Parliament should play in this process was highlighted. The main contribution of the Parliament to the European integration process should be ensuring the sustainability of the reforms. The Assembly is the key place for organizing a dialogue between the government, the opposition, and civil society about the far-reaching goals of the reforms that will be made in the rapprochement process. And the European Commission further emphasized that it sees the national parliaments of the countries of the Western Balkans as a link between the citizens and Brussels. Without a stable, functional, effective representative body, these challenges will not be met. In every developed democracy, the problem of the relationship between the government and the political parties represented in the parliament has always been an actual issue. The increase in the number of political forces in the parliament leads to the need to form coalitions and, accordingly, the greater the fragmentation of political interests, the more difficult it is to build consensus, which should imply an agreement between influential MPs, regardless of whether they are in the majority or the opposition. Hence, the aim of this paper is an analysis of the representation of political forces in the Macedonian parliament in the last ten election cycles through the “index of the effective number of parties” as a tool, designed to consider the problem of balance between the representation and effectiveness of the elected bodies and their dependence from the electoral mechanisms. For this purpose, first, in a theoretical sense, the typologies of party systems and the index for the effective number of parties (developed by Estonian political scientists Laakso and Taagepera) will be reviewed. Then, with the help of this index, will be determined the number of effective parliamentary parties in the past ten parliamentary compositions in RNM. The RNM is very convenient for such an analysis because in the country’s three-decade plural history different electoral models were applied – in the parliamentary elections in 1990 and 1994, the majority, in 1998, there was a mixed (parallel) model, and since 2002, a proportional model has been applied.
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Misheva, Kristina, and Marija Ampovska. "THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF TELEHEALTH." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22436.

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Telehealth seems to be the new normal in this fast-changing environment. According to the European Commission eHealth was among the highest priorities before the COVID -19 pandemic. Transformation of health and care in the digital single market is among the EU`s six political priorities of the Commission 2019-2024 (2018 Communication on Digital Health and Care). The pandemic caused by COVID-19 just accelerates the necessity of the inclusion of digital health into the traditional healthcare systems. Telehealth services are among the biggest eHealth trends in EU. Therefore, one of the challenges is the national, regional and regulatory priorities regarding telehealth. There is lack of telehealth special legislative and governmental policies that needs to stimulate the developing and innovative solutions in medicine through technology and to envisage the upcoming innovation technology. Therefore, the government support and adequate policy making is important to support the development of the telehealth services. One of the main challenges is the electronic transactions of patient data among the telehealth providers and services and the cross-border patient data share. Another issue is the exchange of information among the national health institutions and providers and their interoperability. The Macedonian legislation does not have special legislation (policies, or laws) about telehealth. Telehealth is regulated as a term in the Law on health protection. Additionally, there is a lack of national acts, literature, and research in this subject matter. Thus, this paper will explore the telehealth from two main perspectives: scientific theories and legal practice and the users’ practice. Hence, this paper will analyze the legislation about the telehealth on the EU level and the EU Member States and the Macedonian legislation and the impact on the e-health that was made during COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, it will make comparative analyses among different countries into the EU zone compared with the EU aspirant country- the Republic of North Macedonia. A survey conducted among doctors in private and public healthcare institutions in the primary, secondary, and tertiary healthcare levels in the city of Stip and in the city of Skopje will provide data about the challenges, risks, and trends in telehealth before and during COVID -19.
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Nikolovski, Marjan, Marjan Mladenovski, and Frosina Nikolovska. "TYPES OF CORRUPTION IN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p23.

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Corruption as a phenomenon today is one of the most serious threats to the rule of law. It means that instead of the rule of law and its norms, individuals are governed, guided by lucrative goals and in accordance with their interests. It is a form of government dominated by self-love and self-government as a manifest form, followed by a reference to (often business) interests. Furthermore, it is a social situation and practice that adversely affects overall social development, slows down economic processes, deteriorates social security and undermines perceptions and beliefs about the value of principles, in particular the principles of legality, equality, and freedom. Corruption poses is a serious threat to democracy, justice and human rights, justice and social justice and impedes the economic development of states. Corruption runs counter to the principle of the rule of law and poses a direct threat to democratic institutions and the moral foundations of society. There are various forms of corruption, such as: political corruption, corruption in the judiciary, health, police, education and so on. One of the less researched forms of corruption is corruption in education with a particular aspect of higher education, a form of which is little talked about and the under-researched types of corrupt practices in higher education. From this point of view, the Faculty of Security conducted a five-year research on “Public opinion of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia on corruption where a significant space is devoted to corruption in education with 158 emphasis on the university education. The paper also provides an analysis of the Erasmus court case, which specifically addresses corruption in university education. Key words: corruption, shapes, corruption in university education, types
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Petrevska, Biljana, and Jasmina Mishoska Simov. "SYSTEMS OF COMPANY MANAGEMENT IN MACEDONIA." In 4th International Scientific – Business Conference LIMEN 2018 – Leadership & Management: Integrated Politics of Research and Innovations. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia et all, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2018.199.

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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Angelova, Ivana. "Building moratorium as a future instrument for tackling unsustainable urban growth." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/ftam9222.

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We live in times when our planet is overloaded with issues coming from human activities where additional mechanisms to preserve the quality of life are essential. Modern societies experience constant internal dynamics. The uncontrolled urban growth leading to dense and unmanageable environment is a main urban issue cities face today. This is a prevailing problem in the developing countries where the construction industry is booming. Overall, while there is a rush to development there are also some conflicting interests and policies that are leading to unsustainable urban growth. To regulate a property development a local government can try to impose a moratorium on the issuance of building permits and this can be agreed upon all the interest parties or it may be imposed by operation of law (Lehman and Phelps, 2005). Oftentimes local authorities will impose a building moratorium to tackle development in order to have time to make a satisfactory urban plan or to make some changes and update the regulations. The land use control objective is to promote good planning values supported by the whole community. This is done by regulating the urban growth and it is best implemented on a carefully contemplated comprehensive plan. During a time a new plan is being drafted and growth balance is achieved some construction demand may arise based on an existing outdated, inadequate urban plan. If this demands are met “the ultimate worth of the eventual plan could be undermined” and this where the moratorium comes in place (Coon, 2010). The resources of academic literature on the case are somewhat in short supply and mainly based on describing specific case scenarios without a critical thought on the tool itself. Based on the resources the paper will look at a few different cases in developed countries using the growth management systems and one southeast european case - the city of Skopje, Macedonia that adopted the building moratorium system in January 2018. The author of this paper was personally involved in the decision making process in that time and will try to elaborate on how the tool was being used. The validity should be determined by weighing its impact on the affected parties and more comprehensive research in the economic repercussions of the mechanism is needed. A building moratorium is oftentimes a political decision and it's downside is that political parties would use it merely for their own purposes.
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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Naneva, Dimitrina. "LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT: REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA/ REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA – PARALLELS." In 4th INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE GEOBALCANICA 2018. Geobalcanica Society, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18509/gbp.2018.43.

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Reports on the topic "Macedonia, politics and government"

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Radvánszki, András. The 2021 Census in North Macedonia: Debates and Tensions. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.31.

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North Macedonia has successfully conducted a national census after a twenty-year hiatus. The census shows a catastrophic demographic decline and a sharp fall in the proportion of ethnic Macedonians. It has also had an important influence on the debate regarding the country’s ethnic composition and powersharing mechanism, which has been going on for two decades. The results of the census give new momentum to the political cohabitation dictated by the Ohrid Framework Agreement and the incessant fights between the representatives of the Macedonian and Albanian communities for more political influence and resources. Despite the positive reactions of the government and the praise of the international community, the controversies that have emerged regarding the results, the negative attitude of the parties, and the hostile behaviour of many political actors will further deepen the existing political fault lines and may lead to renewed ethnic conflicts.
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Dedeken, Chiara, and Kevin Osborne. Repatriating FTFs from Syria: Learning from the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.23.wb.

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Four countries in the Western Balkan region (Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro) are in the top ten countries with the most foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) per capita. The political will to repatriate FTFs remains strong, at least in the Western Balkans, despite delays in 2020 due to COVID-19. In other parts of the world, especially high-income countries, political will to repatriate is considerably lower. COVID-19 has further constrained nations in their efforts to repatriate law-abiding citizens, which is less controversial than FTF families. Based on discussions with government officials and security officers in the Western Balkans as well as international experts and donors, this policy note provides operational recommendations to move forward with repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of returnees building on lessons from repatriations in Albania, Kosovo, and North Macedonia. It urges governments globally to double down on repatriation efforts and to call on experience from governments in the Balkans to bring back their FTFs now. The recommendations in this policy note are relevant to any country where political will to repatriate FTFs can be generated.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.
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Vangelov, Ognen. Bulgaria’s Claims on the Macedonian Ethno-Linguistic Identity. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.72.

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Bulgaria’s veto on opening North Macedonia’s accession talks with the EU has internationalized a bilateral historical dispute that is obscure and perplexing to international observers. This article explores the genesis of this historical dispute and how it has been rationalized by the current Bulgarian political and academic elites. The dispute concerning the origin of the Macedonian ethno-linguistic identity is a legacy of both Bulgaria’s nation-building processes and its politics of continued grievances about the “injustice” done to Bulgaria and Bulgarians ever since the annulment of the San Stefano Treaty in 1878. Bulgaria’s current formulation of the problem was canonized in the 1960s by its communist leader, Todor Zhivkov, and continues to shape Bulgaria’s foreign policy toward North Macedonia.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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