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Journal articles on the topic 'Macedonian language (Ancient)'
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Alimi, Dervish. "MISSION CONTACT POINTS BETWEEN ANTIQUE AND SLAVICISM." International Journal of Applied Language Studies and Culture 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.34301/alsc.v2i1.12.
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The questions are: Where are the ‘footprints’ of the ancient Macedonian Macedonians’ toponyms and vocabulary, remaining in the linguistic-semantic fund that would witness the continuity of historical development and transformation, respectively, the “antico-Slavic mixing” that has been widely claimed by some Macedonian historian? “What are the remaining words of the ancient Macedonian heritage, even of the language of the old Greeks old neighbors who would testify to their every day contacts?”, when we see that today’s vocabulary fund of the Macedonian language is strictly Slavic, except for Turkish and Bulgarian-Serbian borrowings and the modern inflows of internationalisms and technicalities? Where are the old ancient Macedonian words which the Macedonian Slavic language today inherited, however few were they ?! The ancient language dictionary of the ancient Macedonian tribe should have definitely left a mark on today’s Macedonian language vocabulary, as they have left the mark of the old Anglo-Saxon in today’s English language or the language of Old Gallons in the French language today. This is the fact of the missing points of contacts between these two cultures, among others....
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Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, Chryssoula. "Aspects of ancient Macedonian costume." Journal of Hellenic Studies 113 (November 1993): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632401.
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A judicious combination of literary sources and archaeological research has often offered rewarding historical insights. In Macedonian studies such attempts have tended to be less fruitful, due to the scanty nature of the material and literary evidence. Now that archaeological investigation has expanded so widely in Northern Greece, it may be time to reassess aspects of Macedonian culture which have in the past been tackled with more enthusiasm than actual evidence, not surprisingly in view of the age-long interest in the people who shaped the Hellenistic world.
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Chivarzina, Alexandra. "Funeral and Memorial Tradition in Neighbour Slavic and Aroumanian Villages of Macedonia." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 18, no. 3-4 (2023): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2023.18.3-4.02.
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The Romanian population of the Balkans is distributed unevenly throughout the peninsula. In particular, in Macedonia, the Aromanians mainly live dispersedly within the Slavic settlements, however some city areas and even separate settlements might be considered Aromanian enclaves. In June 2022, a ten-day ethnolinguistic expedition took place in the city of Kruševo and in the villages nearby Bitola (North Macedonia). The purpose of this field survey was to study the Aromanians living close to the Macedonian population in this area. Despite the preservation of the historical memory and their own distinct identity from those around them, the native speakers of the Aromanian very infrequently use their own idiom. In everyday communication and even in the family, the Aromanians give preference to the commonly used Macedonian language. Constant intensive contacts of the Slavic and non-Slavic populations contributed to the linguistic and cultural interference in the traditions under discussion. This article aims to acquaint the reader with the folk tradition on the example of the commemorative practices common in the Balkan region under consideration. The funeral and memorial rite was chosen as the main topic, since it is in its structure that one can find the most archaic elements of traditional folk culture, reflecting ancient mythological ideas. There are also contemporary dialect texts in the Macedonian language, recorded from often bilingual native speakers. Detailed ethnolinguistic descriptions of the funeral and memorial rites give an idea of the archaic elements of the traditional folk culture, borrowed and developed in contacts. The fragments of the Eastern Romanian tradition are reflected in the rituals borrowed and adopted by the Slavs, and vice versa ― the terminological vocabulary was borrowed into Aromanian idiom.
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Lincove, David. "Book Review: The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 2 (January 4, 2017): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n2.145b.
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This encyclopedia is the first English language reference source to focus exclusively on ancient Iran during the period of its great empires before the arrival of Islam from 700 BCE to 651 CE. The major empires were the Medes, the Achaemenids, the Seleucids, the Arsacids (Parthians), and the Sasanians. Ancient Iran covered a geographic area that varied over time. At its greatest expanse the Achaemenid Empire (559–330 BCE) ruled territory continuous from Thrace in southeastern Europe to the Indus River in India. Almost as large was the Seleucid Empire (305–125 BCE) which was not Iranian or Persian but Macedonian, founded by one of Alexander the Great’s generals after his death. With the expansion of the empires through military conquests and the administrative control of vast geographic areas, Kia emphasizes that languages, ethnicities, religions, and cultures of the Persian empires were very diverse and that Persia itself was actually a southern province of Greater Iran.
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BOWDEN, HUGH. "ON KISSING AND MAKING UP: COURT PROTOCOL AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN ALEXANDER THE GREAT's ‘EXPERIMENT WITH PROSKYNESIS’." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00058.x.
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Abstract It is widely accepted that Alexander attempted to persuade his Macedonian followers to accept the Persian practice of proskynesis (possibly, but not necessarily involving prostration), that this was opposed by members of his court, and that the attempt was given up. This article re-examines the evidence and the assumptions, both ancient and modern, that lie behind the episode as reported. It argues that the words proskynesis and proskynein had a range of meanings in Greek, but were primarily associated with Greek ideas of Persian behaviour; the gestures covered by the term proskynesis were not primarily associated with the gods by Greeks; the depiction of Callisthenes as representing principled opposition to Alexander is fictitious; the objection to the adoption by Alexander of ‘barbarian’ practices reflects Roman prejudices, rather than any concern of Alexander's contemporaries; the surviving literary sources do not provide reliable evidence for any ‘experiment with proskynesis’ by Alexander.
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Проева [Proeva], Наде [Nade]. "Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 107–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.008.
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National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej południowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.
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Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. "Etniczny charakter Epirotów i Macedończyków." LingVaria 13, no. 25 (May 30, 2018): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.13.2017.25.03.
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The Ethnic Character of Ancient Epirotes and MacedoniansThe inhabitants of Epirus and Macedonia were treated as “barbarians” by ancient Greeks (so Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus, Thucydides, Ps.-Scylax, Ps.-Scymnus, Strabo, and others). According to Plutarch (Pyrrhus I 3), the intensive hellenization of Epirus started with Tharrypas’ reign in the end of fifth century BC. According to Strabo (VII 7.8), ancient Epirotes and Macedonians spoke the same language but some of them were bilingual. This means that the original language of Epirotes and Macedonians was non-Greek, but they used Greek in the capacity of the international language of the East Mediterranean area. Numerous preserved glosses demonstrate an Indo-European (and non-Greek) origin of Epirotes and Macedonians.
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Franks, Hallie M. "LANGUAGE IN ANCIENT MACEDONIA - (G.K.) Giannakis (ed.) Ancient Macedonia. Language, History, Culture. Pp. 295, ill. Thessaloniki: Centre for the Greek Language, 2012. Paper. ISBN: 978-960-7779-52-6." Classical Review 64, no. 1 (March 20, 2014): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13002412.
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Пашкова, Н. І. "Семантика та поширення унгаризму салаш у карпатському діалектному ареалі." Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 66, no. 1 (April 22, 2022): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2021.00011.
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Метою даної статті є дослідження розвитку фонетичної форми та семантики, визначення походжен-ня та поширення слова салаш у говірках карпатського ареалу, а також у континуумі балканських та слов’янських мов. Робота проведена в руслі традиційних проблем балканських та карпатських сту-дій, кінцевою метою яких є збирання, опис семантики та вивчення походження ідіоетнічної куль-турної лексики давнього пастушого населення цього етномовного континууму, зрозуміти шляхи і час утворення цього етнокультурного феномена та його спільної лексики.Матеріалом для аналізу у статті послужили загальномовні, спеціальні та діалектні словники, а також діалектологічні атласи та лінгвістичні карти слов’янських і балканських мов (української, російської, словенської, болгарської, македонської, сербської, словацької, польської, румунської та ін.) та їх карпатських діалектів. У дослідженні використано методи семантико-фонетичного аналі-зу варіантів слова у лексикографічних джерелах, інтерпретації лінгвістичних карт, етимологічного аналізу.Лексема салаш, яка входить до карпато-балканського етнокультурного словника, давно була за-писана діалектологами і її семантика вивчалася багатьма дослідниками мов і діалектів цього ареалу, картографувалася у численних діалектних та ареальних лінгвістичних атласах. Але щодо походжен-ня цього слова висловлювалися різні припущення і єдиної думки в дослідників до цього часу не було. На основі проведеного дослідження ми визначаємо номінативну модель, за якою утворено цей карпатизм угорського походження, як дериваційно-метонімічну фінітивну модель «функція – дім», лексему за утворенням як девербативний фінітив із первісною семантикою ‘місце зупинки, ночів-лі’, утворений від угорського дієслова száll ‘зупинятися на ночівлю’.Порівняльне вивчення семантики діалектного слова салаш дозволило визначити такий розвиток його основних та похідних значень: ‘місце для ночівлі’, ‘сезонне тимчасове житло’, ‘будівля для до-машніх тварин’, ‘будівля для пастухів’, ‘господарство пастухів у горах’, ‘стадо’, ‘табір’, ‘будь-яке тим-часове житло’. Порівняльно-історичне дослідження, проведене із залученням широкого діалектного матеріалу різних мов досліджуваного континууму, дозволило остаточно прийняти угорську етимо-логію слова салаш, яке спочатку було поширене в карпатських говірках на позначення пастушого тимчасового житла, а згодом проникло в сусідні мови усіх Балкан і всієї Славії, змінивши свою фонетичну форму та семантику від конкретного до широкого значення ‘будь-яке тимчасове житло з хворосту та гілок’.The aim of this paper is to study the development of the phonetic form and semantics of the word salash, to determine its origin and distribution in the dialects of the Carpathian area as well as in the continuum of Balkan and Slavic languages. The work is carried out in line with the traditional problems of Balkan and Carpathian studies, the ultimate goal of which is to describe the semantics and study the origin of the idioethnic cultural vocabulary of the ancient pastoral population of this ethnolinguistic continuum, and to understand the ways and the time of formation of this ethnocultural phenomenon.General, special, and dialect dictionaries as well as dialect atlases and linguistic maps of Slavic and Balkan languages (Ukrainian, Russian, Slovenian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Serbian, Slovak, Polish, Romanian, etc.) and their Carpathian dialects served as the material for analysis in the paper. The research uses methods of semantic-phonetic analysis of word variants in lexicographic sources, the interpretation of linguistic maps, and etymological analysis.The lexeme salash, which is part of the Carpatho-Balkan ethnocultural dictionary, has long been recorded by dialectologists, its semantics has been studied by many researchers of languages and dialects of this area, and it has been mapped in numerous dialect and areal linguistic atlases. Various assumptions have been made about the origin of this word, and researchers have not yet agreed. Based on our research, we define the nominative model, according to which this Carpathianism of Hungarian origin was formed as a derivational-metonymic finitive model “function – home”, and the lexeme as a deverbative with the original semantics from the Hungarian verb száll ‘to stay overnight’.The comparative study of the semantics of the dialect word salash allowed to determine the following development of its basic and derived meanings: ‘a place to spend the night’, ‘seasonal temporary housing’, ‘a building for cattle’, ‘a building for shepherds’, ‘the shepherds’ farm in the mountains’, ‘a herd’, ‘a camp’, ‘any temporary building’. The comparative-historical study conducted with the involvement of a wide dialect material from various languages of the continuum under study allowed us to finally accept the Hungarian etymology of the word salash, which was first used in Carpathian dialects to denote shepherd’s temporary dwelling, and subsequently penetrated into the neighbouring languages of the whole Balkan and Slavic area, developing its phonetic form and semantics from the specific to the broad meaning ‘any temporary dwelling made of firewood and branches’.
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Kvapil, Ondřej. "Sacral and divine kingship in Seleucid Empire and Western Han." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 2 (2023): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2023-2-8.
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This article aims to compare sacral and divine aspects of rulership in ancient China during Western Han dynasty and in the ancient Seleucid empire, with a focus on the divine origin of rulers, rulers as the chief priests, rulers as gods, and divine legitimacy. The cultural evolution involving ideas about the sacral role of rulers and their divinity will be presented, from ancient Macedonia to Seleucid empire and from Shang and Zhou dynasties through the Warring States period and Qin dynasty to the state of Western Han. The article aims to explore the above-mentioned aspects of sacral kingship to find out what forms these aspects took in both respective empires. The article aims particularly at the participation of rulers in local cults, the differences between ruler cults, celestial gods as the supreme authority, and gods connected with conquest and territory in order to contextualize our views of both Seleucid and Western Han empires, and by proxy the views on ancient China and ancient Hellenistic states.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "Casualties and reinforcements of citizen soldiers in Greece and Macedonia." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632032.
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The contention of this paper is that the growing disbelief in the ancient casualty figures of one's own side and the tendency to regard them as ‘propagandist’ are generally mistaken. The arguments turn on the origins of the figures and on the practicalities of warfare. In the last section special attention is given to those of Alexander's citizen forces. The casualties of mercenaries are not considered.
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Lykhachova, Anzhelika. "THE PALEO-BALKAN LANGUAGES IN THE CONTEXT OF GENEALOGICAL CLASSIFICATION: LINGUOHISTORIOGRAPHIC ASPECT." Studia Linguistica, no. 20 (2022): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2022.20.71-83.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of the study of relict Paleo-Balkan languages in their connection with other Indo-European languages in linguistics of the second half of the XIX century – the beginning of the XXI century. It is noted that when identifying a group of Paleo-Balkan languages, a single criterion has not yet been clearly established: both areal and genetic principles are involved. At the same time the material of Paleo-Balkan languages is not fully taken into account in the genealogical classification of Indo-European languages; if Thracian, Phrygian, and Illyrian languages are included in this classification as separate groups, then the place of old Macedonian, “Pelasgian”, and other Paleo-Balkan languages in the classification is not defined. In addition, the traditional genealogical classification does not take into account the special proximity of Paleo-Balkan languages to Armenian, Albanian and Ancient Greek. The discovery and study of Paleo-Balkan languages are briefly described. The connections of Paleo-Balkan languages with Albanian, Armenian, Ancient Greek, Hittite, Luvian, Baltic, Germanic, Slavic and Indo-Iranian languages are revealed. The author of the article focuses on the fact that Paleo-Balkan languages are mainly reconstructed at the phonological, lexical, derivational levels (to a lesser extent – at the morphological and syntactic levels), although due to the limited and uneven corresponding data, such reconstruction is also limited, and in some cases contradictory. From the point of view of Indo-Europeanists, lexical elements of Paleo-Balkan origin are recorded in modern Albanian, Greek, Bulgarian, Romanian and Armenian. The article emphasizes that Paleo-Balcanistics provided significant factual material important for substrate theory and contributed to the development of the linguistic stratigraphy method.
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Borisov, Sergej. "Young Scholars Conference “Slavic World: Community and Diversity”. Moscow, 24–25 May 2022. Section “Linguistics”." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 17, no. 3-4 (2022): 295–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2022.17.3-4.17.
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This year, young scientists from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Smolensk, and Regensburg (Germany) took part in the Linguistics section of the conference. The reports were divided into three thematic blocks. The first block was devoted to the connection between the past and the present in modern Slavic languages. The reports touched upon the issues of lexicology, morphology, and syntax of the Russian language in comparison with other Slavic languages, the results of corpus studies of the grammar of modern Slavic languages, and special attention was paid to sociolinguistic research in Slavic national minorities. During the second session of the “Linguistics” section, topical problems of ethnolinguistics were discussed. The vast geography of the research conducted by young scientists involved in the study of traditional culture included the Saratov region of Russia, Serbia, Macedonia, and China. The third thematic block of reports was devoted to studies of printed and handwritten monuments of Slavic writing, as well as texts in modern Slavic languages. Reports were presented in which the glosses in the monuments of the 17th century were analysed, a classification of ancient Russian toponyms was proposed, and the linguistic means of expressing the national idea in a Polish play of the early 20th century were studied. The moderators of the subsections were employees of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, who are experts in each of the designated topics. Scientific communication took place between young scientists, and many presentations were accompanied by lengthy discussions, in which not only the speakers themselves, but also their senior colleagues participated. Some of the speakers take part in the conference every year, while others presented the results of their research within the walls of the Institute for the first time, which indicates the relevance of this conference.
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James, Dylan. "Nearchus, Guides, and Place Names on Alexander’s Expedition." Mnemosyne 73, no. 4 (May 19, 2020): 553–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342496.
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Abstract The use of ὀνοµαζόµενα at Arr. Ind. 27.1 continues to puzzle scholars. This article uses the textual debate as a jumping-off point to explore Nearchus’ presentation of naval guides and their role on Alexander’s expedition, something which previous interpretations of the passage have not adequately considered. Through examination of all Nearchan fragments, I argue that providing local place names was a key aspect of a guide’s role and significant for navigation. It is also suggested that the use of this verb may additionally refer to the Macedonians’ practice of giving places new names or altering indigenous names; in this section, comparative material from New World conquest is brought to bear on the ancient evidence. In light of this analysis, I conclude that the manuscript reading of ὀνοµαζόµενα should be retained.
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Kuzmanovska, Jasminka. "Traces of Pre-Greek Linguistics Substratum in Early Byzantine Toponymy: Lists Related to Macedonia and Thessaly in Procopius’ "Buildings"." Studia Ceranea 13 (December 21, 2023): 539–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.13.27.
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In our contribution, we will focus on the traces of the old Pre-Greek linguistics substratum in certain names of forts from Justinian’s building program presented in the Procopius’ Buildings (Περὶ κτισμάτων, De aedificiis). Actually, the Book IV of the panegyric features a description of fortifications, built and restored by the Emperor Justinian in the European territories. This is the most detailed book in the work, written with great care and completeness, most likely due to the fact that the danger of barbarian incursions in these areas was the greatest. In the paper we will present certain examples of place names which obviously contain remnants of relict languages as very important and valuable toponomastic evidence, typical for the broader area. We are going to inspect the etymology of the place names by Procopius attested as Λάρισσα, Γόμφοι, Λόσσονος, Πέλεκον, Χάραδρος and Βάβας. If possible, we will comparatively examine testimonies from other ancient and medieval sources, as well as epigraphic and archeological data for each name.
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Rustoiu, Aurel. "Commentaria archaeologica et historica (IV)." Ephemeris Napocensis 31 (February 10, 2022): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2021.31.69.
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1. Navigating on the Danube, from Ptolemy the son of Lagus to Neacșu of Câmpulung. The year 2021 marks the 500 anniversaries of the moment when Neacșu of Câmpulung wrote his letter, which many specialists considers to be the earliest attested document written in Romanian language. Since this is an important document for the history of Romanian literature, the following note will also be written in Romanian language. The sender of this letter, Neacșu of Câmpulung, was a merchant who was sending information to Hans Benkner, the mayor of Brașov, about the movements of Ottoman army along the Danube in the summer of 1521. Among the information are some regarding the way in which ships coming from the Bosphorus and the Black Sea navigated upstream on the Danube, through the Iron Gates, to Belgrade. This story echoes a quite similar one that happened eighteen centuries and a half earlier – the expedition of Alexander the Great to the Danube in 335 BC. The events were described by one witness who was part of the expedition: Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, a general of Alexander and future king of Egypt. The fragments describing the Danubian expedition are preserved in later works by Arrian and Strabo. According to them, while preparing the expedition to the east, Alexander the Great sought to first stabilize and pacify the northern territories of the kingdom. Therefore, in the spring of 335 BC, Alexander left Amphipolis to initiate a new expedition against the Triballi, who were chased up to the Danube. Led by king Syrmos, they took refuge on an island of the river, being also helped by the Getae living on the left bank of the Danube. Upon reaching the river, Alexander the Great met the “big ships” that came to help him from Byzantium, through the Black Sea and along the Danube (Arrian I, 3, 3). The alliance of the Getae and Triballi motivated Alexander to organize a one-day punishing raid to the north of the Danube. Several hypotheses have been proposed over time regarding the entire campaign and the location of the island on which the Triballi led by Syrmos took refuge, or the area where Alexander crossed the Danube (Fig. 1). F. Medeleţ had convincingly demonstrated that the army led by Alexander the Great reached the Danube near the Morava confluence. Al. Vulpe has objected to this hypothesis, mostly bringing into discussion the supposed difficulties encountered by the Macedonian fleet when attempting to navigate through the Iron Gates. However, the problem of passing through the Iron Gates cataracts was already solved in ancient time by towing the ships. The difficult conditions for the navigation through the cataracts were similar both before and after the Roman times, and until the modern age. Therefore, the information provided by Neacșu of Câmpulung about the Ottoman campaign along the Danube in 1521 is important. His description confirms that the Ottoman ships were towed, also indicating the way in which passage through the Danube’s Iron Gates was organized. Consequently, the idea suggesting that the “big ships” from Byzantium navigated upstream the Iron Gates while coming to support Alexander the Great in 335 BC is plausible. This hypothesis, proposed by Florin Medeleț, continues to be the most convincing one, ahead of all others proposed so far. 2. “Panoplies” of weapons and warrior identities from the “Celtic” to the “Dacian horizon” in Transylvania. The Late Iron Age in Transylvania was defined by two cultural and chronological horizons: the “Celtic horizon” (between ca. 350 and 190/175 BC) and the “Dacian horizon” (between ca. 190/175 BC and AD 106). One aspect that has seldom been discussed is the way these “panoplies” defined a particular social identity of these elites during each of the aforementioned cultural and chronological horizons which characterized the inner Carpathians region during the Late Iron Age. The comparison of the “standard” panoplies of weapons specific to the “Celtic” and the “Dacian horizon” indicates the existence of both similarities and differences. More precisely, these panoplies are quite similar in what concerns their functionality. In funerary contexts, these weapons are meant to define symbolically the warlike identity. However, the ways in which martial identity was constructed and expressed within the social environment differed from one horizon to another. The “Celtic” warrior was closely connected to the community within which he lived, being buried alongside other members of the community, in an area belonging to his group, clan or family, using all markers of his social status and identity. On the other hand, the “Dacian” warrior belonged to a hierarchic society that was defined by the emergence of hilltop fortresses surrounded by a dependent rural hinterland. Therefore, despite the apparent similarities in the functional structure of the panoplies of weapons, the warriors of these two horizons belonged to two very different models of social organization.
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Dvurechenskaya, Nigora D. "Ritual Inscriptions from Uzundara." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016949-0.
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The paper presents three Greek votive graffiti from the excavations of citadel of Fortress Uzundara (Uzbekistan) and describes their archaeological context. This fortress is located on the North-West Border of Ancient Bactria, and represents the crucial point in the tens–kilometers long borderline fortification system in this area. It is built at altitude of 1700 meters above the sea level. The fortress stands on the narrow (220 meters) neck between the precipitous walls of the natural boundary Kara-Kamar and the canyon Uzundara, and locks the pass for the equestrian troops intent to bypass the borderline wall of Darband in 7 kilometers northward. It consists of the principal rhomboid castle, a detached and adjacent triangular citadel, same sections of the external walls, and of three external towers. The main goal of this fortress was the warning of the sudden attack of nomads from the Karshin steppes. A military garrison was stationed in the Uzundara fortress – a Seleucid frurion in the first quarter of the 3rd century BC. Apparently at this time it consisted of Macedonians and Greeks. This is clearly evidenced by archaeological materials, including epigraphic ones. We analyze three artefacts voted to Demeter of the Mountains and the Borderline, Zeus–Mitra, and Zoroastrian Deity Srosh. The most complete inscription – votive to Demeter – persists on the three fragments of tagora (luterium) which could be used for the ritual ablution. They were founded in different years and in different places around the ovoid cellar on the rocky complex of the citadel Uzundara.
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Teixidor, Javier. "The God-List in the Treaty between Hannibal and Philip V of Macedonia: A Study in Light of the Ancient near Eastern Treaty Tradition. Michael L. Barré." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 47, no. 2 (April 1988): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373280.
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Pugachenkova, G. A. "The Antiquities of Transoxiana in the Light of Investigations in Uzbekistan (1985-1990)." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 2, no. 1 (1996): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005795x00010.
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AbstractThe archaeological study of pre-Islamic Uzbekistan (Bactria, Sogdiana) has been intensified since. World War II and this survey presents the most important recent results of this work. Bronze Age sites show a process of cultural change in Bactria, particularly the settlement of the area by farmers and the emergence in proto-cities of new urban forms of social organisation and systems of belief. The Iron Age sees the assimilation of new ethnic groups into the region, the expansion of a strong (Achaemenid) state, the development of defended cities and administrative centres and the beginnings of specialised craft industries. In the Classical period the Macedonian conquest brought about the sharp decline of existing urban centres, but the centralised states that followed were able to establish (e.g. through irrigation projects) new cities in new agricultural zones. Excavation into the lower levels of medieval cities has revealed several previously unknown ancient cities, many of which seem to have been derelict in the period before or during the Arab conquest. Bactrian cities of the Classical period have been shown to be extensive in area, well defended by strong walls and a citadel, and to have performed administrative, economic, religious as well as military functions. Cult buildings discovered show the presence of Avestan religion (although not the orthodox Zoroastrianism of Iran), cults of the Great Mother Goddess, and Buddhism (though limited to a few remarkable centres), and in the North of Sarmatian totemic cults using zoomorphic representations, finds of art, sculpture and wall-painting reveal a process in Bactria in which a native substratum was synthesized with Hellenistic, Indian and Sako-Sarmatian elements to produce work of high quality and originality. Epigraphical finds include ostraca, graffiti, inscriptions, and even papyri, representing scripts and languages from Bactrian to Pahlavi, to Greek and Latin. Finds of coins, including Greco-Bactrian and Parthian, help to date archaeological layers and produce accurate chronologies. Scholars from Uzbekistan have also contributed to the "Great Silk Road" programme, which is showing that routes crossing the region were formed in the 1st mill. B.C. and constituted a dense branched network by the end of the Classical period.
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Dzelebdzic, Dejan. "Slavic anthroponyms in the judicial decisions of Demetrios Chomatenos." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 483–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643483d.
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The present paper deals with personal names mentioned by Demetrios Chomatenos which can with some certainty be identified as Slavic in origin. For the greater part, these are well-known Slavic names, often of Common Slavic origin, also attested in other Slavic languages. A couple of uncommon names is also attested, such as Svinjilo and Svinja (Sb?niloz, Sbina). Among the names of non-Slavic origin, it is the Saints' names that are most commonly found, but some others are attested as well, like Kuman, Sarakin or Kandid all of them well known among the South Slavs. The Slavonic ethnicity of the carriers of these names can as a rule be established by tracing their family relations. In the course of the 11th and 12th centuries, family names became quite common and stable in Byzantium, at least with aristocratic families. As first noted by Jacques Lefort, some paroikoi on the territories belonging to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain had family names, too, but these tended to appear sporadically and to disappear after some time. Demetrios Chomatenos' judicial decisions show that at that period family names were carried by the majority of the inhabitants of Byzantine Macedonia, Epirus and other regions (including women, sometimes even monks), not only the members of the elite. However, the Slavic population of these regions still often stuck to the ancient custom of naming a person only with a personal name sometimes supplemented by a patronymic. This notwithstanding, more than twenty persons did have, apart from their Slavic name, another one, usually of Christian origin. Although the data do not always allow for an unequivocal identification of the functions of each of these names, it can be safely assumed that they are not instances of double personal names, but rather that the name of Christian origin functions as a personal name, the Slavic one as a family name. This is quite certain for the family of Svinjilos from Berroia (Ponem. Diaph. 81) and very probable for the family of Ljutovojs (Litobonz) from Skoplje (59). People with double names are usually persons of some importance, members of local aristocracy, imperial clerks or high representatives of the clergy, which is indicated by the fact that their names are often preceded by epithets like megaliphaestatoz, pansebastoz sebastoz, kyr or by administrative titles like arch?n. Family names are usually not grammatically different from personal names, mostly because it was common to simply take a personal name of an ancestor as the family name without further modifications, just like in Byzantine families. Chomatianos' judicial decisions yield only two derived family names, both formed from a Slavic stem with the Greek suffix -poyloz (Bogdanopoyloz, Serbopoyloz). Family names among the Slavs are attested at the same period in Dalmatian towns, whereas they are virtually unknown in the areas predominantly inhabited by Serbs, as evident from the Chrysobulls of Decani and other Serbian medieval documents.
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Boševski, Tome, and Aristotel Tentov. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS OF DECIPHERING THE MIDDLE TEXT ON THE ROSETTA STONE." Contributions, Section of Natural, Mathematical and Biotechnical Sciences 31, no. 1-2 (March 9, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.20903/csnmbs.masa.2010.31.1-2.23.
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A b s t r a c t: In this text we present comparative analisys of the words and the expressions obtained after reading of complete middle text on the Rosetta Stone [15], by implementing our origtinal methodology presented in [12]. We have identified over 420 different words and expressions which preserve their meaning in contemporary Macedonian language and its dialects, but also they keep their meaning in archaic or contemporary in other Slavic languages. Identification and analysis of sentences and their structure will be subject of further researh. Going further in depth with analysis and comparing our reading results of the middle text on the Rosetta Stone, [15], with well known previous results of reading so called ancient Greek text, presented in [4], [5], [6], and [9], one can easily conclude that two texts, so called demotic text, and so called ancient Greek text are identical only by their content of the pharaoh’s orders. By all means, these two texts have different sentences structures, and different order of words within it. This fact is very logic and obvious in all cases where we compare two identical texts written in two different languages, and it is valid even today. Based on our research we can further improve this conclusion in the direction that the pharaoh’s decree on the middle text is written on the language of the Ancient Macedonians, with the script (signs) of the living masters in that period of Ancient Egypt. These language and script were state official language and official script in year 196 BC, after more than 100 years of the rulling of Ptolemaic Dynasty over Ancient Egypt. The language that we identified on the middle text on the Rosetta Stone definitely poses characteristics of a Slavic language. Many words that we identified in the middle text still exist in modern Slavic languages, or in their archaic forms, in respective Slavic language. Respectively, in lexical sense, we can identify that this language has very strong Slavic characteristics. This becomes more obvius after careful reading of presented multi-language dictionary.
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Gandini, Alberto. "Μηδὲν (ὑπ)εναντίον πράττειν: uno slogan della diplomazia filoromana dopo Pidna?" Vol. 3 | Num. 2 | Dicembre 2019, no. 2 (December 23, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2019/02/014.
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This paper takes as its starting point an analysis of three inscriptions dating from the second quarter of the 2nd century BC, related to matters of international politics within the micro-Asiatic Hellenistic world: the treaty of alliance between Pharnakes I and the polis of Chersonesos (IOSPE I2 nr. 402), the treaty of alliance among Plarasa-Aphrodisias, Kibyra and Tabai (Milner 2007), and the (possible) foundation act of the Kibyratic Tetrapolis (I.Kibyra I nr. 2). What is most interesting about these major political agreements is that all the contracting parties make a common commitment not to undertake anything contrary to the Roman decrees or interests; in addition to this, they set it as a condition for the validity of the acts and express it by using much the same wordings. These texts are not addressed to a Roman audience; notwithstanding, they betray a common need to display an undisputed loyalty to the Roman cause. Accordingly, there is a strong case for supposing the action or the presence of the Roman Senate behind them. Indeed, it is telling a comparison to some Roman inscriptions dated to the 2nd century BC, whereby similar phraseologies figure in the words of the Romans themselves. Such coincidences demonstrate the sharing of a highly codified language by different political actors and can be related to the stress put by the ancient narratives (notably, the Histories by Polybius) on the necessity to obey Roman orders in the aftermath of the Third Macedonian War. Thus, we can recover an element of the script of the philo-Roman diplomacy in a specific historical and geopolitical context; it reflects the manner the Romans looked at their own imperium after Pydna, when a radical shift took place in the power relationships within the Hellenistic world.
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Gandini, Alberto. "Μηδὲν (ὑπ)εναντίον πράττειν: A Slogan of Pro-Roman Diplomacy after Pydna?" Contributions to the VI Advanced Seminar of Greek Epigraphy, no. 2 (December 23, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2019/06/014.
Full textAbstract:
This paper takes as its starting point an analysis of three inscriptions dating from the second quarter of the 2nd century BC, related to matters of international politics within the micro-Asiatic Hellenistic world: the treaty of alliance between Pharnakes I and the polis of Chersonesos (IOSPE I2 nr. 402), the treaty of alliance among Plarasa-Aphrodisias, Kibyra and Tabai (Milner 2007), and the (possible) foundation act of the Kibyratic Tetrapolis (I.Kibyra I nr. 2). What is most interesting about these major political agreements is that all the contracting parties make a common commitment not to undertake anything contrary to the Roman decrees or interests; in addition to this, they set it as a condition for the validity of the acts and express it by using much the same wordings. These texts are not addressed to a Roman audience; notwithstanding, they betray a common need to display an undisputed loyalty to the Roman cause. Accordingly, there is a strong case for supposing the action or the presence of the Roman Senate behind them. Indeed, it is telling a comparison to some Roman inscriptions dated to the 2nd century BC, whereby similar phraseologies figure in the words of the Romans themselves. Such coincidences demonstrate the sharing of a highly codified language by different political actors and can be related to the stress put by the ancient narratives (notably, the Histories by Polybius) on the necessity to obey Roman orders in the aftermath of the Third Macedonian War. Thus, we can recover an element of the script of the philo-Roman diplomacy in a specific historical and geopolitical context; it reflects the manner the Romans looked at their own imperium after Pydna, when a radical shift took place in the power relationships within the Hellenistic world.
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"M.B. Hatzopoulos. Ancient Macedonia. Berlin–Boston, 2020." Vestnik drevnei istorii 82, no. 2 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910016672-2.
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Arsov, Borče. "The Stylization in the Translations of the New Testament in Vernacular Macedonian from the 19th Century." Sociétés plurielles Exaptriate, Varia (August 31, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.46298/societes-plurielles.2021.8424.
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The Konikovo Gospel (KG), The Kulakia Gospel (KuG) and The Boboščica Gospel (BG) are among the first known translations of the New Testament in Macedonian vernacular dating from the 19th century. They are all written in Greek alphabet. In this article we present the most specific examples demonstrating a stylization tendency towards a wider dialectal base and/or towards a more elevated style. The most important conclusion is that of all the analysed gospels the most stylized text is the oldest among them, the KG (1852), especially its second hand. The stylization steps are less common for the KuG (1860) and even less for the BG (1880). It is possible to say that the texts analyzed in this paper, together with the other translations of the New Testament in Macedonian vernacular from the 18th and the 19th centuries, open, more or less, a clear path towards the formation of one Biblical language, leading to the translations of the Bible in contemporary Macedonian standard language in 1976, 2003 and 2007. L’Évangéliaire de Konikovo (EK), l’Évangéliaire de Kulakia (EKu) et l’Évangéliaire de Boboščica (EB) sont les premières traductions sérieuses duNouveau Testament en langue vernaculaire macédonienne du XIXe siècle. Ils sont tous écrits en alphabet grec. Cet article présente les exemples les plus spécifiques des textes montrant une tendance à la stylisation par élargissement de la base dialectale et/ou par élévation du style. De toutes les traductions des évangiles en langue vernaculaire macédonienne de Macédoine du sud du XIXe siècle ayant été analysées, on peut conclure que le texte le plus stylisé et en même temps le plus ancien est celui de l’EK (1852), et surtout sa deuxième main. Les démarches de stylisation sont moins perceptibles dans le texte de l’EKu (1860) et encore moins perceptibles dans celui de l’EB (1880). On peut dire que les traductions analysées, mais aussi les autres traductions du Nouveau Testament en langue vernaculaire macédonienne de Macédoine du sud des XVIIIe et XIXe siècles ouvrent, plus ou moins, une voie vers la formation d’une langue biblique, voie aboutissant aux traductions de la Bible en macédonien standard contemporain en 1976, 2003 et 2007.