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1
Maksimovska, Aleksandra, Aleksandar Stojkov, and Patrick Schmidt. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Ethnic Politics in Macedonia." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.433-451(2015).
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Competing ethno-centered strategies over the local fiscal resources can seriously undermine political and economic stability of ethnically diverse societies. This study investigates the causal link between ethnic diversity and local government finances by focusing on the case of Macedonia. In particular: whether fiscal decentralization is used as a part of broader strategy for prevention and mitigation of inter-ethnic conflicts. The main argument is that low level of political culture and inter-ethnic tensions are frustrating the development of the government policy along a course of decentralization. The study confronts two emerging scenarios regarding decentralization and inter-ethnic relations. The first scenario puts the economic development at the forefront for country’s stability and treats decentralisation as a driving force to achieve this goal. Ethnic problems are expected to be solved along this path as rising economic stability reduces the inter-ethnic tensions. In the second scenario, the inter-ethnic stability is the main pillar of the country’s stability, which is expected to be accomplished through decentralisation. The paper analyses and synthesizes pros and cons of two scenarios from administrative, legal, political and economic perspectives.
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Staniševski, Dragan M., and Hugh T. Miller. "The Role of Government in Managing Intercultural Relations." Administration & Society 41, no. 5 (September 2009): 551–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399709339012.
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When intercultural tensions flare up, governments typically must engage the conflict one way or another. This article questions the possible role of government in transforming these difficult social–cultural–political conflicts into democratic moments. Three theoretical approaches to democracy compete for status in the realm of multicultural politics: majoritarian, consociational, and deliberative democracy. The multicultural features of these three theoretical models are compared in the context of one divided society, Macedonia, a place where the government has been assigned a new role: to implement a policy regarding multicultural inclusion. Since the so‐called Framework Agreement of 2001 has been in effect, interethnic conflict in Macedonia has not been the overheated political problem it was at the inception of the Agreement, even though cultural groups remain divided, anxieties continue, and policy processes are mostly top–down.
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Stefoska, Irena, and Darko Stojanov. "A tale in stone and bronze: old/new strategies for political mobilization in the Republic of Macedonia." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 3 (May 2017): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1308346.
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The redesign of Skopje's main square and the wider central area in the last six years has been a top priority of the Macedonian government. The project, called Skopje 2014, provoked intense domestic debate and controversy as well as international reaction and concern. Although officials say that project's aim is to unify ethnic Macedonians, it has produced several lines of political, intra-ethnic/interethnic as well as intra-cultural/intercultural divisions in the fragile Macedonian society. The aim of the paper is to offer reflections about its mobilizing potential among ethnic Macedonians in a set of social, economic, and political contexts. In that sense, four areas of mobilization are suggested: (1) around new identity markers; (2) around the name dispute and against threats (real or imagined) to the ethnic and national identity; (3) against the internal Other, that is, the ethnic Albanian community, as well as critics of these identity politics; and (4) in reaction to the global financial crisis and problems within the EU.
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Rudol'fovič-Ajrapetov, Oleg. "Russian politics in the Balkans and the 1903 crisis." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, no. 1 (2023): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-42517.
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After the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion, the situation in the Far East became increasingly dangerous. The contradictions between Russia and Japan in Manchuria and Korea were growing. To activate its policy in the Far East, Saint Petersburg needed a calm rear in Europe and the Balkans. Meanwhile, the situation in Macedonia threatened to put this rear in jeopardy. Russian-Ottoman relations were threatened by the actions of the VMRO activists and acts of terror committed by Albanians against Russian diplomats. Neither Constantinople nor Saint Petersburg wanted further complications. Nevertheless, Russia was forced to organize a naval demonstration and send its Black Sea Fleet Squadron to the European coast of Turkey. That did not lead to further development of the crisis. Faced with the prospect of a common European diplomatic front, which was based on the Russian-Austrian agreement in Mürzsteg, the Ottoman government took a number of measures against the organizers of terror and accepted a reform program in Macedonia, proposed by Russia and Austria-Hungary
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Hubbell, Larry, and Veli Kreci. "The Importance of Introducing a Merit-Based Hiring System in North Macedonian Governments." SEEU Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2019-0023.
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AbstractIn this article, the authors present several topics related to the nascent development of a merit-based hiring system in North Macedonia. This paper employs a normative approach. We advocate for a merit-based hiring system, similar to the American model. First, we explore the pressure exerted by the European Commission to adopt a merit-based system at all levels of government as a condition for entry into the European Union. Second, we delve into the patronage system in North Macedonia. Third, we provide a short history of patronage in the United States and the difficulty that nation had in curbing its entrenched patronage system. Fourth, we discuss the advantages of a merit-based hiring system, namely the creation of good governance, the improvement of employee morale, the development of more public confidence in government, the reduction of the influence of ethnic politics and the furtherance of the rule of law. Finally, we present an example drawn from the American federal government about the basic procedures of a merit-based hiring process.
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Spasovska, Katerina, and Iso Rusi. "From ‘Chaos’ to ‘Order’: The Transition of the Media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03901003.
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The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.
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Dalipi, Samet. "Political and Security dimensions on Settling Kosovo-North Macedonian Border Demarcation." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.369.
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Drawing borders in post-conflict situations is a challenging undertaking between two or more actors that often ends up in arbitration. In some cases, it produces a political confrontation that may turn into a cycle of violence. This article sheds light on the dynamics of political and security challenges, the interaction of the foreign actors and the role of the local government and civic activism in resolving disputes related to the Kosovo-Macedonia border. This article focuses on the obstacles that came from the non-definition of the status of Kosovo and the popular and institutional dissatisfaction regarding the agreement on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), bypassing Kosovo and UNMIK from decisionmaking. Secondly, it asks whether these two sovereign countries have had the right to decide on the part of the border that separates Kosovo and Macedonia and was it an appropriate moment to reach an agreement on the border in tense situation between Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia? If so, why was Kosovo not included in the final stage of implementation of the agreement? Third, in unclear situation with Kosovo political status, which of the parties to the agreement would be able undertake practical ground activity, that of placing the border stones and which kind of writings will take place on them: „Serbia” and „Macedonia”, or „Kosovo” and „Macedonia”? Could the implementation of the agreement be postponed, at least for the part that divided Kosovo and Macedonia, and completed instead after the final status of Kosovo was determined? We argue that political momentum between Kosovo-Macedonia-Serbia triangle did not favor achieve such sensitive agreement between newly created states of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and FYROM. Excluding Kosovo provisional institutions and UN civil administration from the border agreement was a mistake that produced instability, hostility and additional bitterness in interethnic relations at the early stages, followed by the status quo. And, finally, including Kosovo as a partner in implementing the border issue paved the way for interstate cooperation that led to Macedonia’s recognition of Kosovo, which erupt a short wave of anti-Macedonian rhetoric by both, Serbian political leadership and people protests. The evidence used for the arguments presented were positivists qualitative methods such as social survey and official statistics. The principle of uti possidetis was applied on the border disputes in the period after the breakup of Yugoslavia, and also in the case of the demarcation of the border between Kosovo and the states of Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as the best solution because it lies in „its primary aim of securing respect for the territorial boundaries at the moment when independence is achieved”. In drawing conclusions related to the article topic, I used a combined methodology of literature research, comparative analyses and positivist qualitative methods such as social surveys through structured questionnaires, official statistics, interviewing the bearers of the institutions of the time and members of the technical commission for border demarcation. Archive of Kosovo Parliament and personal files also became important sources.
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Petreski, Marjan. "Exploring Diaspora Contribution to North Macedonia’s Development." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 3 (December 10, 2019): 304–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04303005.
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The objective of this article is to qualitatively assess the scope of diaspora contribution to the economic development of North Macedonia. The author’s key argument is that diaspora presents an indispensable source of opportunities for helping the development of the country. The author collected qualitative data and used existing quantitative data, and set them in an exploratory framework. Findings suggest that diaspora works positively for the economic and, broadly societal development of North Macedonia. The contribution of the various forms of diaspora engagement has been assessed as positive. The more systematic evidence existing on the role of remittances in development supports their poverty-alleviation role, as well their acting as informal social protection for the receiving households. However, findings suggest that the potential for diaspora engagement in North Macedonia’s development remains significantly underutilized, particularly in terms of diaspora investment. The insufficiently systematic approach in dealing with the issue, government inefficiency and the perception of political uncertainty and the (deficiency in) rule of law are identified key stumbling blocks.
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Troebst, Stefan. "On Trying To Be a Historian of Eastern Europe”: A Migratory Interim Balance. Part 2." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.10.
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This autobiographic (and thus highly subjective) text asks what motived a non-Eastern European, born in 1955 in West Germany, to become a historian of Eastern Europe. The answers are, on the one hand, an interest in (Slavic) languages and (Cold War) politics, and, to a lesser extent, family background, and, on the other, coincidence and the opportunities for fellowship. Part 1 of the article traced the author’s biography from his high-school years to his first modest academic achievements. Part 2 covers his professional path till retirement in 2021 – leading not only to universities like Uppsala, Hamburg, and finally Leipzig, but also into international institutions outside academia, such as the Slavic Unit of the British Military Government of Berlin, the CSCE / OSCE missions of long-duration in Macedonia and Moldova (in particular in the Dnestr region and Gagauzia), and – as founding director – to the Danish-German European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) in Flensburg.
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Walsh, Dawn. "Constitutional courts as arbiters of post-conflict territorial self-government: Bosnia and Macedonia." Regional & Federal Studies 29, no. 1 (August 17, 2018): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2018.1511980.
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Murtezani, Lulzim, and Kushtrim Ahmeti. "The University of Tetova: A Glorious Temple Built on the Nation’s Sacrifice for Culture and Justice Acknowledgement." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v5i3.p61-67.
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In different historical periods, famous people have sacrificed themselves on behalf of their substantial beliefs in the function of promoting scientific knowledge. Likewise, many of them, with an uncompromising piety have contributed to the establishment of institutions to ensure its advancement. Not long ago, by the end of the 20th century, in a Macedonian town – now North Macedonia, in Tetovo - the first Albanian-language university was founded as a product of citizens’ collective willpower for ethnic and cultural identity actualization in the field of education. It is fairly said that its founding history is hurtful and atypical for a higher education institution. Therefore, through this article we will tend to elaborate the specificities of its evolution by describing two development stories based on the collected data using the archival study method. In the first one, we will give light to some of events of essential importance of its establishment, in a time and context of communist regime that led an ethnic groups marginalization politics in a multiethnic society. Our focus will be the police actions by the government of the time in order to brutally crush the pro-University civic movement, which led to murder and imprisoning of Albanian intellectuals, professors and youngsters, but with unsuccessful epilogue. Subsequently, we will present the second story of this major national project: from the moment if its institutional legalization in 2004 to the present. Today, this university represents the nucleus of the Albanian emancipation in RNM, by promoting social, multicultural and especially scientific and academic values. At the end we will emphasize the vision, strengths of this University, such are women empowering, intercultural dialogue and its internationalization.
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Revizionizam i (zlo)upotreba historije od strane Bugarske prema Sjevernoj Makedoniji i njenoj integraciji u Europsku uniju." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.134.
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History is a social science, which is concurrently humanistic since it offers not only knowledge about the past, but through the study of historical processes and phenomena influences the creation of a representation of today's concepts and social processes. History is the foundation on which the personality of each individual is built and formed, particularly in education where history models the mankind about their knowledge of themselves and others. Unfortunately, in more or less all Balkan historiographies there is a certain extent of history mythologizing, reinterpretation of facts depending on the needs of usually the government or certain structures and centers of power, and the imposition of truth that should not be discussed, or what is written in textbooks. That is why the mentioned structures create purposeful crises, and then they manage them and, if necessary, resolve them. Socio-political relations are changing and most frequently, apart from a small circle of people who have an interest, ordinary people and society as a whole suffer from long-term harmful consequences that can often get out of control. That is why history has become a powerful weapon that is very often used to manipulate and achieve various, mostly political goals. That is why it is difficult to be a historian in the Balkans! It is quite normal and logical for historians to argue and disagree about certain historical processes and phenomena, but the problem is that because of the above mentioned, historians become an instrument for achieving a certain goal and ideology. One such example is North Macedonia, which suffers consequences in its development, position in the world and realization of its strategic goals precisely because of the (mis)use of history and historical revisionism. This is particularly pronounced by the blocking of North Macedonia to start the negotiations for EU membership by Bulgaria due to the history and processes in the past that are not in line with the so-called Bulgarian historical narrative. Using an argument of force, not facts, using its better international position, Bulgaria creates and imposes a narrative on the Bulgarian identity of the Macedonian people, and the Macedonian language for the Bulgarian dialect, with the relativization of the then Bulgarian participation in the fascist coalition, and the negation of the occupying regime. This is utterly inappropriate for one state to intervene in this way on the history and historical facts of another state. Bilateral disputes are not new to Europe, but the way and pressure that Bulgaria is exerting on North Macedonia is morally and legally unjustified, in which a large part of historians are co-sponsors, becoming an instrument of certain structures. In addition to the analysis of controversial attitudes and positions as a result of historical revisionism of Bulgarian institutions and „historians“, the paper shows that the development of relations between the two countries is directly correlated with changes in government and governing structures, i.e, their ideologies and needs. The resolution of disputes related to the past is possible only with the application of modern approaches and depoliticization of history and its role in modern society.
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Shyta, Ilir, and Jonela Spaho. "THE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY COMPETENCIES OF MINORITY PUPILS IN ALBANIA, ESPECIALLY IN THE REGION OF THE KORCA." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072237i.
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The school as the place where younger community citizens are involved, who are involved in the world outside their family environment, greatly influences the formation of the younger generation, outlining their figure as citizens of tomorrow. Root in them the basic knowledge of the various disciplines; equips them with a passport which opened the doors of life. For this reason educational systems are the most important and most influential means, because they provide respect for citizens of different cultural and ethnic. This topic is intended to treat educational level of students and Macedonian Roma minority in the district of Korça. In the district of Korça is present as the Roma minority and Macedonian. These minorities within the community maintain their language, customs and traditions of countries of origin. The nine-year cycle programs, in schools Liqenas municipality, where Macedonian minority is present, including the Macedonian language, history and geography of Macedonia. The presence of these pre-university education curricula shows the educational politics of the Albanian government to ensure the rights of the monitory in our country. Meanwhile, the Roma minority being geographically located in the city of Korça and its suburbs, represents a greater involvement in social life. In the nine-year cycle programs, in schools where they learn, the program lacks their native language. Given the presence of two minorities in nine years old schools into Korça district, will handle the level of these students in programs of the Albanian language and literary reading; it will analyze linguistic and literary skills, as expressive and standard Albanian language acquisition, along with their native language. It will be an empiric search, based on some testing conducted in the program’s nine-year cycle in the respective schools. This topic will be addressed also their features and social features, including the Albanian society and their differences as a result of identity different from that of other peers. The integration of minority students in school uniform program, will make this new generation involved in social challenges of the future. Education constitutes the fundamental right for all people, regardless of religion, social or ethnic affiliation. The purpose of education is to prepare children and young people to become worthy and active citizens. To do this, education should develop children's intelligence, encourage them to think and reflect in order to be able to face the challenges of the future.
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Shyta, Ilir, and Jonela Spaho. "THE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY COMPETENCIES OF MINORITY PUPILS IN ALBANIA, ESPECIALLY IN THE REGION OF THE KORCA." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082237i.
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The school as the place where younger community citizens are involved, who are involved in the world outside their family environment, greatly influences the formation of the younger generation, outlining their figure as citizens of tomorrow. Root in them the basic knowledge of the various disciplines; equips them with a passport which opened the doors of life. For this reason educational systems are the most important and most influential means, because they provide respect for citizens of different cultural and ethnic. This topic is intended to treat educational level of students and Macedonian Roma minority in the district of Korça. In the district of Korça is present as the Roma minority and Macedonian. These minorities within the community maintain their language, customs and traditions of countries of origin. The nine-year cycle programs, in schools Liqenas municipality, where Macedonian minority is present, including the Macedonian language, history and geography of Macedonia. The presence of these pre-university education curricula shows the educational politics of the Albanian government to ensure the rights of the monitory in our country. Meanwhile, the Roma minority being geographically located in the city of Korça and its suburbs, represents a greater involvement in social life. In the nine-year cycle programs, in schools where they learn, the program lacks their native language. Given the presence of two minorities in nine years old schools into Korça district, will handle the level of these students in programs of the Albanian language and literary reading; it will analyze linguistic and literary skills, as expressive and standard Albanian language acquisition, along with their native language. It will be an empiric search, based on some testing conducted in the program’s nine-year cycle in the respective schools. This topic will be addressed also their features and social features, including the Albanian society and their differences as a result of identity different from that of other peers. The integration of minority students in school uniform program, will make this new generation involved in social challenges of the future. Education constitutes the fundamental right for all people, regardless of religion, social or ethnic affiliation. The purpose of education is to prepare children and young people to become worthy and active citizens. To do this, education should develop children's intelligence, encourage them to think and reflect in order to be able to face the challenges of the future.
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ONUR TAŞ, BEDRI KAMIL, KAMALA DAWAR, PETER HOLMES, and SÜBIDEY TOGAN. "Does the WTO Government Procurement Agreement Deliver What It Promises?" World Trade Review 18, no. 4 (October 26, 2018): 609–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745618000290.
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AbstractWe examine the impact of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) on government procurement practices in the European Union (EU). We analyse empirically whether the WTO GPA is effective in promoting non-discriminatory, open, transparent, competitive, and cost-effective government procurement. To study this question, we use a unique data set recently released by the EU, covering more than three million tenders conducted in the European Economic Area, Switzerland, and Macedonia during the years 2006–2016. We find that the WTO GPA promotes competition by increasing the probability of awarding a contract to a foreign firm. In addition, the WTO GPA significantly lowers corruption risk by decreasing the number of contracts with single bidders, and by decreasing total number of wins by a single firm. Finally, the WTO GPA fosters cost-effective public procurement by lowering the probability that the procurement price is higher than estimated cost.
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Bivell, Victor. "Book Review: <em>Children of the Greek Civil War: Refugees and the Politics of Memory</em>." Genocide Studies and Prevention 17, no. 2 (October 2023): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.17.2.1942.
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The book ‘Children of the Greek Civil War’ makes several key steps forward in analyzing the politics and emotions surrounding the 47,000 child refugees of the Greek Civil War. Although the war was between the right-wing Greek Government and the left-wing Greek Communist Party, it drew in a large portion of the ethnic Macedonian population of northern Greece who had been promised greater freedom and ethnic recognition by the communists. Among the book’s key steps forward are its side-by-side and even-handed analysis of how the war affected both the Greek and Macedonian children, its discussion and comparison of the government-backed orphanages set up by Queen Frederica and the evacuation program to Eastern bloc countries and children’s homes by the Greek Communist Party, the reliability of its statistics about the children from both sides of the conflict, and the comparison of the education, training, and lifestyle of the children in both sets of institutions. There is also a ground breaking discussion of the claims of genocide by organizations representing both sides of the war. This review also highlights areas where more work is needed to investigate potential acts of genocide by the Greek Government against the Macedonian children.
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Brankov, Tatjana, and Anton Puškarić. "Exploring the legal framework of genetically modified organisms in the Western Balkans." Ekonomika 70, no. 1 (2024): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekonomika2401079b.
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In the Western Balkans, comprising Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Kosovo*3 , there exists a diversity of perspectives on the matter of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and their associated politics. Given the growing significance of this issue and the ongoing discourse within the EU regarding new genomic techniques (NGTs), the primary objective of this paper is to assess the prevailing regulatory landscape within the region. The findings underscore the vital need for a harmonized regulatory framework concerning NGTs among countries in the same geographical vicinity. The absence of such coherence could potentially cast doubt on the viability of the Open Balkan initiative. This article thus serves as a foundational resource for governments, scholars, and policymakers engaged in the formulation of GMO-related policies, fostering a comprehensive understanding of the regional dynamics and facilitating informed decision-making.
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Popova, Maria, and Vincent Post. "Prosecuting high-level corruption in Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 3 (July 9, 2018): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.06.004.
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Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers’ characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Storm over Serbia the rivalry between civilian and military authorities (1911-1914)." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 307–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344307b.
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As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country?s sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the ?Golden Age? decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the ?unredeemed provinces? of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia?s very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade?s aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia?s independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation ?Unification or Death? (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijevic Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pasic, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an ?irresponsible factor? with ?praetorian ambitions? in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.
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Gornik, Barbara. "The Dark Side of the Moon: Nationalism, Human Rights, and the Erased Residents of Slovenia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (March 14, 2019): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.10.
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In 1992, after the dissolution of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Slovenian government unlawfully erased 25,671 individuals—ethnically mainly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Roma—from the Register of Permanent Residents of Slovenia. The aim of this article is to analyze the logic of the governmental rationalities that served as a basis for the politics of the erasure. The article begins by refuting claims that the erasure was a tactic for achieving ethnocultural homogeneity and continues by explaining the mindset involved in this particular practice of government, resting upon Foucault’s notions ofraison d’état, governmentality, and sovereign power. Highlighting the prominence of the individual’s political opinion and loyalty to the newly established state, the article discusses the principles of nationalism, which reinforce the very common-sense exclusionary politics related to political loyalty implied in citizenship and ethnic identity. Finally, the article deliberates on the effects of the contemporary diagram of power of the nation-state, which legitimizes the exclusion of individuals from the national polity and thus immobilizes universal respect of human rights.
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Rizankoska, Josipa, and Jasmina Trajkoska. "A Social Movement in First Person Singular: The Colours of the “Colourful Revolution” in North Macedonia." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 1 (May 3, 2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04301001.
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The true identity of the Colourful Revolution in North Macedonia was subject to contrasting public discourses. The authors provide a combined descriptive and micro-level empirical analysis, based on an original dataset, to prove that the Colourful Revolution complies with the essential elements of a social movement. They elaborate the main features of its collective identity by focusing on the perceptions of its participants (567 protesters were surveyed). A firm campaign for resignation of the executive government and for free judicial processes of the criminal charges for high-level political figures was detected. The Colourful Revolution’s repertoire contained calls for freedom, justice and solidarity, and the movement demonstrated strong unity beyond its internal social, ethnic and party diversity. The Colourful Revolution’s successful horizontal organization relied mostly on the internet, but the opposition political parties also played an important role in the processes of mobilization and endurance through time.
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Boyle, Alan. "Kosovo: House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee 4th Report, June 2000." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2000): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064708.
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Following NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999, the United Kingdom House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee commenced an inquiry with the following terms of reference: “To inquire into the foreign policy lessons of the Kosovo crisis and how the Foreign and Commonwealth Office might best promote peace and stability in the region.” The Committee heard oral evidence from government ministers, diplomats, FCO staff, journalists, academics, and lawyers. It also received written memoranda. The President of Montenegro and the Foreign Minister of Albania were interviewed in private, and the Committee visited Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro. The Committee's Report was published on 7 June 2000 as the 4th Report of The House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (HC28-II, ISBN 010 2331006) together with the evidence and appendices (HC28-II, ISBN 010 2333009).
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Gordon, Bardos. "The Balkans' new political dynamic." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637283g.
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The Balkans is currently going through its most profound period of change since Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow in October 2000. Montenegro has declared its independence from the state union of Serbia and Montenegro; the Kosovo future status talks are in their final stages and by all indications will suggest some form of independence for the Serbian province; new governments are in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia; while the results of Serbia?s January 2007 elections suggest that Serbian politics will be unstable for the foreseeable future. All of this is occurring at a time when two of the pillars promoting stability in the Balkans - a substantial U.S. military presence and the foreseeable prospect of EU accession for the countries of the region - are being withdrawn. Meanwhile, anew variable is being introduced into the strategic equation in The region - the return of Russia as a serious player. As a result of all of these new developments without a more serious commitment to the region from both Washington and Brussels over the next few years, there is a serious likelihood that the democratic and economic transitions in the region will suffer serious setbacks or delays.
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Su, Pengfei, and Wei Shen. "Contextualizing four-stage legal transitions in convergent evolution." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'histoire du droit / The Legal History Review 89, no. 3-4 (December 7, 2021): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-12340019.
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Summary This article posits that both Roman and early Chinese states underwent four stages in their multiple-step transformations from local states to major empires during the classical period. For both states, at stage 2, one dominant state formed alliance with a group of smaller autonomous polities, and at stage 3 that dominant state deepened its regulation of the smaller polities whose autonomy was curtailed. There existed striking similarities between Rome and China (early Han Empire) at stages 2 and 3 regarding the constitutional rules enforced by the two central governments to control the newly-acquired subordinate territories, which were the Macedonian/Greek states for Rome and the vassal kingdoms in eastern territories for Han Empire. In particular, this article discusses: (i) why Macedonian/Greek states have been chosen for comparative studies; (ii) similar constitutional rules at stage 2 governing the two empires’ relationships with their subordinate polities; (iii) similar legal rules at stage 3 aiming at dividing up the territories of the subordinate polities and restraining their self-rule; (iv) similar stage-3 constitutional rules that preserved some autonomy for the subordinate polities; and (v) similar stage-3 legal rules that regulated certain economic activities of the subordinate polities. After analyzing Roman governance of Macedonia/Greece within the broader context of Roman institutions for territorial integration, the article explores the underlying trends and deeper mechanism that led to such convergent evolution of legal rules.
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Jovanović, Vladan. "Land Reform and Serbian Colonization." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201006.
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The disintegration of the Ottoman Empire caused major demographic shifts in the Balkans. After the forced exchange of Greek and Turkish populations, the experience of the new Yugoslav state has received the greatest historical attention. Western historiography has emphasized the statements and efforts of a Serbian-led government to replace Muslim Albanians and Turks with Serbs. This paper, based on relevant historiography and unpublished archival material, reexamines the process of Serb colonization in Macedonia and Kosovo between the Two World Wars, including the Muslim migration from Yugoslavia to Turkey. It acknowledges the Serbian rationale for repopulating Kosovo, in particular, but goes on to emphasize the problems of an agrarian reform intended to favor smallholders across all of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, but also to facilitate the colonization project. Overseen by a new Belgrade Ministry for Agrarian Reform that was unable to fund the support needed for the colonists or to prevent local corruption, the reform failed to keep enough settlers in place to reverse the balance of population.
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Esteso-Pérez, Alejandro. "Illiberalism, revolution and the 2016 Macedonian elections." Intersections 7, no. 4 (2021): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.828.
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To what extent are social movements capable of steering voters’ choices in illiberal societies? This paper departs from a corruption-based conception of illiberalism, whereby ‘the misuse of public office for private gain’ in the shape of bribery, nepotism, clientelism and misuse of public party funding, presents itself as one of the foremost components of illiberal rule. Through the empirical exploration of Macedonia’s 2016 Colourful Revolution, this paper aims to examine the potential of Anti-Corruption Movements (ACMs) in enhancing the electoral punishment of illiberal elites. Drawing from original survey data and a set of semi-structured interviews with representatives of the Colourful Revolution and members of the Macedonian civil society, this paper aims at shedding light upon the effects of ACMs on electoral behaviour and, ultimately, on the political potential of ACMs in the reversal of a country’s illiberal course. The study finds strong indicators pointing to the Colourful Revolution’s encouraging role in stoking increasingly negative perceptions towards Macedonia’s illiberal government ahead of the 2016 election, but primarily among voters that had not supported the main government party in the previous election.
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Banchev, Biser. "Bulgarian Foreign Policy and Recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 7, no. 11 (October 6, 2024): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.318.
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This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina already in January 1992, with the deep conviction that only in this way equality could be achieved between all former Yugoslav republics, and specifically for Bosnia and Herzegovina – the impending tragedy could be prevented. The chronological framework of the article presents Bulgarian foreign policy from the mid-1980s to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood in April 1992. In the early 1990s Bulgaria had a special interest and a specific concern regarding the process of rethinking the existing relations between the detached republics in the multinational Yugoslav federation. When negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia ended in failure in the spring of 1991, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry developed a new approach in relations with Yugoslavia. The emphasis shifted from contacts with the leadership of the federation to contacts with the leaderships of the republics. As soon as Croatia and Slovenia declared their independence on June 25, 1991, the official Bulgarian position followed that of the European Community (EC), which had initially advocated the preservation of the Yugoslav federation. At the same time, Sofia expressed its principled view that the individual Yugoslav republics were free to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Already during the early autumn of 1991, Sofia officially received guests at government level from Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia. After them, Bulgaria’s attention turned to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bulgarian ambassador in Belgrade visited Sarajevo on 22 and 23 October 1991. He held an impressive number of meetings covering the whole spectrum of state and party institutions. At the end of 1991 Bulgaria was preparing to establish full relations with the Yugoslav republics. It was ready to recognise their independence, but it had stated an official position that it would synchronise concrete steps in this respect with the moves of the EC. The positions of Turkey and Greece were also important for Bulgaria. On January 13, 1992, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry decided to include Bosnia and Herzegovina „in a package” with the other Yugoslav republics to be recognised as independent states. The Bulgarian government’s decision was officially announced on 15 January 1992. Some Bulgarian politicians had some concerns about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had not even yet held a referendum on secession from Yugoslavia. The opinion of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Philip Dimitrov was decisive: „It was more beneficial for me to look incompetent in constitutional and legal terms on the issue of Bosnia than to create a mess for me and be one of the people who encouraged Milosevic to enter Bosnia”. Although it claimed that it was relying on the criteria adopted by the EC, Bulgaria actually went much further than the EC, which only recognised Slovenia and Croatia. Sofia’s recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina was symbolically important because it came in a moment of rising extreme internal conflict when the whole of Europe was silent and hesitant how to react.
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Maksimovic, Ljubomir. "Berroia in Stefan Dusan's politics." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441341m.
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Being one of the most important cities in Macedonia, Berroia automatically entered the horizon of Serbian politics once Stefan Dusan got involved into the Byzantine Civil War during the forties of the fourteenth century. The King's previous invasion of Macedonia, in the thirties, had been aimed directly towards Thessalonica and was a failure. Thus, in the second phase of his politics, in which Macedonia was used as a backing in the striving for the Empire, Thessalonica was temporarily left aside, although not before first Serres and then Berroia had been captured, so as to leave it completely isolated. Initially, it was Serres rather than Berroia that Dusan was focused on, its conquest in September 1345 leading immediately to the proclamation of the Empire. Afterwards ? in the first half of 1346 ? Berroia was also conquered and turned into an important Serbian stronghold, Thessalonica being thus cut off, which enabled the Serbs to await a more favorable time to capture it. At the same time, the conquest of Berroia paved the way for the Serbian invasion of Epirus and Thessalia. Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus was certainly aware of the consequences of such a strategic constellation. Thus, when he finally managed to neutralize the Zelots in Thessalonica, his first move towards the change of the situation was to recuperate Berroia and surrounding towns. This was such a severe blow for the Serbs, that it immediately became clear that even Dusan's imperial power might be endangered if his position in Macedonia further weakened. He reacted promptly and recaptured Berroia and other strongholds he had lost. The conquest of Berroia was lead by the nobleman Radoslav Hlapen, who first acted as a governor on behalf of Dusan, and after the death of the Emperor practically as an independent ruler of that part of Macedonia.
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Fazliu, Ramiz. "Organisation of Self-Government in the Republic of Macedonia." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p415-421.
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The subject of this paper is the constitutional and legal regulation of local self-government system in the Republic of Macedonia, territorial division, the process of reforming and building this system since the independence of the Republic of Macedonia from the former federation of Yugoslavia. With the intention of functioning and materialization according to democratic principles, since the independence of Macedonia the system of local self-government has undergone through continuous reform process. These reforms first of all are mostly related to the territorial division of local self-government units, seeking the most appropriate model which would be appropriate to the general developments of Macedonia. In this paper is analyzed the role and the constitutional and legal position of local self-government units, in this case the municipality, as the only unit of local self-government, its legal status, competences, representative and executive bodies, financing and the process of decentralization. It is also analyzed the model of organization of local self-government in the city of Skopje, as a capital of the Republic, in the form of community of municipalities in the city and the impact of the Ohrid Agreement on the regulation and functioning of local self-government in Macedonia.
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Sutton, David E. "Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference." American Ethnologist 29, no. 4 (November 2002): 1054–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2002.29.4.1054.
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Mojsovska, Silvana. "North Macedonia: Politics versus Policy of EU Integration." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0072.
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Abstract The accession of North Macedonia to the European Union (EU) has been at an impasse for 27 years due to the political dispute with Greece. In 2018, its resolution fuelled hopes that North Macedonia would finally start negotiations with the EU. Unfortunately, there was a new obstacle, as Bulgaria vetoed the talks in December 2020. Implicit to the latest political backlog, the efforts for further EU integration should be focused on the available policy instruments. The Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) is a legally binding document which has already enabled trade liberalisation between the parties, stipulates the national treatment of business entities on the basis of reciprocity, aims for full liberalisation of capital and financial flows, and also provides other opportunities for integration. Placing the SAA in the spotlight of the mutual relations between the parties, based on proactivity from North Macedonia, could provide the impetus for more substantial EU integration of the country, despite the political stagnation of the process.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Problems of Macedonian Orthodox Church Status in Modern Policy of the Historical Memory of the Republic of North Macedonia." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.1.39724.
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The purpose of the study is to analyse the perception of the problems of the history of the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the politics of memory of modern North Macedonia. The author analyses the role and place of church narratives in historical politics and the development of memorial culture. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features of the religious dimension of the politics of memory in modern Macedonian society as a secular state. The article analyses the perception of church issues in modern memorial Macedonian culture. The article also shows that the politics of memory that forms and promotes the perception of the history of the Church in the Macedonian ethnic coordinates system determine on the development of Macedonian nationalism. It is assumed that the political elites of modern North Macedonia actively use the problems of the history of the Church consolidating national identity in politics of memory. The results of the study suggest that the memorial culture of modern Macedonian society in contexts of the perception of the history of the Church is distinguished by a nationalistic character, and the perception of church history in the collective memory of Macedonia develops in contexts of memorial wars with other Balkan societies, integrating the historical heritage of Orthodoxy on the territory of Macedonia into their own historical memories.
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Kraja-Sejdini, Mirjana. "A Performance Ranking of LGUs in Macedonia." Ekonomia Międzynarodowa, no. 15 (September 30, 2016): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2082-4440.15.07.
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Local government performance within public sector performance is coming back because local government is faced with the problem of increased responsibilities under tighter budgets. Therefore, the issues of managing taxpayers’ money more efficiently and effectively still remain a challenge for local government decision makers. In addition, increased social inclusion has created a need for increased accountability and transparency towards local government managers.This paper aims to facilitate decision makers as well as local government officials to offer a ranking system of local government units (LGUs/municipalities) in Macedonia by analyzing and normalizing some of the main financial indicators that make up the final annual accounts of all LGUs in Macedonia. The output of this work is a local government index showing the best and worst performing municipalities in the country. The provision of one aspect of LG government performance allows all local government stakeholders to have an overview of the budget spent as well as identify some best practices by comparatively identifying the practices of the best performing LGUs. However, the data availability has narrowed the scope of this performance ranking.We hope that this study will contribute modestly to the existing literature of the performance in the public sector and specifically in that of the local government sector. There is an increasing interest in studies related to public sector performance. However, this interest has been very little in Balkan Countries.
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Sejdini, Mirjana Kraja. "An Overview of the Reformed Local Government in Macedonia." Business and Economic Research 6, no. 1 (June 17, 2016): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ber.v6i1.9350.
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<p class="ber"><span lang="EN-GB">Local government in Westerns Balkans has gone through various public administration reforms resulting from the era of New Public Management (NPM) developments that took place in developed countries. However, such reforms have not yet reached their goal of creating more autonomous (especially financially) local government units that would be efficient and effective enough to provide better services to citizens. Macedonia is perceived a country where fiscal decentralisation has not reached its expected outcome reflected mainly in low shares of finances compared to central government finances. This paper aims to elaborate on the reforms that have shaped the management of local government in Macedonia, as well as its financial position. This is an exploratory study of previous writings about decentralization and local government (mainly) in Macedonia. The paper starts with some theoretical background of NPM and decentralisation that have shaped the local government. Then it follows with a review of the public administration reforms, decentralisation process, and local government finances. The paper is expected to contribute modestly in understanding the nature of local government and its finances along the reforms channelled mainly through the decentralization process. </span></p>
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Trajanoski, Žarko, and Rumena Bužarovska. "The Shadow of Homosexuality Hovers over Macedonia." Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 4, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005): 201–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v4i1-2.154.
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Author(s): Žarko Trajanoski | Жарко Трајаноски
Title (English): The Shadow of Homosexuality Hovers over Macedonia
Title (Macedonian): Сеништето на хомосексуалноста кружи над Македонија
Translated by (Macedonian to English): Rumena Bužarovska | Румена Бужаровска
Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 4, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2005)
Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute
Page Range: 201-239
Page Count: 39
Citation (English): Žarko Trajanoski, “The Shadow of Homosexuality Hovers over Macedonia,” translated from the Macedonian by Rumena Bužarovska, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 4, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2005): 201-239.
Citation (Macedonian): Жарко Трајаноски, „Сеништето на хомосексуалноста кружи над Македонија“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 4, бр. 1-2 (лето - зима 2005): 201-239.
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Neofotistos, Vasiliki P. "Postsocialism, Social Value, and Identity Politics among Albanians in Macedonia." Slavic Review 69, no. 4 (2010): 882–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003767790000989x.
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In this article, Vasiliki P. Neofotistos analyzes the reappropriation of the term Šiptar, a derogatory Macedonian term for Albanians, by male members of the Albanian community in the Republic of Macedonia. Neofotistos shows how the reappropriation of the ethnic slur reflects constellations of social value, that is to say, larger systems of meaning and action concerning who and what is valued in life, that have emerged with Macedonian independence. Albanian men tap into familiar divisions found in the larger Macedonian society and create meaningful forms of collectivity as they deal with rapid social, economic, and political change in the context of Macedonia's postsocialist transformation of social practices and ideals. This case study of Macedonia sheds light on the dynamics of social relations within socially marginalized groups.
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Idrizi, Arsim. "THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1901–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061901a.
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Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.
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Todoroska, Katerina. "Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.014.13807.
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The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neighboring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficulties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition of the Autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, who point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflict with Greece concerning the name of the Macedonian state and the rights of Macedonian immigrants.
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R. Copley, Gregory. "MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?" POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.
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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is becoming like Afghanistan under the Taliban. And like the Taliban destruction of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan, the Albanian Islamist process of destruction of the Christian Churches will be complete if Kosovo is granted independence. The chaos of changing borders— such as we are seeing today in the Balkans, and elsewhere — is fertile ground for criminality. Europe is a major target for the global jihadist movements, and not only those under the al-Qaida label, but also those fi nanced and logistically made viable by the Iranian Government. Western fears have been strengthened by intelligence derived by European countries on the existence of a strong Islamist network in Kosovo and Bosnia. The “al-Qaida” phenomenon owes its success to the fi nancial links with what we are calling the Albanian mafi a, just as the Albanian criminals owe their success to the logistics and networks of al-Qaida. As far as Islamists are concerned, their goal is consolidation of their control over parts of the Balkans, specifi cally the so-called “Green transversal” belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Rashka (Sanjak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-traffi cking and weapons shipments. Signifi cantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Rashka) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. Finally, Kosovo Liberation Army still, and is able to access much of its narcotic product, because of its close interrelationship with jihadist movements worldwide and foreign state sponsors. There is no ground for optimism in the future. The wars to break up Yugoslavia are still unfi nalized. And in many of the new wars we will see savagery abound as groups “re-discover” old identities, and seek to capitalize on the permissive climate of change and chaos. However, it not just Balkans that is endangered. Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identifi ed the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.
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Hadžić, Izet, and Ahmed Hadžić. "Zločini i stradanje stanovništva na širem području Tuzle u Drugom svjetskom ratu (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 274–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.274.
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The issue of war crimes and suffering of the population during the Second World War is very complex since it still in many cases serves as a subject of manipulation, in addition, a large number of crimes and suffering is very difficult to investigate and reliably determine the exact number of victims. After the end of the war, it was necessary to show as many victims as possible in order to get as many war reparations as possible, but over time the numbers began to serve the purpose of manipulation to strengthen nationalism, especially Serbian, which can be seen in the number of Jasenovac victims, which without any arguments reached as many as 800,000. If we take the official data on war losses during the Second World War, we will see that Yugoslavia had 1,706,000. casualties while the UK had around 450,900 deaths in total and the US had 418,500 casualties. So it is interesting that Yugoslavia's losses are greater than the total losses that Britain and the United States had together, which ultimately carried the brunt of World War II. In addition, it is important to emphasize that Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from World War II with enormous human and material losses. 541,717 inhabitants were killed and about 417,000 residential buildings were destroyed. Of that number, more than 103,000 related to the suffering of Bosniaks. Taking the losses in Yugoslavia, it is evident that the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina are greater than the losses of Serbia, Vojvodina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro combined. The following reasons can be used as an answer to the question „why?“, and that is primarily bad doctrine and strategy of war, desire for power and conflict of ideologies, as well as violent implementation of national state projects, the Greater Serbian project and the Greater Croatian project, with the aim of creating a homogeneous space. ¸ It is very important not to observe the events from the Second World War, especially the sensitive ones, globally, but separately, because only in this way will research not mislead us. Crimes should be viewed in the context of events and the responsibilities of commanders and perpetrators. As for the suffering of the population, it is evident that the most tragic fate is mostly borne by Bosniaks since they were under attack by all ideologies and their formations, but their greatness stems from the fact that their pain and position did not lead them to evil. Thus, Bosniaks are the only people who did not have their own fascist movement, nor did their formations organize targeted attacks on places where residents of other denominations lived. It is obvious that they never accepted Ustasha crimes and racial politics, they distanced themselves even more from evil at the very beginning, and there were energetic actions to protect their neighbors, while on the other hand there is no indication that Serb or Croat neighbors stopped to protect their Bosniak neighbors. Instead of being rewarded for their anti-fascism and nobility by the new government, Bosniaks are again under open attack, and for some areas it is evident that this repression resulted in more suffering during the „liberation“ than during the entire war. What is especially unfortunate is the fact that even today there are attempts to manipulate the numbers of victims by mostly Greater Serbia protagonists, who seek to relativize history and continue to spread hatred, telling untruths or distorting historical facts.
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Mazllami, Jeton. "Fiscal Decentralization and Alternative Financial Sources for the Local Self-Government in Republic of North Macedonia - Overview." SEEU Review 16, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2021-0006.
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Abstract Local governance in developing countries demonstrates many problems related to financial sources and good governance of their finances. Local Self-Government (LSG) units in the Republic of North Macedonia are very small which results in a lack of capabilities to raise enough funds to offer delegated services. The local government in the Republic of North Macedonia centralizes almost all public finance. Local budgets depend heavily on state transfers and donations from the central budget. The lack of funds remained a crucial problem even though there were some attempts for the decentralization process. Practically, governments in many of the local governments in North Macedonia could not secure their resources. In this way, they could come with specific charges, but all taxes are decided by the central government. The practice showed that local governments before borrowing needs to be approved by the Ministry of Finance. The Republic of North Macedonia as a potential candidate to join the European Union should make several changes regarding the legislation during the process of accession to benefit from being a small candidate country. The main aim of this paper is to investigate alternative financial sources such are Municipal Bonds, Partnership Sukuk securities, and PPP. Unfortunately, many financial alternatives have not been able to be implemented due to failures in reforms and good financial governance. But they remain an open opportunity for developing a local government in the future.
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Idriz, Mesut, and Muhamed Ali. "Islam in Macedonia: The Origins, Evolution and Role of the Islamic Religious Community From the Ottoman Period to the Present." ICR Journal 7, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v7i1.285.
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In Macedonia, faiths and religions, along with their followers, are typically represented by specific state agencies. Thus Islam has always been represented by a state organ since the days of the Ottomans in the region until the dissolution of the Communist rule of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Since then, the institution that has played a mediating role between the government of Macedonia and the followers of the religion of Islam in the country has been recognised to be the Islamic Religious Community. This paper will analyse the role of this institutions as a synergy between the government of Macedonia and the believers of Islam as well as its relations with various other Muslim institutions. After a brief illustration of the history of Muslim religious representative institutions in Macedonia, the focus of the discussion will be on the core issues of the Islamic Religious Community as the highest Muslim religious institution in the country. As a case study, it will deal with the institution’s active role in protecting the rights of Muslims at all levels.
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Raman, Parth. "Anatomizing The Situation Of North Macedonia In Reference To The Human Rights Violations And Configuring The Required Recommendations." Asia Pacific Law & Policy Review 08 (2022): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/aplpr.2022.803.
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Since the beginning of the Republic of North Macedonia, there have been marginalized groups. The LGBTI community, Roma, and women living in North Macedonia have faced various human rights violations for years, including a lack of representation or resources. While the government has attempted to address some of these violations and inequalities through policy, much remains to be addressed. The government must step forward, strengthen its legislation, and provide support to these groups. Roma has historically struggled in many states, with many peoples. The Roma in North Macedonia has experienced various discriminations and rights violations, easily summed up in a pipeline from segregated education to poor health. A step forward for the LGBTI community in North Macedonia, albeit rather complicated, has been the Law on Protection and Prevention of Discrimination. This law was proposed in 2019 to replace its predecessor with a more comprehensive version. It was the first law that explicitly prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. This law passed but was quickly repealed, as it initially had not achieved the required majority to pass, amongst additional deliberation. Soon afterwards, Parliament was able to re-establish the law with the necessary majority. The lives of women in North Macedonia are not well protected despite the word of the law. Violence against women has been a prevalent issue and significant public health problem due to the negative impact it has on women’s health, causing physical and psychological damage. The government has taken action to prevent this violence and protect its victims.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Problems of the Status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the Contemporary Bulgarian Politics of Historical Memory." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 2 (February 2023): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.2.39723.
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The purpose of the article is to analyse the perception of the problems of the history of the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the politics of memory of modern Bulgaria. The author analyses the role and place of Macedonian church narratives in historical politics and the development of Bulgarian memorial culture. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features of the religious level of the politics of memory in modern Bulgarian society as a secular state. The article analyses the perception of church issues in contemporary Bulgarian memorial culture. The article also shows that the politics of memory promoting the perception of the history of the Church in the Bulgarian ethnic coordinate system develop as a part of Bulgarian nationalism based on the denial of the Macedonian identity as different from the Bulgarian one. It is assumed that the mass media and the political elites of modern Bulgaria, as the main agents of historical politics, actively use the problems of the history of the Church on the territory of Macedonia to consolidate national identity and conduct a policy of memory. The results of the study suggest that the memorial culture of modern Bulgarian society in contexts of the perception of the history of the Church on the territory of Macedonia is distinguished by a nationalistic character, and the perception of church history in the collective memory of Bulgaria develops as a part of memorial wars with Macedonia, which promotes its own memorial canon and the culture of historical memory, denied in Bulgaria.
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Crowther, William. "Ethnic Condominium and Illiberalism in Macedonia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 4 (June 30, 2017): 739–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417716515.
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Over the course of the past ten years the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization–Democratic Party for national Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) has progressively extended its control over Macedonian political, social, and economic life, restricting the space for democratic discourse and limiting completion. Throughout this period it has acted in concert with elites representing the country’s Albanian minority and has included Albanian political parties, currently the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) as minority coalition partners. This article will examine the conditions that gave rise to illiberalism in Macedonia and the interaction between ethnic politics and the retreat from democracy.
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Sokołowski, Marcin. "Kryzys migracyjny a relacje Macedonii z Unią Europejską." Przegląd europejski 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0040.
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This article deals with the analysis of migrant crisis in the years 2015–2016 and its impact on the relations between Macedonia and the EU member states. In 2015 Macedonia, which has an official EU candidate status, was in the centre of the migrant crisis. It was one of the countries on the Balkan migrant route. Migrants entered Macedonia mainly from Greece. Macedonia was receiving contradictory statements from EU countries concerning the issue of dealing with the migration crisis. The aim of this article is to present the complex situation of this country as a multi-ethnic with a large Muslim minority and its politics in the context of disputes with EU concerning solving of the migration crisis. To accomplish the goal, the analysis of election campaigns and content analysis of media which were done during the study visit will be presented. Main research problem concerns the influence of Macedonia’s policy and actions taken as a response to migrant crisis on the direction of the bilateral relations between Macedonia and EU countries.
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Kyrchanoff, M. V. "Problems of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the modern Greek memorial politics." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 2 (2023): 212–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.2.4.
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Introduction. The purpose of the article is to analyse the perception of the problems of the history of the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the politics of memory of modern Greece. Materials and Methods. The study is based on the analysis of texts that form the perception of the Macedonian church problem in the politics of memory in Greece. Analysis. The article analyses the perception of the Macedonian ecclesiastical problems in modern Greek memorial culture. The article also shows that the politics of memory forming the perception of the history of the Macedonian Church in modern Greek society simultaneously depends on the development of civic and ethnic nationalism, burdened by ties with the Orthodox Church. It is assumed that the mass media and political elites of modern Greece, as the main agents of historical politics, use the problems of the history of the Church in the territory of Macedonia to consolidate their own national identity and conduct a policy of memory aimed at promoting the narrative of territorial unity and the exclusively Greek character of the territory of Macedonia in modern Greece. Results. The results of the study suggest that the memorial culture of modern Greek society in contexts of the perception of the history of the Church on the territory of Macedonia is distinguished by a nationalistic character, and the perception of church history in the collective memory of Greece develops in contexts of moderate memorial contradictions with Macedonia. It is shown that the transformation of the viewpoint of the Greek memorial culture emerged as the result of consultations with the Macedonian elites and an agreement to change the name of the modern Macedonian state. It is assumed that the policy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and the settlement of the formal status of the Macedonian Church significantly reduced the level of the memorial confrontation between Skopje and Athens.
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Osmani, Rufi, and Hava Alili. "Government Mineral Concession Policies. The Case of North Macedonia." SERIES V - ECONOMIC SCIENCES 12(61), no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.es.2019.12.61.1.19.
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Reef, Paul. "Macedonia’s colourful revolution and the elections of 2016. A chance for democracy, or all for nothing?" Südosteuropa 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0009.
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AbstractThis article analyses Macedonia’s Colourful Revolution and elections of 2016 against the background of the criticism and protests directed against the Skopje 2014 Project. It also provides a photographic reportage of Skopje 2014 during the political turmoil from July 2016. It examines the main grounds for resistance and opposition to Nikola Gruevski’s VMRO-DPMNE government by further investigating the controversies surrounding Skopje 2014. Those controversies are manifold but stem mainly from the project’s tremendous cost and corruption, its controversial rewriting of history and its exclusion of Albanians and other minorities. Finally, the article argues that the Colourful Revolution has until now failed to overturn or decisively upset Macedonia’s politics or political system, as is evident from election results there. However, it has borne fruit in one respect in that two Albanian MPs have been included in the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), a tentative step towards overcoming the ethnic deadlock of Macedonian politics.
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Bechev, Dimitar. "The EU and Dispute Settlement: The Case of the Macedonian Name Issue." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, June 30, 2022, 088832542211019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08883254221101905.
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The Prespa Agreement concluded between (North) Macedonia and Greece in June 2018 is hailed as a major success for the European Union’s (EU) policy of promoting conflict resolution through in the Balkans and beyond. At the same time, in the case of the so-called Macedonian name dispute, the EU hindered compromise as membership in the bloc provided Athens with asymmetric leverage over Skopje. The article argues that the European institutions made a positive contribution by empowering opposition to state capture in Macedonia, helping resolve a domestic political crisis between 2015 and 2017, and facilitating the transfer of power to a government willing to compromise with Greece. Even if the Prespa Agreement resulted from a bargain between Athens and Skopje, intervention in Macedonian politics by the EU, the United States, and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) played a critical role in passing the constitutional changes agreed in the deal. The article examines the name dispute from the perspective of the literature on the EU as an agent of conflict transformation, arguing that European integration’s “enabling impact” is key to understanding and explaining the genesis of the Prespa Agreement. It also contends that the EU faced a dilemma between the pursuit of stability and the promotion of the rule of law and accountability, often prioritising the former over the latter.