Academic literature on the topic 'Macedonian Culture'

Abstract While recent studies on Macedonia have mostly focused on ‘Skopje 2014’ as a uniquely excessive project of nation-building, this article analyses local developments in monument culture elsewhere in Macedonia. Disentangling the processes of nation-building since the Ohrid Agreement of 2001, the author distinguishes three coexisting, but competing, repertoires of monument culture, namely a Yugoslav, a Macedonian, and an Albanian one. Each repertoire has been closely associated with ethnicity and the legitimation of ethnopolitical claims, as well as party politics and ideology. The past has continued to divide Macedonians. The author argues that these divisions in Macedonian monument culture reflect the competing and diverging Albanian and Macedonian historical narratives, and amount to effectively mutually exclusive ethnic and ideological nation-building efforts in post-Ohrid Macedonia.

Author(s): Žarko Trajanoski | Жарко Трајаноски Title (English): The Shadow of Homosexuality Hovers over Macedonia Title (Macedonian): Сеништето на хомосексуалноста кружи над Македонија Translated by (Macedonian to English): Rumena Bužarovska | Румена Бужаровска Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 4, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2005) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 201-239 Page Count: 39 Citation (English): Žarko Trajanoski, “The Shadow of Homosexuality Hovers over Macedonia,” translated from the Macedonian by Rumena Bužarovska, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 4, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2005): 201-239. Citation (Macedonian): Жарко Трајаноски, „Сеништето на хомосексуалноста кружи над Македонија“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 4, бр. 1-2 (лето - зима 2005): 201-239.

Gane Todorovski (1929–2010)The name of academician Gane Todorovski is deeply embedded in Macedonian poetry, Macedonian science of literature and Macedonian culture in general. His oeuvre is an extraordinary compilation of his expression as a poet; scholar in several areas: literary history, folklore, linguistics, contemporary flows through critical, theoretical and comparative prism, essayist, translator - who enchants lyrics with the touch of Macedonia; anthologist, subeditor and editor of a series of publications, editor of magazines; theatrologist, university professor and bard of cultural events in Macedonia.

Abstract The name dispute between Republic of Macedonia and Greece manifests itself in Greece’s objections to the use of the noun “Macedonia” or the adjective “Macedonian” to refer to any other ethnicity, culture, tradition and history except Greek. In order to promote itself as a sole claimant to the name, Greece has constructed a discourse which legitimizes its exclusive right to it, while at the same time it delegitimizes such right to Macedonia. However, this discourse does not only deny Macedonia the right to the name but it also denies Macedonia the right to discuss identity issues, while at the same time it obliterates Macedonian presence in the discourse in any relation to the disputed term. In this respect, this study seeks to analyze the specific linguistic strategies underlying these discursive effects.

Author(s): Elizabeta Šeleva | Елизабета Шелева Title (English): Border Cultures / Cultures at the Border Title (Macedonian): Гранични култури / култури на границата Translated by (Macedonian to English): Anastazija Kirkova | Анастазија Киркова Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 123-139 Page Count: 16 Citation (English): Elizabeta Šeleva, “Border Cultures / Cultures at the Border,” translated from the Macedonian by Anastazija Kirkova, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003): 123-139. Citation (Macedonian): Елизабета Шелева, „Гранични култури / култури на границата“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 2, бр. 1 (лето 2003): 123-139.

Author(s): Jordan Šišovski and Kalina Lechevska | Јордан Шишовски и Калина Лечевска Title (English): Overregulation as a Means of Control: Stifling the Media Freedom and Educational System in Macedonia Title (Macedonian): Прекумерна регулација како средство за контрола: Задушување на слободата на медиумите и образовниот систем во Македонија Translated by (English to Macedonian): Jordan Šišovski | Јордан Шишовски Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 12, No. 1-2 (Winter 2015 - Summer 2016) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje Page Range: 102-124 Page Count: 22 Citation (English): Jordan Šišovski and Kalina Lechevska, “Overregulation as a Means of Control: Stifling the Media Freedom and Educational System in Macedonia,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 12, No. 1-2 (Winter 2015 - Summer 2016): 102-122. Citation (Macedonian): Јордан Шишовски и Калина Лечевска, „Прекумерна регулација како средство за контрола: Задушување на слободата на медиумите и образовниот систем во Македонија“, превод од англиски Јордан Шишовски, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 12, бр. 1-2 (зима 2015 - лето 2016): 102-124.

Author(s): Ayten Alkan, Tijana Milosavljević-Čajetinac and Viktorija Gavritova | Ајтен Алкан, Тијана Милосављевиќ-Чајетинац и Викторија Гавритова Title (English): Challenges of the Interdisciplinary Character of Women’s/Gender Studies: Cases of the Czech Republic, Macedonia, and Turkey Title (Macedonian): Проблемите со интердисциплинарниот карактер на женските/родовите студии: Примерите со Република Чешка, Македонија и Турција Translated by (English to Macedonian): Kalina Janeva | Калина Јанева Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Winter 2007) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 11-67 Page Count: 56 Citation (English): Ayten Alkan, Tijana Milosavljević-Čajetinac and Viktorija Gavritova, “Challenges of the Interdisciplinary Character of Women’s/Gender Studies: Cases of the Czech Republic, Macedonia, and Turkey,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Winter 2007): 11-67. Citation (Macedonian): Ајтен Алкан, Тијана Милосављевиќ-Чајетинац и Викторија Гавритова, „Проблемите со интердисциплинарниот карактер на женските/родовите студии: Примерите со Република Чешка, Македонија и Турција“, превод од англиски Калина Јанева, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 6, бр. 1 (зима 2007): 11-67.

This review sheds light on the glossary and structure of the vocabulary entry (the defi ni- tion of the headword, examples, cross references) in the “Dictionary of Macedonian Traditional Culture” (Skopje, 2016; 564 p.) by Liljana Makarijoska. The dictionary is com- pared with other Slavic lexicographic publications of similar type, based on Bulgarian and all-Slavic folk traditions. The author chooses dialectal words from the vocabulary of material and spiritual Macedonian culture as headwords, paying attention not only to single words, but to verbal formulae as well (curses, good wishes), presenting them as special entries. Each entry contains interpretation of the corresponding notion in the folk tradition of Macedonia. Thus, the dictionary occupies the middle-ground between dialectal and encyclopaedic.

The emergence of a sovereign state of the Republic of Macedonia in the early 90's of the twentieth century. revived interest in issues related to the population, history, culture and name of the state itself. The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian researchers devoted to the problems of the history of the modern republic of Northern Macedonia. The main scientific achievements of domestic historians who study problems that are of great scientific interest not only in Ukraine are analyzed. It is emphasized that only at the end of the twentieth century. In Ukraine, researchers began to pay active attention to the study of the historical past of Macedonia. Today we can identify the most researched issues of Macedonian history in domestic historiography. The first scientific works were devoted to the study of cultural relations between the Russian Empire and the population of the Macedonian lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. XX century, the study of the attitude of Western Europe and Russia to the situation of the Slavic population in the Macedonian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. In the works of Ukrainian researchers, much attention is paid to the study of problems that are important for Ukraine – the process of formation of the national liberation movement. The preconditions for the emergence of Macedonian revolutionary organizations in the early twentieth century are studied. Ukrainian researchers are very interested in issues related to the proclamation and formation of an independent state, socioeconomic life and the development of interethnic relations in Macedonia in the second half of the twentieth century. Actively is investigate the causes, course and consequences of ethnic and political conflict in the early XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new stage in the development of the study of Macedonia in Ukraine began. As a result of cooperation between scientists of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Macedonia, scientific collections were published. The similar historical destiny of the Macedonian and Ukrainian peoples is important in the study of Macedonian issues in the historical science of Ukraine.

The author analyzes the images of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages in the political cultures of Internet users in Russia and Bulgaria. The non-academic concepts of the history and status of the Macedonian and Ukrainian languages are analyzed, and the dependence of such theories on the political and ideological situation is shown. It is assumed that the analyzed interpretations of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages historically go back to the Russian and Bulgarian nationalisms, which deny the existence of separate Macedonian and Bulgarian languages, which automatically leads to non-recognition of the political legitimacy of countries where these languages are state ones. The author believes that the analyzed levels of political culture of Internet users, on the one hand, contradict the main provisions of academic science. On the other hand, it is assumed that the activity of supporters of the analyzed versions of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages perception is predominantly virtual, assisting to the formation of the image of the enemy in political cultures. The author believes that the analyzed moods are extremely stable and adaptive, forming symbolically significant dimensions of the Russian and Bulgarian nationalist imaginations in promotion both the concepts of identity and the formation of the images of the Other.

In 1991, a diplomatic controversy arose between Greece and the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, regarding naming, minority rights and the use of historical symbols. The claims of the new state to the name Macedonia and the historical heritage associated with it were perceived as a threat against Greek national identity and history itself. Within months, the so-called Macedonian question came to dominate the Greek domestic and foreign policy agenda. In Greek public debate, the conflict blended with concerns about the nation’s past, present and future, which played into the challenges brought about by the end of the Cold War. The Macedonian conflict can thus be understood as symptomatic of a crisis in Greek historical culture, as well as a catalyst for broader concerns about the role of history in contemporary society. This study explores the contexts in which the conflict evolved and how history was perceived, narrated and used by institutions, communities and individuals who sought to influence public opinion and policy-makers. The theoretical point of departure is the concept of historical culture, defined as the totality of discourses through which a society makes sense of itself, the present and the future through the interpretation of the past. In the study of historical culture, the notions of narratives and uses of history have been employed, with the notion of boundary-work as a supplementing analytical tool. The material of the study is primarily drawn from mainstream press, but also includes historiography. The study shows how the Macedonian controversy was intertwined with the identity- and memory-political demands of substate actors. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of a narrative on genocide among Greeks of Pontian origins. This happened in an age when traditional notions of national pride were being challenged by transnational history-cultural concerns about human rights and the notion of national guilt. The study also sheds light on how academic historians dealt with issues brought about by demands for politically committed scholarship, objectivity, legitimacy and the need to adjust in a transnational setting.
Denna studie har sin utgångspunkt i de utmaningar som det grekiska samhället och nationalstaten stod inför vid kalla krigets slut. I fokus står den diplomatiska konflikten mellan Grekland och republiken Makedonien, gällande den senare partens namn och bruk av historiskt laddade symboler samt minoritetsrättigheter. Denna makedonska konflikt som seglade upp i samband med Jugoslaviens sammanbrott kom att dominera den in- och utrikespolitiska dagordningen i Grekland under det tidiga 1990-talet, och förde tidvis in landet på kollisionskurs med dess västeuropeiska och amerikanska partners. Avhandlingens syfte har bestått i att spåra de sammanhang som denna konflikt växte fram i. Jag hävdar att den makedonska konflikten inte endast skall förstås som en kris i grekisk inrikespolitik, eller i landets relationer med omvärlden, utan fastmer som en kris i den grekiska historiekulturen. I det offentliga samtalet i Grekland smälte konflikten samman med en oro gällande nationens förflutna, nutid och framtid. Den diplomatiska fejden med den nya grannstaten i norr uppmärksammades av en bred allmänhet och åtföljdes av en diskurs som utmålade den egna nationens historia och arv som hotade. Studiet av denna diskurs, eller rättare sagt diskurser, om historia är ett viktigt mål i denna avhandling, eftersom det belyser uppfattningar om det förflutna jämte farhågor rörande nuet och nationens framtid, uppfattningar och farhågor som ytterst präglade den politiska krisen. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för studien återfinns i begreppet historiekultur. Med detta avses de samtliga diskurser genom vilka ett samhälle begripliggör sig självt, nuet och framtiden genom att tolka det förflutna. Sålunda definierad skall historiekultur förstås som både struktur och process. Det innebär att historiekulturen är både ramverket av kunskap, attityder och värderingar som ger den enskilde mening och sammanhang, och samhällen deras sammanhållning, och själva handlingen genom vilka ovansagda skapas och förmedlas. Som redskap för att studera historiekultur har begreppen berättelser och historiebruk använts. Eftersom studien särskilt uppmärksammar fackhistorikers roll i konflikten – viktiga i egenskap av aktörer som skapar och sprider den kunskap och de värderingar som utgör historiekultur – har även ett vetenskapssociologiskt perspektiv infogats. Offentliga kontroverser rörande det förflutna inbegriper kamp om trovärdigheten i vissa tolkningar liksom hos dem som framför dem. Som kompletterande analysredskap brukas begreppet gränsdragning (boundary-work), utifrån uppfattningen att vetenskapen bör studeras i det sociala sammanhang i vilket den bibringas mening och auktoritet. Historiekultur studeras genom dess lämningar. I föreliggande avhandling utgörs källmaterialet främst av artiklar i grekisk dagspress, men även historieskrivning (akademisk såväl som icke-akademisk) i bokform, vetenskapliga tidskrifter och andra relevanta trycksaker där historia debatteras, berättas, sätts in i sammanhang och brukas, har studerats. Materialet täcker ingalunda grekisk historiekultur i hela dess vidd men utgör likväl ett representativt urval av de arenor där såväl allmänhet som specialister mötte diskurser och debatter om det förflutna. 324 Studien har kartlagt de sätt på vilka historia brukades med särskilt avseende på de intressen som kan skönjas däri. Själva upplevelsen av kris tog sig uttryck i ett existentiellt historiebruk, kopplats till ett sökande efter rötter och kontinuitet som närdes av fruktan för krig, rotlöshet och kulturell minnesförlust. Det upplevda yttre hotet mot Grekland beskrevs ofta i termer av en hotande utmaning gentemot den nationella identiteten och nationens överlevnad, men också som en möjlighet att återupprätta en samlande nationell berättelse. Samtidigt brukades historia med både kommersiella och politiska mål i sikte, eftersom det nationella förflutna sågs som en moralisk, politisk och ekonomisk tillgång. Ett framträdande drag i debatten var ett politiskt historiebruk som syftade till att utmana en upplevd vänsterhegemoni som utmålades som ett hinder för nationell enighet och främjandet av Greklands utrikespolitiska målsättningar i utlandet. Men historia kunde även brukas politiskt för att visa på nationalismens avarter. Särskild uppmärksamhet har ägnats åt det moraliska historiebruket. Detta är ett bruk som utmanar vad som utpekas som förhärskande föreställningar och därför är ett medel för historiekulturens förändring. Historieproducenter längs med den politiska skalan tenderade att utforma sina berättelser i kritisk och moralistisk anda, även om syftet ofta var att bevara en traditionell förståelse av nationell historia och identitet. Emellertid är det berättelser som utmanar den nationella tolkningsramen som undersökts särskilt noggrant. Det moraliska historiebruket hänger samman med hur den makedonska frågan nyttjades till att främja minnespolitiska krav. I detta sammanhang har särskild uppmärksamhet riktats mot den slaviskmakedonska minoritetsaktivismen som prisade etnisk särart och anklagade den grekiska staten för diskriminering. Dess historiebruk underblåste föreställningar om ett överhängande hot mot den grekiska nationalstaten och tilltalade som sådant också grupperingar inom den grekiska vänstern, som i den slaviskmakedonska kritiska berättelsen såg ett medel till förändring av rådande samhällsordning och den nationella historiekulturen, genom att blottlägga statens ”ideologiska historiebruk”. En grupp som brukade historien moraliskt och som i viss utsträckning även länkade sin minnespolitiska dagordning till den makedonska frågan återfanns bland de pontiska grekerna. Studien har belyst hur en pontisk identitet knuten till en berättelse om folkmord i Turkiet och en historia av diskriminering i Grekland växte fram i senare delen av 1980-talet och erkändes av staten 1994. Medan kapitel 3 utforskar det lokala historiekulturella landskapet i det grekiska Makedonien, belyser kapitel 4 även de förbindelser som pontiska aktivister sökte upprätta med historiska berättelser utanför den nationella historiens ramverk, huvudsakligen det armeniska folkmordet och förintelsen. Förhållandet mellan politik och historia, mellan kritiska berättelser som utmanade förhärskande uppfattningar i nationella frågor och dem som försvarade den förda politikens legitimitet och den officiella historieskrivningen, står i fokus för kapitel 5. Den makedonska konflikten medförde kolliderande anspråk på expertis inom vetenskapssamhället – mellan ämnesdiscipliner och enskilda forskare – såväl som mellan fackmän och lekmän, vilket tog sig uttryck i retoriska 325 uteslutningsmekanismer. För somliga bar den allmänna betoningen av nationell historia ett löfte med sig om finansiering och förstärkt prestige åt dem som hade denna inriktning. Andra uppfattade den makedonska krisen och historieskrivning med nationella och politiska förtecken som ett direkt hot mot den fria forskningen och Greklands överlevnad som ett demokratiskt samhälle. Den akademiska autonomin som föreföll hotad skyddades genom att insistera på en skiljelinje mellan historia som vetenskap respektive som ”ideologiskt bruk” för politiska ändamål. Detta försök att återupprätta konsensus inom vetenskapssamhället genom att vädja till professionens etiska principer blev också en utväg för historiker som med tiden sökte distansera sig från en förd politik som uppfattades som skamfilad och nationalistisk. Analysen har visat på de sammanhang i vilka den makedonska krisen växte fram och hur farhågorna för och bruket av historia kan förstås. Den första av dessa kontexter är den inrikespolitiska, närmare bestämt det grekiska samhällets demokratisering efter 1974. I det nya pluralistiska klimatet införlivades delar av den tidigare förföljda vänsterns kritiska berättelse om det nära förflutna i statens historieskrivning. Övergången från ett auktoritärt samhälle och historiekultur till en ökad öppenhet banade även väg för missnöjda gruppers identitetspolitik (slaviska makedoner, pontiska och andra anatoliska greker), grupper vars historiebruk naggade de gamla nationella och ideologiska stora berättelserna i kanten. Vid tiden för kalla krigets slut 1989 hade en allmänt spridd besvikelse gentemot de politiska ideologierna, i synnerhet socialismen, medfört en motreaktion till förmån för en mer traditionell nationalism. Det andra betydelsefulla sammanhanget återfinns i den europeiska integrationen som följde på Greklands EG-inträde 1981. Denna medförde inte endast hopp om ekonomisk vinning utan även behovet att bearbeta förlusten av nationellt självbestämmande och traditionella former av självförståelse. Grekland stod inför uppgiften att finna sin plats i det nya Europa, samtidigt som landet måste hantera den nya verklighet som 1990-talets krig på Balkan medförde. Särskilt historiker betonade att denna process gjorde det nödvändigt att europeisera nationens värderingar och uppfattningar kring historia, en uppgift som försvårades av Greklands hållning i den makedonska frågan och det sätt på vilket man slog vakt om ”historiska rättigheter”. Även aktivister som, huvudsakligen i den grekiska diasporan, var sysselsatta med att marknadsföra denna fråga pekade på behovet av att modernisera aspekter av den nationella historiekulturen i en tid av europeiskt enande och konvergerande historieutbildningar. Det som ovan beskrivits har ett nära samband med det tredje stora sammanhanget, som även det är av transnationell art. Den nationella historiekulturen är inte avskild från omvärlden; föreställningar om det förflutna rör sig över nationella gränser. På global nivå sammanföll den makedonska konflikten med de s.k. history wars, historiekrig som rasade vid samma tid runtom i världen. Dessa återspeglar i sin tur urholkandet av de stora nationella och ideologiska berättelserna i västerländska samhällen, de identitets- och minnespolitiska kraven hos under- och ickestatliga aktörer, de mänskliga rättigheternas paradigm och 326 beklagandets politik (the politics of regret), som anammar nationell skuld som ny princip för politisk legitimitet. Trenden inom transnationell historiekultur mot en mer universell moral, symboliserad av den ”amerikaniserade” (och ”europeiserade”) förintelsens moral innebar en ytterligare utmaning mot de nationella historiekulturerna. Den pontiska folkmordsberättelsen (och dess nationaliserade förlängning) analyseras som svarande till kravet på en ”amerikanisering” av grekisk historiekultur. I detta sammanhang lyfts den grekiska diasporans roll fram, inte endast som instrumentell i utformningen av Greklands utrikespolitiska dagordning, men även i egenskap av förmedlare av historiekulturella angelägenheter och behovet av anpassning till transnationell omgivning. Konsekvenser av denna ”amerikaniserade” folkmordsberättelse diskuteras. Ett fjärde sammanhang, med en både nationell och transnationell dimension, är det akademiska, inom vilket forskare debatter och formar historiens representation. Identitetspolitikens ankomst och den makedonska konflikten stod även i samband med den objektivistiska historieskrivningens legitimitetskris och den postmoderna utmaningen. Urholkningen av staters bärande historieberättelse och tolkningsföreträde motsvarades i viss utsträckning av ett undergrävt förtroende för den traditionella historieskrivningens trovärdighet och auktoritet. Denna urholkning kunde tolkas som ett hot mot själva historievetenskapen och professionen. Ett annat sätt att bemöta detta hot var att betrakta såväl det som den makedonska krisen som en uppfordran till perspektivskifte inom forskning och historieskrivning. Samspelet mellan politik och historia, mellan förståelsen av svunna realiteter, nutida bekymmer och förväntningar inför framtiden formade sålunda den politiska krisen och banade väg för den grekiska historiekulturens förändring.

The principal objective of this study was to understand the Macedonian psyche, more specifically the cultural layer of the psyche that makes this group unique, using the insights of depth psychology. The study addressed the question regarding how the myths and rituals about birth and dying have contributed to the formation of cultural, national, and personal identity, and how the complex of the culture is deeply embedded in individual and group psyches. Taking a historical perspective on Macedonian identity, beliefs, and rituals, this study contributes to the discussion about the role of the archetypal, collective, cultural, and symbolic function of the psyche in the creation of identity and culture. Narrative inquiry was utilized in this study. Specifically, through the narratives of 4 participants, the psychic processes involved in the identity formation and change influenced by certain cultural forms, such as traditional beliefs and ritualistic practices, are described. Subsequently, by analyzing the mythical beliefs and investigating the archetypal material that lies in the heart of a culture, a cultural complex was identified and examined.

Seven themes discovered in this study along with the analysis of the myth, which mirrors the Macedonian group psyche, offer a comprehensive depth psychological understanding of the phenomenon of the Macedonian cultural complex of inferiority and smallness, explaining the bipolarity of the complex with its destructive and constructive manifestations in the group and individual behavior. A transgenerational trauma of oppression and continued grieving for the loss of a hero/father figure underlie the complex of inferiority and smallness.

The study concluded with the discussion about healing of the complex, illuminating psychology that strives to understand, experience, and consciously embrace the loss. An area in need of further depth perspective research is a cross-cultural inquiry regarding group complexes and their interaction between nations in volatile parts of the world, such as the Balkans.

Key Words: Cultural Complex, Jung, Myth, Ritual, Macedonia, Psyche, National Identity, Transgenerational Trauma, Depth Psychology.

This thesis looks into the role of identity in ethnic conflict from social-psychological and cognitive perspectives.
The literature of Social Psychology suggests that one strategy of social groups under pressure or threat is to revert to their collective identity and manipulate it in ways that yield a distinct positive value for group members. Focusing on the main proponent of this view, Social Identity Theory, and transposing its premises onto an ethnic level, an Ethnic Identity Theory is proposed that explains ethnic identity's utility for the positive self-esteem of members of an ethnic group during a time of crisis.
As far as the cognitive aspect is concerned, the focus moves on to the individual level of analysis. It explores the issue of how information may be represented in the human brain, and proposes that it is due to particular 'exclusive' cognitive strategies of knowledge categorization, storing and re-processing that ethnic conflict is enhanced. Borrowing from Artificial Intelligence literature on Schemata and Frame theory, ethnic identity is treated as a frame with multiple slots for various traits that comprise an ethnic identity. Such modeling helps illustrate how properties related to the architecture of these mental structures result in the constructed ethnic identities becoming more rigid---their individual traits acquiring singular importance and, once challenged, affecting the whole identity.
This study concludes by pointing that, if intransigence and inflexibility concerning ethnic identity traits begins on a cognitive micro-level, then, little progress towards peace should be expected in on-going ethnic conflicts, unless cognitively unbiased third parties are involved in peace-making, and unless their involvement includes action on a cognitive-learning level to change convictions about warring groups members' perception of their own as well as others' ethnic identities.

The aim of this study is to investigate whether culture is perceived and taught in similar ways in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in Sweden and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In order to achieve this, relevant parts of policy documents and teaching materials from both school systems are analyzed – based on a framework which was devised using Claire Kramsch’s definition of culture as a foundation – and discussed. Our findings indicate that culture is not perceived and taught similarly in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in the two school systems we examine. In Sweden, based upon that which is expressed in the policy documents, it appears that learning about culture is seen as a natural component of language learning. On the hand, this does not appear to be the case in regard to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. While representations of culture are present in the teaching materials examined from each region, the ways in which it is portrayed reflect that which is set forth in the policy documents, i.e., culture is more fully integrated in the textbook used in Sweden than it is in the one used in Macedonian classrooms. Our study is of interest to those active within the field of education because an increasingly globalized world means that classes are being comprised of increasingly heterogeneous groups of students. Having insight into differences that exist between school systems may lead to a greater understanding of the situation that exists in one’s own corner of the world.

In this thesis I explore the shaping of individual and collective subjectivities through cultural practices in Eastern Macedonia, annexed to Greece in 1913, in particular within the border zone. My exploration focuses on current singing, musical, and dancing practices and on discourse about them. I intend to show that, although many of these practices are considered as 'self-evident' today, in fact they are the outcome of a deeply political process of transforming 'difference' into 'sameness' associated with the importance of the border in the context of nation-building. For this reason, the interpretation of latent structures and processes requires that cultural transformation is considered within this particular cultural and historical context.

Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2003.
Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0328103-152747. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.

Une nouvelle régulation macroéconomique et socio-économique dans la région centrale des Balkans conduisant à accélérer la croissance économique est à la fois nécessaire et possible. À partir d'une revue de littérature sur les différentes théories des développements macroéconomiques et en particulier les théories de la localisation, cette étude montre que du point de vue de la plupart des démocraties occidentales la région centrale des Balkans est toujours une région très instable en Europe. Une régionalisation fonctionnelle des Balkans est une énigme du point du développement, aussi bien pour les Balkans que pour l'Europe. De plus, pour l'Europe le défi est de former une communauté fonctionnelle dans une zone composée d'un grand nombre de communautés nationales qui ont connu des conflits nationaux très intense ces dernières décennies et dont les traces sont toujours très présentes aujourd'hui. Le défi pour les instances gouvernementales et de gestion des communautés locales est de savoir comment construire une transition viable pour passer d'une communauté qui dysfonctionne sur le plan socioculturel a un système intègre un système intégré et fonctionnel permettant un développement socioculturel et économique. L'étude analyse les forces et faiblesses d'une région particulière des Balkans, la région des montagnes du Sharr, et les possibilités de mettre en place une coopération transfrontalière entre différentes cités de manière à catalyser le développement socio-économique. Plusieurs projets auxquels a participé l'auteur de l'étude sont présentés. Les enjeux sont importants et les défis très incertains
New social-economic macro-regionalization in the Central Balkans, leading to accelerating the pace of economic growth in the monitored area, is both necessary and possible. From a review of the literature it is clear that in the view of most western democracies the Central Balkans still remains the most unstable region in the western world. Functional regionalization of the Balkans is a developmental enigma for the Balkans as well as for Europe. Secondly, for Europe, the challenge is to form a functioning community originally in an area composed of a number of different national communities that have recently been in the most harmful national conflict. The challenge of local government community is how best to construct a viable transition from a dysfunctional socio-cultural community to an integrated functional global socio-cultural system.The study analyses the strengths and weaknesses of a particular Balkan area, the Shaar Mountains area, and the possibilities to set up trans-borders cooperation between several cities in order to enhance socio-economic development. Several projects the author has participated to are presented. The stakes are high, and the challenges still uncertain

Although mostly associated with the harmful consequences of alcohol abuse over the public health, the industry of distilled spirits represents a very important and substantial part of the economy. Nowadays, the spirits industry does not only consist of alcoholic beverages; but it is part of many cultures, creates a certain image, and provides additional incomes for the economy in the form of taxes and excises, as well as job creation. The main aim for writing this paper on this topic was to analyze the Macedonian spirits market and to suggest a marketing strategy through making parallel comparisons between specifics in different spirits markets in the world and the spirits industry in Macedonia. Working in the spirits market industry requires careful execution of the company's strategies and policies, while respecting all the legislation procedures. That is why when entering the spirits market; a good and essential analysis is necessary.

The aim of this paper is to monitor the influence of two starter cultures on the microbiological stability of Macedonian traditional sausage. The research covered three variants: Control variant; Variant 2: with addition of starter culture CS-300; Variant 3: with addition of starter cultures CS-300 and BLC-78. The total bacteria count and Lactobacillus sp. in all three variants decreases compared to the initial value. There is no presence of Escherichia coli and Enterobacteriaceae.Starter culture CS-300 is recommended, while better stability of the microflora is achieved during the storage period, as well as a good quality. At the same time, the use of nitrite salt is eliminated, which results in getting a safe product.

Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.

This paper aims to examine the challenges of cross-cultural communication in multicultural teams and the resolution of conflicts arising during that process of communication. For this purpose, a survey was conducted on individuals coming from various cultural backgrounds to determine how cultural differences affect the organizational communication styles, their perception of conflict situations and the choice of conflict resolution procedures. The study is underpinned by a literature review of cross-cultural communication and theories on culture, conflict resolution and multicultural team dynamics. Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions Theory will be used to define the cultural differences using four dimensions: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism vs collectivism, and masculinity vs femininity. The outcome of the study assesses the intercultural communication competence of employees in North Macedonia and gives recommendations on how to improve communication and avoid conflicts that plague multicultural teams.

The paper discusses the level of satisfaction of the local government performance and certain forms of citizen’s participation in the improvement of the quality of life in the rural communities, such as creating new job positions, improvement of the infrastructure, creating better opportunities for the children, and decreasing of the poverty. Politicians often make big promises before elections while talking about democracy, rule of law and citizens well-being. After their election, however, they forget about the problems of their fellow citizens. Citizens then feel helpless, fall in apathy and hopelessness, and take a distance from politics and the vital questions for their rural community. The paper will show some data related to these issues gathered from a research conducted by the author in 2016 on a representative sample of 640 respondents on the territory of Republic of Macedonia. The research results show the current situation of the citizen’s satisfaction from the local government with respect to the solutions of water supply and sewerage, transport of citizens, opening of new jobs, building of social services facilities, opportunities for culture and recreational activities, and they ways in which the citizens influenced the local government. The results mostly reflect dissatisfaction with the work of the local government in addressing local problems, the underdeveloped mechanism of public participation, low level of human capital in rural local governments and other problems.

The article is based on a multinational study involving five countries (Romania, Portugal, Italy, North Macedonia, and Iceland) facing the return migration or remigration situation. Pupils (n = 1615), teachers (n = 370), future teachers (n = 166) and youth workers (n = 30) were questioned about various aspects regarding the subject. Among the matters, cultural needs appear to the most important. Based on the statistical analysis, the article describes the dynamics of the dependent variables, with highlighted interest on cultural needs. Psychological and social needs, cultural needs, and educational needs are discussed and link conclusions appear. Following the analysis, an intervention plan is built and tailored activities for teachers are proposed. Breaking stereotypes is a sensitive aspect of the intervention for the integration of remigrated children in the country of origin. The paper presents a possible intervention plan, with the elaborated activities and argues the elaborative process by calibrating each interference with the dynamics of the studied variables.

The comparative analysis of birth rate and life expectancy will provide information about the position of Macedonia in relation to Turkey and the EU and also about the factors that have the greatest impact on the population’s movement and vitality. This information should help the policy creators in the process of defining and implementing measures for increasing the birth rate and life expectancy of the population, which is aim of every country. In this paper will be put out some theoretical aspects about the economic, social, psychological, technological, cultural and political factors that have impact on the birth rate and life expectancy of the population. Also, the tabular and graphical displays will show the movement of these two demographic features in the period from 1980 to 2011. Changes in birth rate and life expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union have been leading to demographic aging of the population in the last three decades. The birth rate in these countries shows a trend of continuous decline, despite the gradual increase in life expectancy of the population. Although the declined birth rate and increased life expectancy of the population have been a common features of these countries in the last decades, the percentage of this changes is different for each country.

Countries in the Western Balkans have engaged in various transitional justice and reconciliation initiatives to address the legacy of the wars of the 1990s and the deep political and societal divisions that persist. There is growing consensus among scholars and practitioners that in order to foster meaningful change, transitional justice must extend beyond trials (the dominant international mechanism in the region) and be more firmly anchored in affected communities with alternative sites, safe spaces, and modes of engagement. This rapid literature review presents a sample of initiatives, spanning a range of sectors and fields – truth-telling, art and culture, memorialisation, dialogue and education – that have achieved a level of success in contributing to processes of reconciliation, most frequently at the community level. It draws primarily from recent studies, published in the past five years. Much of the literature available centres on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), with some examples also drawn from Serbia, Kosovo and North Macedonia.