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Journal articles on the topic 'Macedonia'
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1
Ramčilović, Zećir. "Republika Sjeverna Makedonija i Bosna i Hercegovina od uspostavljanja diplomatskih odnosa do danas (1993-2022)." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 10 (November 15, 2023): 313–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.313.
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The Republic of North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are friendly countries that have no outstanding issues and have been continuously improving their cooperation in all spheres of socio-political life and the economy on both bilateral and multilateral levels since their independence in 1993 to the present (2022). The ties and cooperation between these two states and their citizens have deep historical roots. The territory of present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of North Macedonia has been part of the same state entities for more than five centuries, in various, but also very similar positive or negative contexts and processes. This has allowed for not only cooperation but also understanding and mutual support among the people of North Macedonia (Macedonians, Bosniaks, as well as Albanians, Turks, and others) and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Certainly, the Bosniaks in North Macedonia are the most significant factor in connecting the two states. Unlike Macedonians and other people of North Macedonian origin in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who are in smaller numbers and have a very short continuity from the time of the former Yugoslavia, the Bosniaks are part of Macedonia's distant past, as well as its contemporary Macedonian reality. Without them, no process or Macedonian story would be complete. Therefore, in addition to a chronological overview of the establishment and development of bilateral relations between the two countries since their independence, this paper will also focus on the position of Bosniaks in North Macedonia and Macedonians in Bosnia and Herzegovina after independence. Although there are very important historical processes before independence, I believe it is more important to pay attention to the current moment, which is the goal of this academic conference.
2
Tretyakova, Maria. "Russian Recognition of Macedonia’s New Name." Contemporary Europe 107, no. 7 (December 31, 2021): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72021105114.
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The senseless name dispute and the renaming of the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia, which was perceived by the Western countries as a «technical obstacle» to the country's NATO and EU accession, was in fact a part of the Macedonian southern neighbor’s long-term plan to erase the Macedonian identity by violating the Macedonian people's right to national self-determination. Since, any change in the name of a country automatically entailed consequences for the national and cultural identity of the Macedonians - the titular people of the country. Russian diplomacy closely followed the events in the country and thoroughly knew the essence of the political crisis that began in 2015 which eventually ended with the renaming of the country against the will of the Macedonian people. The Russian decision to retreat from the intention to challenge the Prespa agreement in the UN Security Council as contradictory to the international law and violating Macedonian 1991 Constitution questioned the role of the Russian diplomacy in upholding the principles and norms of the rule of international law in the world. The subsequent recognition of Macedonia’s new name by Russia forced many in the Republic of Macedonia to include Russia, an indisputable fighter for justice in a multipolar world, in the list of countries involved in the national “depersonalization” of Macedonia, which appeared on the political map of Europe as a result of the anti-fascist liberation movement of the Macedonian people.
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Panagakos, Anastasia N. "Citizens of the Trans-Nation: Political Mobilization, Multiculturalism, and Nationalism in the Greek Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1998): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.53.
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In the early 1990s, the Greek diaspora experienced an exceptional period of political mobilization, sparked by the international community’s recognition of the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia as an independent state. While there is little contestation that Macedonia exists as a geographic area, who can claim Macedonian history and ethnic identity is much more problematic. The struggle to claim Macedonian identity has been fought between groups located in Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria, and the Greek and Macedonian diasporas, each group proclaiming themselves the true Macedonians. In the diaspora, this struggle has manifested itself through newspaper editorials, letter-writing campaigns, lobbying efforts, festivals, and political rallies.
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Nikolov, Marjan, and Giorgio Brosio. "Efficient Delivery of Local Public Services in Ethnically Fragmented Municipalities." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.299-319(2015).
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Macedonia started its transition from a command to a market economy after its declaration of independence in 1991 from the former Yugoslavia. In 1991, ethnic Albanians abstained from voting for the first Macedonian constitution. Soon claims of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia started to aim at proportional representation in all political institutions, more education in the Albanian language at the university level and changes to the constitution proclaiming Macedonia to be a multi-ethnic country made up, on an equal basis, of Macedonians and Albanians. In 2001, immediately after the Macedonian parliament ratified a border treaty with Serbia, ethnic Albanians clashed with Macedonian armed forces. The clashes ended with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) in 2001. Decentralization was a main preferential policy choice out of the OFA. This paper estimates the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities by using the Stochastic Frontier Analysis (SFA). We hypothesise that ethnic fragmentation may have a negative impact on the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities. We also hypothesise that political variables at municipalities in Macedonia also have impact on the municipal efficiency.
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Mazepa, Diana. "Sytuacja polityczna Turków w Republice Macedonii i relacje turecko-macedońskie." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.014.13342.
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The political situation of Turks in the Republic of Macedonia and Turkish-Macedonian relations The Republic of North Macedonia is a small country on the Balkan Peninsula, which is characterized by the accumulation of many national and ethnic and religious groups in a small area (25 713 km2) – among them are Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Roma, Vlachs, Serbs or Bosnians, as well as other smaller nationalities and ethnic groups. This article aims to present the origins of the Turks in Northern Macedonia, and at the same time to indicate the reasons for emigration from these areas and to present political parties and organizations representing the interests of Turks and their most important activities for the benefit of this minority. The article also analyze Turkish-Macedonian relations ranging from the proclamation of Macedonian independence to the accession of the Republic of Northern Macedonia to the structures of the NATO in 2020.
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Morawski, Konrad Sebastian. "Proces kształtowania się narodu macedońskiego wobec skomplikowanej sytuacji geopolitycznej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.031.
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The Process of Stabilization of the Macedonian Nation in a Complex Geopolitical SituationThe article considers two main stages of the development of national identity of the Macedonians which were the basis for their own independent state. The first stage, which took place at the turn of the twentieth century, was connected with activities of Macedonian intellectuals and the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. However, in the second stage – which occurred in the second half of the twentieth century (when Macedonia was part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) – the authorities of the Yugoslavian federation paradoxically played an important role as they maintained a sense of national autonomy among the people of Macedonia. Following the Macedonian declaration of independence in November 1991, the mood of instability developed in the state. This mood resulted mainly from the claims of the neighbouring countries and the demands of the Albanian minority. The complex geopolitical situation of independent Macedonia had a stimulating influence on the consolidation of national identity of the Macedonians and contributed to increasing the importance of national factions in the state.
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Sokołowski, Marcin. "Zmiana konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa macedońskiego i jej konsekwencje dla Macedończyków." Studia Politologiczne, no. 3/2024 (73) (September 30, 2024): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2024.73.12.
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The aim of this article is to show the complex situation of the Macedonian state and the Macedonians related to the change of the constitutional name of the country caused by Greek expectations and pressure. The article describes the consequences of the change of the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia. It goes on to present the analysis of the agreement between governments of the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece from 2018 year. The aim is to answer the research questions: How the agreement between Macedonian and Greek authorities influenced the situation of the Macedonians? Did the agreement have an impact on the crucial elements of the Macedonian national identity?
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Reef, Paul. "Macedonian Monument Culture Beyond ‘Skopje 2014’." Südosteuropa 66, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0037.
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Abstract While recent studies on Macedonia have mostly focused on ‘Skopje 2014’ as a uniquely excessive project of nation-building, this article analyses local developments in monument culture elsewhere in Macedonia. Disentangling the processes of nation-building since the Ohrid Agreement of 2001, the author distinguishes three coexisting, but competing, repertoires of monument culture, namely a Yugoslav, a Macedonian, and an Albanian one. Each repertoire has been closely associated with ethnicity and the legitimation of ethnopolitical claims, as well as party politics and ideology. The past has continued to divide Macedonians. The author argues that these divisions in Macedonian monument culture reflect the competing and diverging Albanian and Macedonian historical narratives, and amount to effectively mutually exclusive ethnic and ideological nation-building efforts in post-Ohrid Macedonia.
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Soloveva, A. S. "On the question of the political propaganda of Alexander i of Macedon." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 2 (34) (2022): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(2).7-12.
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The greatest amount of evidence about the reign of Alexander I of Macedon is contained in the work of Herodotus. The ancient historian is the only author who gives a detailed description of Alexander's policy during the Greco-Persian wars. This article is dedicated to several questions. First of all, the author discusses the question of what sources Herodotus could use for his stories about the Macedonian king. The author raises the question of the possible personal stay of Herodotus in Macedonia and comes to the conclusion that the most presumable point of view that Herodotus visited Macedonia in the middle of the 5th century BC. The ancient author could have the possibility to speak directly with Alexander and get detailed description of his policy during the Greco-Persian wars.An equally important question remains the question of what Alexander's propaganda was. The paper examines the evidence of Herodotus about Alexander, the direct speeches of the Macedonian king, as well as the numismatics of Alexander's time. The general idea of Alexander's speeches boils down to the assertion that the Macedonians have Greek origin. Among other things, the first mention of the legend about the Greek origin of Argead dynasty appears in the work of Herodotus. In the time of Alexander, iconography with Greek symbols appears on Macedonian coins.The author comes to the conclusion that Alexander's propaganda was aimed at proving the Greek origin of the Macedonians and improving relations with the Greek world. To a greater extent, propaganda was directed precisely at the citizens of Athens, since Macedonia continued to be an important economic partner of this policy.
10
Molina Marín, Antonio Ignacio, and Deborah Molina Verdejo. "Elizabeth D. Carney." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.60.
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Elizabeth Donnelly Carney is one of the most renowned scholars on Ancient Macedonia. Carney’s research has contributed to open the studies about Ancient Macedonia to the scope of Gender Studies. Her influence in many modern interpretations concerning the complex relations of power and court network in Argead Macedonia also includes topics like mutiny, social performances (like royal banquets) and court groups (like the Royal Pages). Her scope is wide, and she usually focuses on concrete topics from multiple perspectives. Books like Women and Monarchy in Ancient Macedonia, or the recent Eurydice and the Birth of Macedonian Power (2019) (completing the works devoted to three generations of Macedonian Royal women with her Olympias (2006) and Arsinoë of Egypt and Macedon: A Royal Life (2013)) are now must-to works for world-wide researchers concerning Ancient Greece and Macedon. Among her many skills, the Editorial Board of Karanos wants to remark her kind proximity and her usual predisposition to comment and help, with her experience, to improve discussions, projects and papers with admirable knowledge.
11
Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. "Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.
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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.
12
Vasilev, George. "Multiculturalism in Post-Ohrid Macedonia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (April 28, 2013): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484924.
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The Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was supposed to herald a new era of multicultural coexistence in Macedonia following a short-lived civil war. However, antipathies between the Albanian minority and Macedonian majority run as deep as ever, frequently erupting into rioting which threatens the fragile peace on which coexistence is forged. This state of affairs appears to affirm at least one commonly voiced criticism against the OFA, namely, that the pluralisation of public life it set in place would further fragment, rather than unite, Macedonia’s diverse citizenry. This article sheds light on the persistence of volatile ethnic relations in Macedonia despite more than a decade of multiethnic democracy. It argues explanations blaming the OFA are misplaced, and that the source of Macedonia’s fraying ethnic relations lies with each community’s ongoing struggle for recognition. Under this account, conflicts are the outcome not simply of each community’s incompatible wants around access to sovereign power, prized employment, and other distributable resources but unredeemed idealisations of how they would like to be respected and esteemed by others. The article contends that such struggles for recognition are bringing Macedonians and Albanians to interact in a manner that stimulates a sense of profound wrong-doing at the hands of the other, which, in turn, serves to fuel interethnic antagonisms and widen the social distance between each group.
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Adamczyk, Artur, and Mladen Karadzoski. "Wyzwanie dla tożsamości międzynarodowej Macedonii – grecko macedoński spór o nazwę państwa." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 1 (December 2019): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.1.16.
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The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.
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Jelisavac-Trošić, Sanja, and Mitko Arnaudov. "Geopolitical (non) opportunities vs. "late" response of the foreign political service of North Macedonia in the process of European integration." Srpska politička misao 86, no. 4 (2024): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm86-50170.
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In the case study of the foreign policy of North Macedonia, we can clearly see how global events, viewed from the perspective of geopolitical circumstances, do not always and as a rule have a direct impact on national internal and regional events in the Western Balkans, nor on the foreign policy actions of the Western Balkan six. In the paper, four determinants were singled out, on the basis of which explanations were provided, in a scientific and research context, why the foreign policy mechanism of North Macedonia "failed" in the process of achieving defined foreign policy goals, above all the basic goal - the country's accession to the European Union. At the same time, the lack of effectiveness of foreign policy action was not in a cause-and-effect relationship with wider European and international geopolitical circumstances. The internal armed conflict in North Macedonia, which threatened to develop into a civil war between the dominant ethnic communities of Macedonians and Albanians, is the first indicator, i.e. the determinant of the explanation why the foreign policy mechanism of North Macedonia "failed" in the process of this country joining the European Union. Another significant moment that was missed in the European integration process of Skopje, covers the period from 2006 to 2017 with two stages: the period leading up to the NATO Summit in Bucharest in 2008 and the period after this summit, up to the change of power of former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, which has led to a multiple crisis within that country. The postponement of North Macedonia's accession to NATO in 2008, due to Greece's express refusal, with a focus on connecting the Macedonian nation with the heritage of the ancient Macedonians, with the simultaneous suspension of democratic capacities and principles that represent significant determinants in the process of joining the European Union, leads to missing out and moving away from the path accelerated European integration of North Macedonia. As a third determinant, pervasive corruption was singled out, which affected all levels of government, so that the internal circumstances in North Macedonia actually "worked to the advantage" of the European Union, which at that time as a whole, and also individual member states of the Union, were also moving further away from the policy of enlargement as a mechanism in the process of European integration of both North Macedonia and the remaining countries of the Western Balkans. The aforementioned challenges, which North Macedonia has been facing for almost thirty years, are not in a cause-and-effect relationship with external, whether regional, European or international, geopolitical circumstances and trends. We are talking about challenges that, regardless of the geopolitical dimension of the enlargement of the European Union from the point of view of Brussels and the member states of the European Union, significantly affect the dynamics of North Macedonia's accession to the European Union, that is, the effectiveness of the process of realizing this strategic foreign policy goal. However, it is important to mention the foreign policy action of North Macedonia from the point of view of international law and the provisions of the UN Charter, which represents a strong fourth determinant in the context of the realization of North Macedonia's foreign policy goals. Here, it was possible to see how the international positioning of North Macedonia is conditioned to the detriment of the provisions and norms of international law. In this way, the principles of equality, sovereignty and political independence were placed in a subordinate position in relation to the factual political powers in interstate relations, directly harming the principle of self-determination, in the context of the identity attributes of North Macedonia and the Macedonian people.In the period when geopolitical circumstances were favourable to North Macedonia, the opportunity for this country to become a member of the European Union was missed, thus achieving a strategic foreign policy goal, which in the context of the EU did not cause any consequences when it comes to the EU itself. However, the consequences for North Macedonia itself remained and only in the following period did the circumstances worsen and lead this country to a longer and more difficult path to accession. The future policy should be based on strong tactical tools, which are sufficiently flexible in relation to regional and international trends. First of all, North Macedonia needs a strong internal institutional infrastructure, which simultaneously ensures political, social and economic stability and predictability. In this way, it would be possible to realize the established goals of the foreign policy of North Macedonia.
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Takovski, Aleksandar, and Nenad Markovikj. "Macedonia outside “Macedonia”." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 5 (May 16, 2017): 731–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15006.tak.
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Abstract The name dispute between Republic of Macedonia and Greece manifests itself in Greece’s objections to the use of the noun “Macedonia” or the adjective “Macedonian” to refer to any other ethnicity, culture, tradition and history except Greek. In order to promote itself as a sole claimant to the name, Greece has constructed a discourse which legitimizes its exclusive right to it, while at the same time it delegitimizes such right to Macedonia. However, this discourse does not only deny Macedonia the right to the name but it also denies Macedonia the right to discuss identity issues, while at the same time it obliterates Macedonian presence in the discourse in any relation to the disputed term. In this respect, this study seeks to analyze the specific linguistic strategies underlying these discursive effects.
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Груевска-Маџоска [Gruevska-Madžoska], Симона [Simona]. "Јазичната политика во Република Македонија – меѓу законската регулатива и практиката." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.013.
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Language policy in the Republic of Macedonia – between legislation and practice The question about the status of the Macedonian language manifests itself for the first time in the 19th century, but its resolution starts with the codification of the Macedonian language after World War II. The Macedonian language is then declared as an official language in the Macedonian republic and equal amongst the other languages in SFR Yugoslavia. However, the official language in SFR Yugoslavia (the language of international communication, military dealings, one of the core subjects in all elementary schools etc.) was the Serbo‑Croatian language. With the formation of an independent Republic of Macedonia, the Macedonian language became the only official language until the peace deal Ohrid Framework Agreement was signed, when the language of the largest ethnic minority – the Albanian language – gains the status of an official language. The issue of interest of this article is whether the Macedonian language has changed its status and to what extent, what are the terms of legislation for it and the real situation in which it is found in the Republic of Macedonia. Polityka językowa w Republice Macedonii – między ustawodawstwem a praktyką Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniom związanym ze zmianą statusu języka macedońskiego, jego stanem prawnym i faktyczną sytuacją językową w Republice Macedonii.Kwestia statusu języka macedońskiego pojawiła się po raz pierwszy w XIX wieku, lecz jej właściwe rozwiązanie nastąpiło wraz z kodyfikacją języka literackiego po II wojnie światowej. Wówczas język macedoński został uznany za oficjalny w Socjalistycznej Republice Macedonii i równouprawniony z pozostałymi językami w SFR Jugosławii, przy czym językiem oficjalnym federacyjnego państwa był serbskochorwacki/chorwackoserbski (jako język komunikacji międzynarodowej, język armii i przedmiot obowiązkowego nauczania w szkole podstawowej itd.).Z chwilą ukonstytuowania się Republiki Macedonii jako niezależnego państwa język macedoński został jedynym językiem oficjalnym, sytuacja taka trwała aż do podpisania umowy w Ochrydzie (Ohridskiot ramoven dogovor), kiedy to także albański – jako język największej mniejszości etnicznej w kraju – zyskał status języka oficjalnego.
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Neofotistos, Vasiliki P. "Postsocialism, Social Value, and Identity Politics among Albanians in Macedonia." Slavic Review 69, no. 4 (2010): 882–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003767790000989x.
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In this article, Vasiliki P. Neofotistos analyzes the reappropriation of the term Šiptar, a derogatory Macedonian term for Albanians, by male members of the Albanian community in the Republic of Macedonia. Neofotistos shows how the reappropriation of the ethnic slur reflects constellations of social value, that is to say, larger systems of meaning and action concerning who and what is valued in life, that have emerged with Macedonian independence. Albanian men tap into familiar divisions found in the larger Macedonian society and create meaningful forms of collectivity as they deal with rapid social, economic, and political change in the context of Macedonia's postsocialist transformation of social practices and ideals. This case study of Macedonia sheds light on the dynamics of social relations within socially marginalized groups.
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Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska], Билјана [Biljana]. "Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.007.
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The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in finding a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bałkańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezentowano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei własnego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jednocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – zatwierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Republiki Macedonii.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. "The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304395d.
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Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.
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Kaytchev, Naoum. "Perspectives for North Macedonia’s EU Integration after the French EU Framework Solution in 2022." Foreign Policy Review 16, no. 1 (2023): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.146-159.
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This paper discusses the influence of Bulgarian–North Macedonian bilateral relations on the perspectives of North Macedonia’s EU integration after the adoption of the EU-North Macedonia negotiation framework in July 2022, advanced by the French EU Presidency. The main focus is on two of the most salient and sensitive elements of these relations – the incorporation of the Bulgarian community in North Macedonia’s constitution and the role of the Joint Historical Commission in adjusting and synchronising the historical perspectives of the two societies. Progress in both issues would be extremely beneficial for North Macedonia’s prospects. Any retreat from or erosion of the French EU framework solution would mean a return to the stalled situation before 2022, which would be hardly beneficial either for North Macedonia or for the wider Southeast European region.
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Ilić, Dušan. "MACEDONIAN SEPARATISM IN SOUTHERN SERBIA IN THE PERIOD 1941-1945." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 2 (2024): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv2.047i.
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This article aims to shed light on Macedonian separatist aspirations in the area of the occupied part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which in the pre-war period was known as South Serbia, during the World War II, but also immediately after its end, when a political entity called Macedonia was formed for the first time in history. Macedonian autonomists and federalists in this area promoted, tactically speaking, two version of the same policy in the Ottoman and interwar periods, which aimed at the national emancipation of the Macedonians from the rest of the Serbian nation. Thus, during the World War II, there will be several factions of Macedonian separatist politics. One will openly side with the Bulgarian fascist occupier and serve in his occupation apparatus, and for the first time towards the end of the war (1944) will try to form the Independent State of Macedonia, while the other will operate under the auspices of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. During the war itself, and within the KPJ, several currents appeared, which, wanting to achieve the same goal, advocated different approaches to solving the Macedonian issue. One faction will advocate the fight for a Macedonian state in the Balkans through an autonomous national liberation movement with the possibility of joining the Balkan Federation, while the other, prevailing, will fight for the establishment of Macedonia within the Yugoslav framework, i.e. for the realization of national rights under the leadership of the KPJ as part of solving the national question. This policy will win after the Second World War, when the Macedonian federal unit is formed within the new Yugoslav state, which will be the embryo of the future independent state of North Macedonia.
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Brunnbauer, Ulf. "Side Effects of “Phantom Pains”: How Bulgarian Historical Mythology Derails North Macedonia’s EU Accession." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 722–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0064.
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Abstract What happens if historical daydreams derail the vector of European integration? The latest round in the dispute between Bulgaria and North Macedonia provides an insight. This analysis discusses Bulgaria’s veto on European Union (EU) accession talks with North Macedonia, first declared in 2019, and its manifold consequences. Bulgaria tied its consent to North Macedonia’s accession to the EU with the country first capitulating to Bulgarian demands concerning its history and identity. This revived arguments from the 1960s and 1970s. Bulgaria’s demands led to a nationalist counter-reaction in North Macedonia, while at the same time complicating the work of a joint expert commission on shared history established in 2017. The author highlights the unenviable nature of the position of the Macedonian members in the commission, caught as they are between their academic ethos and the diplomatic priorities of their country. The analysis concludes with remarks on the implications for the EU of Bulgaria’s “phantom pains” over Macedonia.
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Todoroska, Katerina. "Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.014.13807.
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The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neighboring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficulties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition of the Autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, who point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflict with Greece concerning the name of the Macedonian state and the rights of Macedonian immigrants.
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Rogoś, Agata Anna. "Old Boundaries and New Cultural Landscapes of a Multiethnic City in Modern-day Macedonia." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 8 (November 27, 2019): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.014.
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Old Boundaries and New Cultural Landscapes of a Multiethnic City in Modern-day MacedoniaIn the context of Macedonian and Albanian ethnonational discourses functioning in Macedonia that constitute a significant component of the system of the city’s symbols and semantics, we come upon confrontational strategies between the Slavic and non-Slavic entities that function in the cultural area of Skopje. On the one hand, these confrontational strategies determine the polemic nature of urban space, understood as both material cultural space established on the basis of places of memory and cultural artefacts, and, on the other hand, they are a product of space as an area of activity of actors and social and political networks, often used to construct incoherent self-defining processes within the space defined by the influence of ethnocultural processes.Based on the two entities in this discourse, one Slavic and one non-Slavic (Macedonian and Albanian), a semantic model of the city, described as a “polemic city”, was created as an outcome of the empirical research performed. This model can also be used for analysing other cultural areas characterised by polycentric interethnic relations. A significant point of reference, a category that constitutes the key component of this analysis, is the transformative nature of the place as an area of stigmatisation by ethnic, cultural and political determinants and subjected to a game with the participation of social and political actors. Anthropological research distinguished semantic categories referring to the place and the contestation of place, all of which I have analysed, drawing special attention to the Slavic and non-Slavic entities in Macedonian and Albanian discourse in Macedonia. Stare granice i nowe krajobrazy kulturowe wieloetnicznego miasta we współczesnej MacedoniiW kontekście macedońskich i albańskich dyskursów etnonarodowych funkcjonujących w Północnej Macedonii, które stanowią znaczący element systemu symboli i semantyki miasta, natrafiamy na strategie konfrontacyjne między komponentami słowiańskimi i niesłowiańskimi, które funkcjonują w obszarze kulturalnym Skopje. Z jednej strony te strategie konfrontacyjne składają się na polemiczny charakter przestrzeni miejskiej, rozumianej zarówno jako materialna przestrzeń kulturowa ustalona na podstawie miejsc pamięci i artefaktów kulturowych, a z drugiej strony są produktem przestrzeni jako obszaru aktywności aktorów, sieci społecznych i politycznych, często wykorzystywanych do konstruowania niespójnych procesów autodefinicyjnych w przestrzeni zdominowanej przez procesy etnokulturowe.W oparciu o dwa komponenty: słowiański i niesłowiański (macedoński i albański) w analizowanym dyskursie powstał semantyczny model miasta, określony jako „miasto polemiczne”, w wyniku przeprowadzonych badań empirycznych. Model ten można również wykorzystać do analizy innych obszarów kulturowych charakteryzujących się policentrycznymi relacjami między etnicznymi. Istotnym punktem odniesienia, kategorią stanowiącą kluczowy element tej analizy, jest transformacyjny charakter miejsca jako obszaru stygmatyzacji przez uwarunkowania etniczne, kulturowe i polityczne oraz poddanego grze z udziałem aktorów społecznych i politycznych. W badaniach antropologicznych wyróżniono kategorie semantyczne odnoszące się do miejsca i kontestacji miejsca, które przeanalizowano, zwracając szczególną uwagę na komponenty słowiańskie i niesłowiańskie w dyskursie macedońskim i albańskim w Macedonii.
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Dimovski, Ilche. "US INFLUENCE IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA AFTER THE PERIOD OF RENAMING." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 47, no. 1 (August 16, 2021): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij4701249d.
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The complex set of historical and political processes between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as the absence of the EU from the region, complicates the process of building democratic and political capacities in these countries. The United States has a complex political approach to the Western Balkans, without having an exclusive ally in this part of the region. Although the region does not seem to be at the top of US policy priorities at the moment, the Western Balkans play an important role in its interests, especially when it comes to security issues, which have always been a top priority for the US administration. The public in the Republic of North Macedonia is still emotional about the process of changing the constitutional name, and the Prespa Agreement, although a closed topic for the US administration, at least judging by the last move of President Biden, is still not fully accepted, not only by the population, but also among some experts. Some critics comment on the distrust of the process "vis a vis" the constant blockades of the pre-accession negotiations with the EU, despite the name change, which by the way according to the amendments to the Constitution should be implemented in practice in parallel with the opening of EU negotiation chapters. This begs the questions: What is the US position on North Macedonia's strategic interests? Does and in what way does the United States influence North Macedonia through NATO? What are the benefits and prospects for North Macedonia from NATO membership? The purpose of this paper is to explain the US attitude towards North Macedonia from a geostrategic point of view by applying descriptive analysis. In 2008, after the Greek veto on Macedonia's membership in NATO, a Declaration on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation was signed between the United States and Macedonia, with which the United States guarantees the security of Macedonia, but without meaning a replacement for NATO membership. The Declaration is one of the most important agreements for North Macedonia, which emphasizes, among other things, the strategic commitment of both sides to Macedonia's integration into NATO and the EU, making the United States the only strategic partner and supporter (of the great powers) of Macedonia in its EU and NATO aspirations.Finally, in 2020, through the North Macedonian Embassy in Washington, the instrument for joining the North Atlantic Treaty was deposited, with which North Macedonia officially became a member of NATO.
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Risteski, Temelko, Sejdefa Dzhafche, and Vesna Sijic. "ТHE AGREEMENT WITH THE REPUBLIC OF GREECE ON RESOLUTION THE DISPUTE OF NAME AND MACEDONIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY." Knowledge International Journal 33, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3301059r.
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On 17.6.2018, in the village of Nivitsi on the Greek coast of Prespa Lake, the heads of diplomacy of Macedonia and Greece, Nikola Dimitrov and Nikos Kodzias, signed the "Final Agreement for Disputes described in Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993) of the United Nations Security Council to cease the validity of the 1995 Interim Accord and to establish a strategic partnership between the parties."According to the Agreement, the new name the Republic of Macedonia is "Republic of North Macedonia". It will be used erga omnes, that is, at every opportunity both in the country and abroad. The terms "Macedonia" and "Macedonian" in relation to the Republic of North Macedonia denote its territory, language, people and their characteristics, with their own history, culture, and heritage. The official language of the country is Macedonian, while citizenship is "Macedonian / Citizen of the Republic of North Macedonia". The agreement was also signed by UN mediator Matthew Nimetz. This agreement, also known in the public, as the Prespa Treaty, ended the name dispute between Macedonia and Greece.Following the ratification of the Agreement by the parliaments of the two countries, it commenced its implementation. In the procedure for its implementation, the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia adopted four amendments at its session on 11 January 2019: amending the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia in the Republic of North Macedonia, amending the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic, amending Article 3 and replacement of Article 49 of the Constitution (Amendments XXXIII to XXXXVI).The signing of the Agreement divided the Macedonian public. Some (the majority) supported and still support the Agreement, some strongly opposed it. The opposition has regularly been followed by criticism on the Agreement. The criticisms often contained two theses: the first of them was that by the implementation of the Agreement the identity of the Macedonian people would be lost, and the second, always related to the first, that the identity of the Macedonian state would be lost. In this paper we have made an effort to prove the inaccuracy of those theses by applying the method of content analysis based on the principles of formal logic and the dialectical method.
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Nikolovski, Dimitar. "European Integration as New National Mythology: On The Resolution of the Macedonian Name Dispute." Köz-gazdaság 16, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2021.03.09.
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The paper examines the effect that the resolution of the naming dispute between North Macedonia and Greece has on the re-definition of the Macedonian nation. It discusses the narratives of supporters and opponents to the Prespa Agreement and poses the question of whether the European integration (under which auspices the name change occurred) has indeed served as new national mythology for Macedonians.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "Connotations of ‘Macedonia’ and of ‘Macedones’ until 323 b.c." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041744.
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It was a characteristic of Macedonian custom that a name was used in a special and in a general sense. For example, ‘Foot-Companions’ was the name of a Bodyguard of Philip and also of the men of the Phalanx-Brigades from Lower Macedonia, and ‘Hypaspists’ was the name of Infantry-Guardsmen of Alexander and also of the men of three Hypaspist Phalanx-Brigades. Geographical names were repeated: there were at least two regions and two cities called ‘Emathia’, two or three regions called ‘Doberus’, four cites called Philippi or Philippopolis, and Alexandrias galore. To a modern mind this makes for confusion. That is certainly the case with the names ‘Macedonia’ and ‘Macedones’, which I shall treat separately in this article.
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Ѓоргиев [Ǵorgiev], Драги [Dragi]. "Османлиското наследство во Република Македонија: предност или хендикеп?" Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.011.
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Ottoman heritage in Macedonia: an advantage or a handicap?The ethno-centric study of the Ottoman past after the establishment of the national Christian countries on the Balkan, causes many negative stereotypes. Today the cultural and historical heritage from that period is still followed with the negative perception which affects the every-day life of the people living on the Balkan. The cause of this texts is through few examples of the Ottoman heritage in Republic of Macedonia, which is one of the most significant segments of the multiculturalism in this country, to show that for the Macedonian state the Ottoman heritage still represents a serious disability, which can not be absorbed and integrated in the contemporary Macedonian society. Dziedzictwo osmańskie w Macedonii: korzyść czy utrudnienie? Etnocentryczne badania nad osmańską przeszłością i kształtowaniem się chrześcijańskich państw narodowych na Półwyspie Bałkańskim wskazują na istnienie wielu negatywnych stereotypów odnoszących się do tej przeszłości. Kulturowo-historyczne dziedzictwo czasów minionych także dzisiaj dowodzi ich oddziaływania. Towarzyszy temu negatywna percepcja i upolitycznienie, wpływając na życie codzienne Bałkanów.Na podstawie kilku przykładów z dziedziny kultury duchowo-materialnej i demografii w artykule ukazano osmańskie dziedzictwo w Republice Macedonii, gdzie wielokulturowość i wielowyznaniowość stanowią najistotniejsze elementy jej rzeczywistości. Dowodzą one, iż we współczesnym państwie macedońskim scheda przeszłości osmańskiej nadal stwarza poważne problemy, które uniemożliwiają pełne zintegrowanie współczesnego społeczeństwa macedońskiego.
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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "Tretyakova M. Makedoniia-2001. Novyi vitok krizisa: Istoricheskie predposylki i politicheskie posledstviia. M.: Indrik, 2021. 376 s. ISBN 978-5-91674-633-4 [Tretyakova M. Macedonia-2001. A New Round of the Crisis: Historical Background and Political Consequences. Moscow: Indrik, 2021. 376 p.]." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.16.
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This review is devoted to the book by Maria Chedomirovna Tretyakova Macedonia-2001. A New Round of the Crisis: Historical Background and Political Consequences. The author sets herself the task of studying the significance of the Albanian factor in the history of Macedonia. The author studies not just the 2001 insurgency in Macedonia, but the region's history from the middle of the nineteenth century until 2018. The author pays most attention to the demographic issue and argues the historical right of the Macedonian people to the territory of the country. The monograph was written according to the Right-Macedonian national discourse and therefore has all the pros and cons of the primordial approach in the study of interethnic tensions in the Balkans. The book is of undoubted interest for the reader who wants to get acquainted with the Macedonian vision of the Albanian question in the Balkans. Illustrative material and maps of the so-called “United Macedonia” emphasize the tragedy of the situation in which, according to the author, the Macedonian people found themselves.
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Rozner, István, and György Rozner. "Data to the leaf-beetle fauna of Macedonia (Coleoptera, Chrysomelidae)." Natura Somogyiensis, no. 12 (2008): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24394/natsom.2008.12.111.
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Data to the leaf-beetle fauna of Macedonia. {Coleoptera, Chrysomelidae) - During the period of 1976-2004 the authors organized 10 collecting trips to localities in the areas of historical Macedonia (Republic of Macedonia, Pirin Mountains in Bulgaria and the Macedonian provinces of Greece). They have found 213 species of 61 genera in 11 subfamilies of Chrysomelidae. 23 species proved to be new to the fauna of the Republic of'Macedonia (ex Yugoslavian Macedonia).
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Alija Avdovic – a fighter for freedom and equality." Historijski pogledi 1, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2018.1.1.158.
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On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.
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Graan, Andrew. "On the Politics ofImidž: European Integration and the Trials of Recognition in Postconflict Macedonia." Slavic Review 69, no. 4 (2010): 835–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900009876.
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This article examines how a discourse on international image animated Macedonian politics following the country's 2001 conflict and how it reflected a broader cultural politics of European Union expansion. Contrasting with the continual deferral of recognition that characterized European integration in Macedonia, the Macedonian discourse on image(imidž)anchored a social imaginary where a national project of marketing could facilitate Macedonia's accession into the European Union and concretize its belonging to "Europe." The analysis developed here centers on the ambivalences in this discourse and the practices it authorized. By incorporating both orientalist distinctions and key concepts from the European Union's own process of integration, the discourse of imidž supported the neoliberal reform associated with Macedonia's postconflict restructuring and European integration. But the discourse on imidž also provided Macedonian political actors with an idiom in which to imagine, respond to, and capitalize on the larger political forces engendered by discursive constructs of Europe and the international community.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Problems of Macedonian Orthodox Church Status in Modern Policy of the Historical Memory of the Republic of North Macedonia." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.1.39724.
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The purpose of the study is to analyse the perception of the problems of the history of the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the politics of memory of modern North Macedonia. The author analyses the role and place of church narratives in historical politics and the development of memorial culture. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features of the religious dimension of the politics of memory in modern Macedonian society as a secular state. The article analyses the perception of church issues in modern memorial Macedonian culture. The article also shows that the politics of memory that forms and promotes the perception of the history of the Church in the Macedonian ethnic coordinates system determine on the development of Macedonian nationalism. It is assumed that the political elites of modern North Macedonia actively use the problems of the history of the Church consolidating national identity in politics of memory. The results of the study suggest that the memorial culture of modern Macedonian society in contexts of the perception of the history of the Church is distinguished by a nationalistic character, and the perception of church history in the collective memory of Macedonia develops in contexts of memorial wars with other Balkan societies, integrating the historical heritage of Orthodoxy on the territory of Macedonia into their own historical memories.
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Polenakovic, Momir, and Lenche Danevska. "Biomedical Journals in Republic of Macedonia: the Current State." PRILOZI 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prilozi-2015-0007.
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AbstractSeveral biomedical journals in the Republic of Macedonia have succeeded in maintaining regular publication over the years, but only a few have a long-standing tradition. In this paper we present the basic characteristics of 18 biomedical journals that have been published without a break in the Republic of Macedonia. Of these, more details are given for 14 journals, a particular emphasis being on the journal Prilozi/Contributions of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Section of Medical Sciences as one of the journals with a long-term publishing tra-dition and one of the journals included in the Medline/PubMed database. A brief or broad description is given for the following journals: Macedonian Medical Review, Acta Morphologica, Physioacta, MJMS - Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences, International Medical Journal Medicus, Archives of Public Health, Epilepsy, Macedonian Orthopaedics and Traumatology Journal, BANTAO Journal, Macedonian Dental Review, Macedonian Pharmaceutical Bulletin, Macedonian Veterinary Review, Journal of Special Education and Rehabilitation, Balkan Journal of Medical Genetics, Contributions of the Macedonian Scientific Society of Bitola, Vox Medici, Social Medicine: Professional Journal for Public Health, and Prilozi/Contributions of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Journals from Macedonia should aim to be published regularly, should comply with the Uniform requirements for manuscripts submitted to biomedical journals, and with the recommendations of reliable organizations working in the field of publishing and research. These are the key prerequisites which Macedonian journals have to accomplish in order to b? included in renowned international bibliographic databases. Thus the results of biomedical science from the Republic of Macedonia will be presented to the international scientific arena.
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Clark, James D. "The Conflicts of Identity: Nationalism in Post-Yugoslavian Macedonia." Central Eastern European Review 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2014-0003.
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Abstract This article looks at the challenges faced by Macedonia in creating a national identity since independence. After briefly reviewing the region’s history since the 7th century, the revolt for independence at the end of the 19th century, the interwar period when it was part of Serbia, and the Yugoslav era when Macedonia first attained a separate political existence, the article addresses the challenges the Slav Macedonians faced in creating an identity for the new state. Some of those challenges came from Serbia and Bulgaria, which claimed that the Macedonian Slavs were actually part of their respective nations, and from Greece, which objected to the symbols and the name they had adopted. The greatest resistance inside Macedonia to an exclusively Slavic national identity, however, came from the Albanian community, located mainly in the eastern reaches of the country and in Skopje. An unwillingness to share power or to make concessions by the Slav nationalists eventually resulted in armed insurrection by the Albanians in 2001. Though the Ohrid Accords signed the same year ended the fighting, tension between the two communities has continued on and off until the present, despite some examples of peaceful coexistence.
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Mironska-Hristovska, Valentina. "Gane Todorovski (1929–2010)." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.024.
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Gane Todorovski (1929–2010)The name of academician Gane Todorovski is deeply embedded in Macedonian poetry, Macedonian science of literature and Macedonian culture in general. His oeuvre is an extraordinary compilation of his expression as a poet; scholar in several areas: literary history, folklore, linguistics, contemporary flows through critical, theoretical and comparative prism, essayist, translator - who enchants lyrics with the touch of Macedonia; anthologist, subeditor and editor of a series of publications, editor of magazines; theatrologist, university professor and bard of cultural events in Macedonia.
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Проева [Proeva], Наде [Nade]. "Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 107–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.008.
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National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej południowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.
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Pandevska, Maria. "Transformation of Political Systems and Social Deviations in their Duration: Case Study SRM/RM/RN Macedonia (Contribution to Further Research)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 32 (September 29, 2023): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.23.009.18435.
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Through the presentation of a part of the deviations of the social life, which appeared in Yugoslavian socialism, we are actually returning to the deep roots of the disorientation and resignation of the common people towards the contemporary Macedonian social trends and towards the contemporary Macedonian political elite. All of these deviations in the social sphere appeared everywhere across the SFRY, but got a stronger hold over the consciousness of the common people in some republics more than in others. In the Socialist Republic of Macedonia/Republic of Macedonia/ Republic of North Macedonia, another important factor added up to the economic underdevelopment: the previous historical inexperience in coping with its own national
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Palagia, Olga. "Unity and Diversity in Greek Art." Classica et Mediaevalia, no. 1 (May 23, 2024): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.vi1.145255.
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Athenian art was more or less dominant in the visual culture of the Greek world in the classical period but not in all areas. We explore here the influence of Athens on the art and architecture of regions that had developed their own local traditions. Thishappened in times of crisis, political as well as social. Such crises can be detected in the last decades of both the fifth and the fourth centuries BCE. We will begin by examining the impact of the Peloponnesian War on the artistic development of Arcadia and Laconiaand conclude with the aftermath of the Macedonian conquest of Athens after the Lamian War. It appears that in the last twenty years of the fourth century the Macedonians hired Attic masons to reproduce Athenian buildings in Macedonia, and the ban on luxurious grave monuments imposed on Athens by Demetrios of Phaleron drove Athenian artists to emigrate to Macedonia.
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Yarovyi, V., and I. Malatsai. "THE REPUBLIC NORTH MACEDONIA IN THE RESEARCH OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.13.
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The emergence of a sovereign state of the Republic of Macedonia in the early 90's of the twentieth century. revived interest in issues related to the population, history, culture and name of the state itself. The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian researchers devoted to the problems of the history of the modern republic of Northern Macedonia. The main scientific achievements of domestic historians who study problems that are of great scientific interest not only in Ukraine are analyzed. It is emphasized that only at the end of the twentieth century. In Ukraine, researchers began to pay active attention to the study of the historical past of Macedonia. Today we can identify the most researched issues of Macedonian history in domestic historiography. The first scientific works were devoted to the study of cultural relations between the Russian Empire and the population of the Macedonian lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. XX century, the study of the attitude of Western Europe and Russia to the situation of the Slavic population in the Macedonian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. In the works of Ukrainian researchers, much attention is paid to the study of problems that are important for Ukraine – the process of formation of the national liberation movement. The preconditions for the emergence of Macedonian revolutionary organizations in the early twentieth century are studied. Ukrainian researchers are very interested in issues related to the proclamation and formation of an independent state, socioeconomic life and the development of interethnic relations in Macedonia in the second half of the twentieth century. Actively is investigate the causes, course and consequences of ethnic and political conflict in the early XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new stage in the development of the study of Macedonia in Ukraine began. As a result of cooperation between scientists of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Macedonia, scientific collections were published. The similar historical destiny of the Macedonian and Ukrainian peoples is important in the study of Macedonian issues in the historical science of Ukraine.
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Demjaha, Agon. "THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT." SEEU Review 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0016.
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Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.
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Çeliku, Xhyla, and Anthony Preston. "The Ohrid Framework Agreement in North Macedonia between its institutional implementation and political instrumentalization." South Florida Journal of Development 5, no. 7 (July 17, 2024): e4121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv5n7-019.
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This article focuses on the peace agreement reached through international mediation in North Macedonia, known as the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In 2001, this agreement successfully brought together the conflicting parties: the government of the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia), and the armed Albanian forces under the emblem of the National Liberation Army (UÇK). This agreement prevented the escalation of conflict on the scale of the Bosnian and Kosovo War, contributing to the easing of interethnic relations in North Macedonia. It aimed to advance the rights of non-Macedonian ethnic groups, particularly the rights of Albanians, who constitute numerically the second largest ethnic group in North Macedonia at around 30%, according to the latest population registration in 2022. This agreement was intended to be implemented within five years after its signing in 2001. However, even after 22 years, it remains unrealized concerning the fair representation of non-Macedonian ethnic groups within the state structure. Furthermore, it continues to be used as a discriminatory tool by the North Macedonian state. Worse yet, it has become a political instrument for achieving votes through employment, primarily favoring individuals closely associated with the ruling parties, party militants, and relatives of party leaders. This has resulted in the creation of a caste of state political administrators. On the other hand, it has led to unprecedented segregation among Albanians in North Macedonia, with the slogan: ‘This one belongs to us, that one not.’ Consequently, those who are not considered ‘ours’ are compelled to emigrate abroad in search of better living conditions. Over time, this has resulted in a significant exodus, primarily among young people, with official statistics estimating up to 700,000 individuals.
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Pandevska, Maria. "The term “Macedonian(s)” in Ottoman Macedonia: on the map and in the mind." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 747–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705265.
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In this article I analyze the term “Macedonian(s)” based on the discourse of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (1893–1908) from the aspect of the internal understanding of the term as a supra-local and supra-church identity. Another matter for analysis in this article is that of the stereotypes in the interpretation of Macedonian historical processes inherited from the nineteenth century, still present in some contemporary historiographies. Hence, the article makes an attempt to bring down the stereotype about the existence of some unique Macedonian ethnic phenomenon known as the “Macedonian salad.” This article also deals with the significance of the geopolitical position of Ottoman Macedonia within the empire. More specifically, the emphasis is placed on the change of its position after the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1881). Namely, for the first time since the Ottoman conquests in the Middle Ages, Macedonia's position within the empire changed from being a central to a peripheral Ottoman province, with all the advantages and disadvantages that this change brought about. This aspect of Macedonian historical reality is often neglected in the historiography.
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Çeliku, Xhyla, and Anthony Preston. "The dispute between North Macedonia and Bulgaria in the light of historical and political issues." South Florida Journal of Development 4, no. 8 (October 26, 2023): 2987–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv4n8-004.
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The path towards North Macedonia’s membership in the European Union has been long and arduous. After resolving the naming dispute with Greece, North Macedonia is now facing opposition from Bulgaria, a member of the European Union, over issues related to history, culture, and language. Bulgaria has the right to veto North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union. The current situation in North Macedonia is dire. Corruption is rampant in state administration and society at large. The economy is deteriorating, and the young generation is leaving the country in droves. The international community can play a crucial role in preventing this chaotic social and political situation in North Macedonia. It can push both countries to find a reasonable solution in order for North Macedonia to be part of the European Union as soon as possible.
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Golovin, D. O., and S. A. Sklyarov. "The New Macedonian Question: the Current Stage of Development." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (November 7, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-68-90.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of the New Macedonian question. Authors examine two treaties that seemed to settle the New Macedonian question: The 2017 Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighborliness and Cooperation between Macedonia and Bulgaria, and the 2018 Prespa agreement signed by the representatives of Macedonia and Greece. The successful negotiations that resulted in the signing of these international agreements have raised a diffi cult question for researchers, which can be formulated as follows: what is the current stage of development of the New Macedonian Question? Does this problem belong to history or current international relations? The main goal of the work is a detailed analysis of the two above-mentioned treaties in the context of their impact on the New Macedonian question. Authors attempted not only to examine the two treaties separately, but also to place these documents in the broader context of extremely contradictory international relations on the Balkan Peninsula, and to show the mutual infl uence of various aspects of the New Macedonian question as the complex problem of international relations. The article has a scientifi c value since the Prespa agreement and the Treaty of friendship have not yet been properly examined in the scientifi c literature, despite the wide coverage in the media. The article proves the thesis that two treaties did not settle the New Macedonian question and only led to the creation of new problems related to the independent Macedonian state. The serious unilateral concessions made by the Macedonian leadership to resolve the name dispute, the freezing of the historical dispute with Bulgaria, and the continued distrust between the Macedonians and Albanians after the Ohrid agreement do not give grounds to speak of a successful solution of the New Macedonian question.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "North Macedonia and its Neighbours: Challenges and Perspectives." Croatian International Relations Review 25, no. 85 (November 1, 2019): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0007.
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Abstract In this paper, the author has analysed the perspectives of Macedonia’s new foreign policy concept regarding its neighbours since the second half of 2017. Therefore, he points to Macedonia’s numerous bilateral issues, primarily about its name with neighbouring Greece. The paper also includes a review of other open issues with Bulgaria and Albania, which jeopardize its path towards the EU and NATO membership. The signing of two crucial bilateral agreements with Bulgaria (2017) and Greece (2018) has significantly changed its foreign policy position and accelerated the realization of its Euro-Atlantic perspective. Additionally, Macedonia has improved relations with Albania and Kosovo. Although the relations with Serbia have oscillated, they cannot, in general, be labelled as bad. The author concludes that the determination of the new Macedonian political elite to resolve the accumulated bilateral issues with its neighbours is very significant in the broader regional context. It also represents a stimulus for the rest of the Western Balkans.
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Polenakovic, Momir H. "A Scientific Symposium “Artificial Organs Today: From in Vitro Assessment to Human Therapies” on the Occasion of the Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts." PRILOZI 41, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/prilozi-2020-0050.
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AbstractOn the occasion of the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts (MASA) the Macedonian Society of Nephrology, Dialysis, Transplantation and Artificial Organs (MSNDTAO) organized a one day symposium titled: “Artificial Organs Today: From in vitro assessment to human therapies”, on September 28, 2007 at the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The following sessions were held: Artificial Organs in Front of the Ageing Populations; System Requirements for Artificial Organ Technology; Tools for Artificial Organ Technology; Extracorporeal Blood Circuits in Organ Replacement Therapies; Treatment Options for Blood Purification Therapies. Presentation were delivered by: Horst Klinkmann, Germany; Jörg Vienken, Germany; Jens Hartmann, Austria; Udo Losert, Austria; Jan Wojcicki, Poland; Helmut Mann and Siegfried Stiller, Germany; Beat Walpoth, Switzerland; Juan F. del Cañizo, Spain; Borce Georgievski, Macedonia; Bernd Stegmayr, Sweden; Momir Polenakovic, Macedonia; Petar Kes, Croatia; Aleksandar Sikole, Macedonia; Wolfgang Ramlow, Germany; Dieter Falkenhagen, Austria. These meetings are significant for the application and development of the artificial organs in patients.
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Spiroski, Mirko. "Current Biomedical Scientific Impact (2013) of Institutions, Academic Journals and Researchers in the Republic of Macedonia." PRILOZI 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prilozi-2015-0010.
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AbstractAim: To analyse current ranking (2013) of institutions, journals and researchers in the Republic of Macedonia.Material and Methods: the country rankings of R. Macedonia were analyzed with SCImago Country & Journal Rank (SJR) for subject area Medicine in the years 1996-2013, and ordered by H-index. SCImago Institutions Rankings for 2013 was used for the scientific impact of biomedical institutions in the Republic of Macedonia. Journal metrics from Elsevier for the Macedonian scholarly journals for the period 2009-2013 were performed. Source Normalized Impact per Paper (SNIP), the Impact per Publication (IPP), and SCImago Journal Rank (SJR) were analysed. Macedonian scholarly biomedical journals included in Google Scholar metrics (2013, 2012) were analysed with h5-index and h5-median (June 2014). A semantic analysis of the PubMed database was performed with GoPubMed on November 2, 2014 in order to identify published papers from the field of biomedical sciences affiliated with the country of Macedonia. Harzing's Publish or Perish software was used for author impact analysis and the calculation of the Hirsh-index based on Google Scholar query.Results: The rank of subject area Medicine of R. Macedonia according to the SCImago Journal & Country Rank (SJR) is 110th in the world and 17th in Eastern Europe. Of 20 universities in Macedonia, only Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje, and the University St Clement of Ohrid, Bitola, are listed in the SCImago Institutions Rankings (SIR) for 2013. A very small number of Macedonian scholarly journals is included in Web of Sciences (2), PubMed (1), PubMed Central (1), SCOPUS (6), SCImago (6), and Google Scholar metrics (6). The rank of Hirsh index (h-index) was different from the rank of number of abstracts indexed in PubMed for the top 20 authors from R. Macedonia.Conclusion: The current biomedical scientific impact (2013) of institutions, academic journals and researchers in R. Macedonia is very low. There is an urgent need for organized measures to improve the quality and output of institutions, scholarly journals, and researchers in R. Macedonia in order to achieve higher international standards.
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Spiroski, Mirko. "Country Rank, Journal Rank and H-Index in the Field of Medicine in the Republic of Macedonia (1996-2008) Using Data from SCImago." Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences 3, no. 2 (February 12, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3889/mjms.1957-5773.2010.0106.
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Aim. The aim of this study was to present the country rank, journal rank and H-index in the field of medicine in the Republic of Macedonia (1996-2008) using data from SCImago Journal & Country Rank (SCImago).Material and Methods. SCImago database was used for analysis of country rank, journal rank and H-index in the Republic of Macedonia and other former Yugoslav countries (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro) for the period of 1996-2008, as they are presented in the Scopus database.Results. Of a total number of 222 countries for the period of 1996-2008, the Republic of Macedonia with H-index of 20 is placed on the 118th position of the country rank, the percentage of citable documents in the field of medicine is 88.92%, and the percentage of relative production of documents in the world is below 0.01. In 2008, Macedonian biomedical journal Prilozi is ranked on the 2484th place with 0.048 SJR of citable documents in the last three years. The biggest H-index of 10, for the period between 2007and 2008, in the Republic of Macedonia had nephrology subject category, followed by medicine (miscellaneous) with H-index of 7, haematology and endocrinology, diabetes and metabolism with H-index of 6, transplantation, oncology and pathology and forensic medicine with H-index of 5.Conclusion. There is only one Macedonian biomedical journal (Prilozi, Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Section of Biological and Medical Sciences) included in the Scopus database for the period between 1996 and 2008, probably by mistake in the list of journals from Serbia, instead from the Republic of Macedonia. The priority task of the Editorial Boards of other Macedonian medical journals is to include their journals in the Scopus database.