Academic literature on the topic 'Macedonian question'

The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of the New Macedonian question. Authors examine two treaties that seemed to settle the New Macedonian question: The 2017 Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighborliness and Cooperation between Macedonia and Bulgaria, and the 2018 Prespa agreement signed by the representatives of Macedonia and Greece. The successful negotiations that resulted in the signing of these international agreements have raised a diffi cult question for researchers, which can be formulated as follows: what is the current stage of development of the New Macedonian Question? Does this problem belong to history or current international relations? The main goal of the work is a detailed analysis of the two above-mentioned treaties in the context of their impact on the New Macedonian question. Authors attempted not only to examine the two treaties separately, but also to place these documents in the broader context of extremely contradictory international relations on the Balkan Peninsula, and to show the mutual infl uence of various aspects of the New Macedonian question as the complex problem of international relations. The article has a scientifi c value since the Prespa agreement and the Treaty of friendship have not yet been properly examined in the scientifi c literature, despite the wide coverage in the media. The article proves the thesis that two treaties did not settle the New Macedonian question and only led to the creation of new problems related to the independent Macedonian state. The serious unilateral concessions made by the Macedonian leadership to resolve the name dispute, the freezing of the historical dispute with Bulgaria, and the continued distrust between the Macedonians and Albanians after the Ohrid agreement do not give grounds to speak of a successful solution of the New Macedonian question.

The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.

The paper examines the effect that the resolution of the naming dispute between North Macedonia and Greece has on the re-definition of the Macedonian nation. It discusses the narratives of supporters and opponents to the Prespa Agreement and poses the question of whether the European integration (under which auspices the name change occurred) has indeed served as new national mythology for Macedonians.

The Contuinity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century MacedoniaThe sense of territorial identity gains force whenever political means of solving the Macedonian Question, a repugnant legacy of the Eastern issue, become scarce. This attitude is reflected in the articles published by the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora in journals of its different centres. Due to space constraints I decided to present only (and at least) the views of Krste Misirkov, a very complex figure indeed, who in contemporary Macedonia belongs to the undisputable national pantheon. His opinions on the Macedonian Question were far from explicit and his statements delivered at different stages of his life do not fit into a cohesive whole as the national purists would want it. However, it is difficult to imagine a better mirror for “Macedonian matters” in the 20th century and a more comprehensive picture of the twisted paths that the Macedonian Slavs took to reach the concept of ‘Macedonian’ understood as an ethnos, not only in its territorial aspect.A bond with the territory has never disappeared from Macedonian self-perception. Only the constant presence of territorial identity explains the assimilation of the ancient heritage, which is in fact heritage of a territory, into the Macedonian national canon. It is further confirmed by the most recent Macedonian history textbooks for high school students where the ancient tradition is treated as a part of their own heritage. While the bond with the territory is still an integral part of the Macedonian elite’s consciousness, the question of double identity remains less obvious. In Misirkov’s time double identity, expressed through various ethnic configurations, on the one hand shaped Macedonian self-identity and on the other proved the distinctiveness of a ‘Macedonian’ at that time (i.e. in the first half of the 20th century) from a ‘Serb’ in Serbia proper and a ‘Bulgarian’ in Bulgaria proper, thus creating favourable conditions for the emergence of separatist understanding of Macedonianness, allowing even non-Slavs to be Macedonians. Macedonianness began to be founded on Slavicness relatively late and this dependence was propagated quite naturally mainly by Slavophile circles (the circle of Nace Dimov) and by the communists in the 1920’s and 1930’s. However, in the first half of the 20th century there still existed alternatives, such as, for instance, the above-described project of Krste Misirkov. The most evident connection between the term ‘Macedonian’ and Slavicness crystallised in Tito’s post-war Macedonia, de facto undermining the notion of double identity in the sense in which it had functioned in the first half of the 20th century.Ciągłość i jej brak. Kwestia terytorializmu i podwójnej tożsamości z perspektywy macedońskiejPoczucie tożsamości terytorialnej odzywa się ze szczególną siłą w sytuacjach, kiedy wyczerpują się polityczne możliwości rozwiązania problemu macedońskiego, jako niedobrego spadku po kwestii wschodniej. Potwierdzają to wypowiedzi przedstawicieli macedońskiej diaspory publikowane na łamach czasopism, wychodzących w różnych miejscach jej skupisk. Zdecydowałam się na przedstawienie jedynie (i aż) poglądów Krste Misirkova, należącego w dzisiejszej Macedonii do niekwestionowanego panteonu narodowego, w istocie postaci wielce skomplikowanej. Jego poglądy w kwestii macedońskiej były dalekie od jednoznaczności, a wypowiedzi wygłaszane na różnych etapach życia nie układają się w całość, jakiej chcieliby narodowi puryści, natomiast trudno sobie wyobrazić lepsze zwierciadło „spraw macedońskich” w XX wieku i pełniejszy obraz krętych dróg, jakimi macedońscy Słowianie dochodzili do pojęcia „Macedończyk” rozumianego jako éthnie, a nie tylko terytorialnie.Więź z terytorium nigdy nie zniknęła z macedońskiego myślenia o sobie samych. Jedynie stałą obecnością tożsamości terytorialnej można wytłumaczyć asymilację dziedzictwa antycznego, czyli faktycznie dziedzictwa terytorium, do macedońskiego kanonu narodowego. Potwierdzają to najnowsze macedońskie podręczniki do nauki historii dla szkół średnich, w których tradycja antyczna jest traktowana jako część tradycji własnej. O ile jednak więź z terytorium jest nadal integralną częścią świadomości macedońskich elit, to zupełnie inaczej wygląda kwestia podwójnej tożsamości. W czasach Misirkova podwójna tożsamość, wyrażająca się poprzez różne etniczne konfiguracje, z jednej strony kształtowała macedońską tożsamość własną, z drugiej zaś to dzięki niej pojęcie „Macedończyk” w tym czasie (tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX) potwierdzało swoją odrębność od Serba z Serbii właściwej i od Bułgara z Bułgarii właściwej i tym samym sprzyjało kształtowaniu się separatystycznego rozumienia macedońskości. Ten sposób widzenia umożliwiał bycie Macedończykiem także nie-Słowianom. Oparcie pojęcia macedońskości o słowiańskość nastąpiło stosunkowo późno i było propagowane w sposób naturalny głównie przez środowiska słowianofilskie (petersburski krąg Nace Dimova), ale w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. także przez środowiska komunistyczne. Jednak w pierwszej połowie XX wieku miało wciąż alternatywne propozycje, jak chociażby omówiony przeze mnie projekt K. Misirkova. Najwyrazistsze powiązanie pojęcia „Macedończyk” ze słowiańskością nastąpiło w powojennej Macedonii czasów Josipa Broz Tity i w istocie podważyło pojęcie podwójnej tożsamości, w tym sensie w jakim funkcjonowała ona w okresie wcześniejszym, tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX.

Language policy in the Republic of Macedonia – between legislation and practice The question about the status of the Macedonian language manifests itself for the first time in the 19th century, but its resolution starts with the codification of the Macedonian lan­guage after World War II. The Macedonian language is then declared as an official language in the Macedonian republic and equal amongst the other languages in SFR Yugoslavia. However, the official language in SFR Yugoslavia (the language of international communication, mili­tary dealings, one of the core subjects in all elementary schools etc.) was the Serbo‑Croatian language. With the formation of an independent Republic of Macedonia, the Macedonian language became the only official language until the peace deal Ohrid Framework Agreement was signed, when the language of the largest ethnic minority – the Albanian language – gains the status of an official language. The issue of interest of this article is whether the Macedonian language has changed its status and to what extent, what are the terms of legislation for it and the real situation in which it is found in the Republic of Macedonia. Polityka językowa w Republice Macedonii – między ustawodawstwem a praktyką Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniom związanym ze zmianą statusu języka macedoń­skiego, jego stanem prawnym i faktyczną sytuacją językową w Republice Macedonii.Kwestia statusu języka macedońskiego pojawiła się po raz pierwszy w XIX wieku, lecz jej właściwe rozwiązanie nastąpiło wraz z kodyfikacją języka literackiego po II wojnie świa­towej. Wówczas język macedoński został uznany za oficjalny w Socjalistycznej Republice Macedonii i równouprawniony z pozostałymi językami w SFR Jugosławii, przy czym języ­kiem oficjalnym federacyjnego państwa był serbskochorwacki/chorwackoserbski (jako język komunikacji międzynarodowej, język armii i przedmiot obowiązkowego nauczania w szkole podstawowej itd.).Z chwilą ukonstytuowania się Republiki Macedonii jako niezależnego państwa język ma­cedoński został jedynym językiem oficjalnym, sytuacja taka trwała aż do podpisania umowy w Ochrydzie (Ohridskiot ramoven dogovor), kiedy to także albański – jako język największej mniejszości etnicznej w kraju – zyskał status języka oficjalnego.

AbstractThe dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.

This review is devoted to the book by Maria Chedomirovna Tretyakova Macedonia-2001. A New Round of the Crisis: Historical Background and Political Consequences. The author sets herself the task of studying the significance of the Albanian factor in the history of Macedonia. The author studies not just the 2001 insurgency in Macedonia, but the region's history from the middle of the nineteenth century until 2018. The author pays most attention to the demographic issue and argues the historical right of the Macedonian people to the territory of the country. The monograph was written according to the Right-Macedonian national discourse and therefore has all the pros and cons of the primordial approach in the study of interethnic tensions in the Balkans. The book is of undoubted interest for the reader who wants to get acquainted with the Macedonian vision of the Albanian question in the Balkans. Illustrative material and maps of the so-called “United Macedonia” emphasize the tragedy of the situation in which, according to the author, the Macedonian people found themselves.

European-imposed reforms in Ottoman-held Macedonia in the period 1904-1908 led to the diminution of Ottoman authority, the encouragement of Christian partisan activities and the consolidation of the Young Turk movement in the region. The Young Turk revolution of 1908 established a Constitutional and Parliamentary regime in the Ottoman Empire pledging institutional reform, equality and liberty for all nationalities. Between July 1908 and April 1909, it became clear that the Young Turk policies and the Macedonian aspirations of the Christian Balkan countries were incompatible. The Young Turks remained a predominantly Moslem movement committed to safeguard the territorial integrity of the Empire, prevent foreign interference in Ottoman affairs and counteract Christian Macedonian separatism. By contrast, following the withdrawal of European control from Macedonia, the Balkan Christians attempted to take advantage of the Ottoman Constitutional change to further their own political and national interests in Macedonia. Disillusioned by the Young Turk centralist tendencies and apprehensive of a resurgent Turkish nationalism, Bulgarian, Greek and Serb nationalists resorted -once more- to their original means of Macedonian propaganda: religious, cultural and revolutionary activity. During 1909-1912, the Committee of Union and Progress (C.U.P.) -the driving force in the Young Turk movement- initiated a policy of enforced denationalization on the non-Moslem ethnic groups. Implemented in a harsh manner in Macedonia, this practice irrevocably undermined any prospect of cooperation between Moslem Young Turks and Christian Macedonians. Its aftermath included the growth of the Albanian nationalist movement and the encouragement of rapprochement between the Christian Balkan states, which was to bring about the establishment of the Balkan Alliance and the collapse of European Turkey in the Balkan wars.

The purpose of this thesis is to present and explain Greece's foreign policy towards former Yugoslavia within the context of European Political Cooperation (EPC) during the period of June 1991-December 1992. This aspect of Greece's foreign policy was primarily defined by the dispute with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), that essentially constituted the more recent manifestation of the Macedonian Question. The analysis of Greek foreign policy within EPC will be based on the theory of institutionalism, which claims that international regimes can influence state behavior towards cooperative actions. The application of institutionalism requires the existence of common interests and the presence of at least one regime. This thesis shows the significant interests shared by Greece and FYROM, as well as how EPC can be viewed as a regime. Crucially, EPC was primarily responsible for dealing with issues arising from the disintegration of Yugoslavia during the months covered in this thesis. It will be demonstrated that until mid- January 1992, the Greek government pursued politics of cooperation and flexibility, often contrary to perceived national interests. These politics were primarily regime-produced and related, and hence explained by the theory of institutionalism. After 17 January 1991 however, Greece practised politics of limited cooperation within EPC and confrontation against FYROM. The issue of the new republic's exact name gradually became of paramount importance, provoking popular passions and subordinating all other issues and concerns connected to former Yugoslavia. Such developments were ultimately the result of domestic and partisan politics that were entirely unrelated to EPC, thus causing the decline of institutionalism's explanatory power. Given this record, the thesis will argue that the specific expansion of the conditions required for the application of institutionalism would allow the theory to retain its explanatory and predictive relevance. Finally, specific lessons on the conduct of Greek foreign policy will be discussed.

In 1991, a diplomatic controversy arose between Greece and the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, regarding naming, minority rights and the use of historical symbols. The claims of the new state to the name Macedonia and the historical heritage associated with it were perceived as a threat against Greek national identity and history itself. Within months, the so-called Macedonian question came to dominate the Greek domestic and foreign policy agenda. In Greek public debate, the conflict blended with concerns about the nation’s past, present and future, which played into the challenges brought about by the end of the Cold War. The Macedonian conflict can thus be understood as symptomatic of a crisis in Greek historical culture, as well as a catalyst for broader concerns about the role of history in contemporary society. This study explores the contexts in which the conflict evolved and how history was perceived, narrated and used by institutions, communities and individuals who sought to influence public opinion and policy-makers. The theoretical point of departure is the concept of historical culture, defined as the totality of discourses through which a society makes sense of itself, the present and the future through the interpretation of the past. In the study of historical culture, the notions of narratives and uses of history have been employed, with the notion of boundary-work as a supplementing analytical tool. The material of the study is primarily drawn from mainstream press, but also includes historiography. The study shows how the Macedonian controversy was intertwined with the identity- and memory-political demands of substate actors. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of a narrative on genocide among Greeks of Pontian origins. This happened in an age when traditional notions of national pride were being challenged by transnational history-cultural concerns about human rights and the notion of national guilt. The study also sheds light on how academic historians dealt with issues brought about by demands for politically committed scholarship, objectivity, legitimacy and the need to adjust in a transnational setting.<br>Denna studie har sin utgångspunkt i de utmaningar som det grekiska samhället och nationalstaten stod inför vid kalla krigets slut. I fokus står den diplomatiska konflikten mellan Grekland och republiken Makedonien, gällande den senare partens namn och bruk av historiskt laddade symboler samt minoritetsrättigheter. Denna makedonska konflikt som seglade upp i samband med Jugoslaviens sammanbrott kom att dominera den in- och utrikespolitiska dagordningen i Grekland under det tidiga 1990-talet, och förde tidvis in landet på kollisionskurs med dess västeuropeiska och amerikanska partners. Avhandlingens syfte har bestått i att spåra de sammanhang som denna konflikt växte fram i. Jag hävdar att den makedonska konflikten inte endast skall förstås som en kris i grekisk inrikespolitik, eller i landets relationer med omvärlden, utan fastmer som en kris i den grekiska historiekulturen. I det offentliga samtalet i Grekland smälte konflikten samman med en oro gällande nationens förflutna, nutid och framtid. Den diplomatiska fejden med den nya grannstaten i norr uppmärksammades av en bred allmänhet och åtföljdes av en diskurs som utmålade den egna nationens historia och arv som hotade. Studiet av denna diskurs, eller rättare sagt diskurser, om historia är ett viktigt mål i denna avhandling, eftersom det belyser uppfattningar om det förflutna jämte farhågor rörande nuet och nationens framtid, uppfattningar och farhågor som ytterst präglade den politiska krisen. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för studien återfinns i begreppet historiekultur. Med detta avses de samtliga diskurser genom vilka ett samhälle begripliggör sig självt, nuet och framtiden genom att tolka det förflutna. Sålunda definierad skall historiekultur förstås som både struktur och process. Det innebär att historiekulturen är både ramverket av kunskap, attityder och värderingar som ger den enskilde mening och sammanhang, och samhällen deras sammanhållning, och själva handlingen genom vilka ovansagda skapas och förmedlas. Som redskap för att studera historiekultur har begreppen berättelser och historiebruk använts. Eftersom studien särskilt uppmärksammar fackhistorikers roll i konflikten – viktiga i egenskap av aktörer som skapar och sprider den kunskap och de värderingar som utgör historiekultur – har även ett vetenskapssociologiskt perspektiv infogats. Offentliga kontroverser rörande det förflutna inbegriper kamp om trovärdigheten i vissa tolkningar liksom hos dem som framför dem. Som kompletterande analysredskap brukas begreppet gränsdragning (boundary-work), utifrån uppfattningen att vetenskapen bör studeras i det sociala sammanhang i vilket den bibringas mening och auktoritet. Historiekultur studeras genom dess lämningar. I föreliggande avhandling utgörs källmaterialet främst av artiklar i grekisk dagspress, men även historieskrivning (akademisk såväl som icke-akademisk) i bokform, vetenskapliga tidskrifter och andra relevanta trycksaker där historia debatteras, berättas, sätts in i sammanhang och brukas, har studerats. Materialet täcker ingalunda grekisk historiekultur i hela dess vidd men utgör likväl ett representativt urval av de arenor där såväl allmänhet som specialister mötte diskurser och debatter om det förflutna. 324 Studien har kartlagt de sätt på vilka historia brukades med särskilt avseende på de intressen som kan skönjas däri. Själva upplevelsen av kris tog sig uttryck i ett existentiellt historiebruk, kopplats till ett sökande efter rötter och kontinuitet som närdes av fruktan för krig, rotlöshet och kulturell minnesförlust. Det upplevda yttre hotet mot Grekland beskrevs ofta i termer av en hotande utmaning gentemot den nationella identiteten och nationens överlevnad, men också som en möjlighet att återupprätta en samlande nationell berättelse. Samtidigt brukades historia med både kommersiella och politiska mål i sikte, eftersom det nationella förflutna sågs som en moralisk, politisk och ekonomisk tillgång. Ett framträdande drag i debatten var ett politiskt historiebruk som syftade till att utmana en upplevd vänsterhegemoni som utmålades som ett hinder för nationell enighet och främjandet av Greklands utrikespolitiska målsättningar i utlandet. Men historia kunde även brukas politiskt för att visa på nationalismens avarter. Särskild uppmärksamhet har ägnats åt det moraliska historiebruket. Detta är ett bruk som utmanar vad som utpekas som förhärskande föreställningar och därför är ett medel för historiekulturens förändring. Historieproducenter längs med den politiska skalan tenderade att utforma sina berättelser i kritisk och moralistisk anda, även om syftet ofta var att bevara en traditionell förståelse av nationell historia och identitet. Emellertid är det berättelser som utmanar den nationella tolkningsramen som undersökts särskilt noggrant. Det moraliska historiebruket hänger samman med hur den makedonska frågan nyttjades till att främja minnespolitiska krav. I detta sammanhang har särskild uppmärksamhet riktats mot den slaviskmakedonska minoritetsaktivismen som prisade etnisk särart och anklagade den grekiska staten för diskriminering. Dess historiebruk underblåste föreställningar om ett överhängande hot mot den grekiska nationalstaten och tilltalade som sådant också grupperingar inom den grekiska vänstern, som i den slaviskmakedonska kritiska berättelsen såg ett medel till förändring av rådande samhällsordning och den nationella historiekulturen, genom att blottlägga statens ”ideologiska historiebruk”. En grupp som brukade historien moraliskt och som i viss utsträckning även länkade sin minnespolitiska dagordning till den makedonska frågan återfanns bland de pontiska grekerna. Studien har belyst hur en pontisk identitet knuten till en berättelse om folkmord i Turkiet och en historia av diskriminering i Grekland växte fram i senare delen av 1980-talet och erkändes av staten 1994. Medan kapitel 3 utforskar det lokala historiekulturella landskapet i det grekiska Makedonien, belyser kapitel 4 även de förbindelser som pontiska aktivister sökte upprätta med historiska berättelser utanför den nationella historiens ramverk, huvudsakligen det armeniska folkmordet och förintelsen. Förhållandet mellan politik och historia, mellan kritiska berättelser som utmanade förhärskande uppfattningar i nationella frågor och dem som försvarade den förda politikens legitimitet och den officiella historieskrivningen, står i fokus för kapitel 5. Den makedonska konflikten medförde kolliderande anspråk på expertis inom vetenskapssamhället – mellan ämnesdiscipliner och enskilda forskare – såväl som mellan fackmän och lekmän, vilket tog sig uttryck i retoriska 325 uteslutningsmekanismer. För somliga bar den allmänna betoningen av nationell historia ett löfte med sig om finansiering och förstärkt prestige åt dem som hade denna inriktning. Andra uppfattade den makedonska krisen och historieskrivning med nationella och politiska förtecken som ett direkt hot mot den fria forskningen och Greklands överlevnad som ett demokratiskt samhälle. Den akademiska autonomin som föreföll hotad skyddades genom att insistera på en skiljelinje mellan historia som vetenskap respektive som ”ideologiskt bruk” för politiska ändamål. Detta försök att återupprätta konsensus inom vetenskapssamhället genom att vädja till professionens etiska principer blev också en utväg för historiker som med tiden sökte distansera sig från en förd politik som uppfattades som skamfilad och nationalistisk. Analysen har visat på de sammanhang i vilka den makedonska krisen växte fram och hur farhågorna för och bruket av historia kan förstås. Den första av dessa kontexter är den inrikespolitiska, närmare bestämt det grekiska samhällets demokratisering efter 1974. I det nya pluralistiska klimatet införlivades delar av den tidigare förföljda vänsterns kritiska berättelse om det nära förflutna i statens historieskrivning. Övergången från ett auktoritärt samhälle och historiekultur till en ökad öppenhet banade även väg för missnöjda gruppers identitetspolitik (slaviska makedoner, pontiska och andra anatoliska greker), grupper vars historiebruk naggade de gamla nationella och ideologiska stora berättelserna i kanten. Vid tiden för kalla krigets slut 1989 hade en allmänt spridd besvikelse gentemot de politiska ideologierna, i synnerhet socialismen, medfört en motreaktion till förmån för en mer traditionell nationalism. Det andra betydelsefulla sammanhanget återfinns i den europeiska integrationen som följde på Greklands EG-inträde 1981. Denna medförde inte endast hopp om ekonomisk vinning utan även behovet att bearbeta förlusten av nationellt självbestämmande och traditionella former av självförståelse. Grekland stod inför uppgiften att finna sin plats i det nya Europa, samtidigt som landet måste hantera den nya verklighet som 1990-talets krig på Balkan medförde. Särskilt historiker betonade att denna process gjorde det nödvändigt att europeisera nationens värderingar och uppfattningar kring historia, en uppgift som försvårades av Greklands hållning i den makedonska frågan och det sätt på vilket man slog vakt om ”historiska rättigheter”. Även aktivister som, huvudsakligen i den grekiska diasporan, var sysselsatta med att marknadsföra denna fråga pekade på behovet av att modernisera aspekter av den nationella historiekulturen i en tid av europeiskt enande och konvergerande historieutbildningar. Det som ovan beskrivits har ett nära samband med det tredje stora sammanhanget, som även det är av transnationell art. Den nationella historiekulturen är inte avskild från omvärlden; föreställningar om det förflutna rör sig över nationella gränser. På global nivå sammanföll den makedonska konflikten med de s.k. history wars, historiekrig som rasade vid samma tid runtom i världen. Dessa återspeglar i sin tur urholkandet av de stora nationella och ideologiska berättelserna i västerländska samhällen, de identitets- och minnespolitiska kraven hos under- och ickestatliga aktörer, de mänskliga rättigheternas paradigm och 326 beklagandets politik (the politics of regret), som anammar nationell skuld som ny princip för politisk legitimitet. Trenden inom transnationell historiekultur mot en mer universell moral, symboliserad av den ”amerikaniserade” (och ”europeiserade”) förintelsens moral innebar en ytterligare utmaning mot de nationella historiekulturerna. Den pontiska folkmordsberättelsen (och dess nationaliserade förlängning) analyseras som svarande till kravet på en ”amerikanisering” av grekisk historiekultur. I detta sammanhang lyfts den grekiska diasporans roll fram, inte endast som instrumentell i utformningen av Greklands utrikespolitiska dagordning, men även i egenskap av förmedlare av historiekulturella angelägenheter och behovet av anpassning till transnationell omgivning. Konsekvenser av denna ”amerikaniserade” folkmordsberättelse diskuteras. Ett fjärde sammanhang, med en både nationell och transnationell dimension, är det akademiska, inom vilket forskare debatter och formar historiens representation. Identitetspolitikens ankomst och den makedonska konflikten stod även i samband med den objektivistiska historieskrivningens legitimitetskris och den postmoderna utmaningen. Urholkningen av staters bärande historieberättelse och tolkningsföreträde motsvarades i viss utsträckning av ett undergrävt förtroende för den traditionella historieskrivningens trovärdighet och auktoritet. Denna urholkning kunde tolkas som ett hot mot själva historievetenskapen och professionen. Ett annat sätt att bemöta detta hot var att betrakta såväl det som den makedonska krisen som en uppfordran till perspektivskifte inom forskning och historieskrivning. Samspelet mellan politik och historia, mellan förståelsen av svunna realiteter, nutida bekymmer och förväntningar inför framtiden formade sålunda den politiska krisen och banade väg för den grekiska historiekulturens förändring.

This thesis examines the South East European policy of the European Union, which promoted the prospect of a &lsquo<br>United Europe&rsquo<br>. After the end of the bipolar world system, the ultimate aim of the East European countries has been the integration into the European Union. The transition and integration process, that they initiated in accordance with this aim, made up the basis of their relations with the Union. Nevertheless, the South East European countries, which became a sub-region within East Europe, joined to the process much later, due to the wars and instability, caused by ethnic conflicts within the region. The initiatives, established by the European Union for the region, did not come with the desired outcomes. However, after the Kosovo War, the Union established a deeper framework, with the mechanisms of the Stability Pact and the Stabilization and Association Process. On the other hand, the September-11 events, which led to the gradual withdrawal of the United States from the region, handed the responsibility to the Union. As a result of this, the Union accelerated the Stabilization and Association Process, thus torpedoed the Stability Pact. Within this context, the Republic of Macedonia became a significant component of this accelerated process. Especially, with the Stabilization and Association Agreement, came into force in April 2004, and the Mission Concordia, which is the first-ever military operation the Union, the European Union aroused its interest to the country. Consequently, within the regional framework, the Republic of Macedonia made up the essence of the Union&rsquo<br>s strategy in the region.

In questo elaborato finale verrà tradotta un parte del libro “Sulle questioni macedoni “ di Krste P.Misirkov che rappresenta un evento di grandissima importanza storica per la realizzazione di una lingua letteraria macedone. In questo libro Misirkov determina il suo programma nazionale ed esamina la questione della lingua letteraria macedone. l libro rappresenta le opinioni di uno dei più grandi attivisti macedoni della coscienza nazionale e soprattutto della necessità di completare l'affermazione nazionale e la liberazione dei macedoni come un popolo separato, con una particolare importanza del ruolo della codificazione della lingua macedone letteraria. Questo libro non è mai stato tradotto in italiano, per cui è stata una sfida piacevole quella che mi sono posta. Non è stato facile raggiungere tale obbiettivo, ma è stato molto interessante osservare come non solo le diverse radici alle quali appartengono la lingua italiana (latino) e la lingua macedone (slavo) cambiano, ma la differente cultura provoca molte volte l’impossibilità di rappresentare nel miglior modo possibile i sentimenti, le immagini, i paesaggi e quant’altro nella lingua di arrivo. Ho cercato di esprimere al meglio i temi, i concetti, i messaggi del libro tradotto e spero di essere riuscita di rendere chiare le idee.

Teaching italian language, literature and culture abroad: the experience in the Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) by Imer ALILI. // In this dissertation we wanted to summarize, briefly, an empirical and analytical study on the current state of general education and the teaching tools available to teachers of all levels of teaching, to move us forward in the direction of a possible revision and rebuilding the educational system, like the humanistic values of which the various disciplines should be impregnated to comprehend the current conditions of reality evolved in this digital age, now on a global scale. It would be desirable to look at the past, not as it has been addressed so far, but by taking on a cautious and calm ratio, aimed at an enriching perspective in the public education system, which can be achieved by overcoming the innate and primordial tendency to refute a priori others’ theses without first considering them and examining the possibilities for their concretization. For the future of new generations, we should not avoid to convey those basic concepts on which we have been forged, but, instead, be willing to draw on the past with venerable approval, if nothing else, for the experience accumulated by our predecessors. And, for that past-present-future time-frame, the art of teaching - aligned with a necessary empathic remark - has the ultimate goal of an indispensable mission that pedagogues will have to be able to reproduce, based on the objective of reconsidering - for an appropriate, targeted and attentive training - the human-nature relationship, as an inseparable dualism belonging to all humanity, richness in diversity, to redress a serious and fruitful reflection on our future as well as an attempt to mitigate the anxieties and uncertainties dominating these actual times.

M.A. (Greek)<br>When I was in Primary School I recall hearing and reading about the exploits and conquests of Alexander the Great. To me, Alexander the Great or Μεγαλέξανδρος was more than a great warrior who tamed Bucephalus at a young age and then proceeded to conquer the known world before the age of thirty. Personally, he was a champion for Greece and for Hellenism. Alexander the Great ensured that Greece and Hellenism would become known and respected throughout the ages. Films have been made and books have been written about him. References have even made about him and his empire in Holy Scriptures like the Bible (in Daniel 7:6, 8:5-7, 11:3-4) as the Four-Horned Goat, the Four-Winged Leopard and the metal statue and the Quran (as Dhul-Qarnayn the Two-Horned One). When I was in High School I recall how passionately the global Hellenic community reacted when a small republic on Greece’s northern frontier proclaimed its independence with the official name “Republic of Macedonia”. This event struck a deeply emotional chord within me. I viewed this occurrence as a theft of my heritage. A proud heritage that was being appropriated by a young republic that was desperate to clutch onto anything in order to assign legitimacy to its newly-found independent status. For this reason, I did not hesitate to select this research topic when I decided to proceed with my postgraduate studies. This topic may not be the most unique one, especially within European and specifically Balkan academic circles, but it is a topic that has been deeply embedded in my conscience as a patriotic Greek who was determined to tackle this issue with the simple objective of proving that “Macedonia is Greek”. But one cannot be subjective in academic and scientific research and provide a discourse that is based on evidence that has been fuelled by passion. An academic researcher has a moral obligation to be objective and to inform on the basis of factual evidence and reason. There is a fine line between subjective emotion and objective truth when it comes to matters of patriotism and nationalism. Patriotism and nationalism can lead to fanaticism which I believe can ultimately defeat logic. A person can love his or her country and heritage and at the same 4 time refrain from feeling a sense of entitlement and demanding exclusivity to national symbolic factors. The most critical element is to be free from prejudice when attempting to uncover the truth...

Testing the efficient market hypothesis can always bring interest­ing points regarding the functions of the financial markets. Every investor wants to beat the market, and therefore he is trying to find information that will gain him some privileges. On the other side, the stock exchanges and reg­ulatory agencies are striving to eliminate those information privileges. This is where market efficiency, its theory, and its forms come into question. Until to­day one can find research on testing the efficiency of different developed mar­kets. However, there are still a lot of gaps in research involving small and un­derdeveloped markets. This research may put the developing markets on the investment opportunities map of international investors. The purpose of this paper is to show how information efficiency relates to the Macedonian stock market by testing the weak form efficiency, using the augmented Dickey-Full­er (ADF) test to observe whether they contain a unit root or not. The results will be used to show the opportunities for adopting a profitable investment strat­egy using the technical analysis of the Macedonian stock exchange. Addition­ally, the results show that by using the mouthy price differences one cannot beat the market as the prices are moving with a random walk, which is not the case if investors are analyzing daily price differences.

The Republic of North Macedonia in 2021 marks not only 30 years since the Declaration of Independence and the peaceful separation from the former SFRY but also 20 years since the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA). Next year Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) will also mark the 30th anniversary of the Independence Referendum, which in turn was an introduction to the three-and-a-half-year civil war (1992-1995), which ended with the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DMD). With both agreements, in the Republic of N. Macedonia and BiH, elements of consociational democracy were introduced in their constitutional order and political system. The two countries in science are categorized in the group of consociational democracies of the new wave, even though BiH is a “complex” and the Republic of N. Macedonia is a “minimalist” consociational model. The theoretical literature dealing with the consociational model of democracy has long focused on several issues. One of them is the question about the needs of certain favorable conditions for its application. The following can be pointed out as favorable factors for the application of this model of democracy: relative equilibrium among the segments; the existence of moderate multi-party and representative party system; small country size; crosscutting cleavages; overarching loyalties; segmental isolation and federalism; traditions of elite accommodation. Some authors rightly note that the assumed favorable conditions for consociation should be further explored by analyzing some successful and unsuccessful examples of consociation. The purpose of this paper is to make such an analysis, which will be done by comparing the favorable conditions for the application of the consociational model in countries such as BiH and the Republic of N. Macedonia. It is necessary to emphasize that certain consociational elements were present in the political system of BiH while it was part of the SFRY and in the Republic of N. Macedonia the same were nurtured in the first decade of Macedonian independence (until the signing of the OFA in 2001), but more through political pragmatism than through systematically guaranteed solutions. Keywords: favorable conditions, consociational democracy, BiH, R. N. Macedonia, power-sharing

First and foremost, the main inspiration for the specific problem in this paper are the changes in the electricity market of the Republic of North Macedonia (in the text as – “RSM”) and its compliance with European regu­lations, elaborating the characteristics and official data on the Macedonian regulated market. By summarizing all the theoretical and empirical aspects, the answers to the arising questions are provided through the analysis of the legal framework, the condition and the participants in the electricity-regu­lated market in the country in the analyzed period of three years (2019-2021). Also, the results and conclusions of the research shall be achieved via compre­hensive analysis and by finding the answers to the posed questions through the theoretical analysis, the inductive and deductive methods, whereas the techniques utilized shall be: official data and reports of the Regulatory Com­mission of energetic and water services of RSM, questionnaires, interviews and observations as well. The main conclusion is that the changes in the reg­ulated market are under the influence of the changed Macedonian regula­tions, the process of harmonization with the European regulations and the current developments related to the energy market globally. In this paper, the goal is achieved through the elaboration of changes in the legislation in the Republic of North Macedonia and its implementation in the past few years, emphasizing the effects on the liberalization of the electricity market.

Real estate has always had great importance in law and legal transactions. They are part of the country, part of the territory of the state. For this reason, the need for registring the rights to immovable properties dates long ago inte the past. And in the modern legislations imovables enjoy a special legal regime of public registration. In our legal system, this is expressed through the existence of a special public book for recording rights to immovable property - cadastre of immovable properties, which ensures legal certainty in legal transactions. Immovable property rights are acquired, transferred, limited and terminated by registration in a public book. Non-observance of these rules leads to legal uncertainties, abstinence from legal transactions of real estate and problems in practice. For these reasons a public book for the registration of real estate rights, is of great importance for the protection of property rights and other real rights and the development of real estate markets. Consistent observance of the principle of faith in a public book, accuracy of data, as well as the existence of procedural guarantees - legal remedies are from exceptional significance for legal security in the civil law relations. Without them, the realization of legal certaintie is brought into question. In this work, the author points the role and significance of the Cadastre services as a key factor of legal certainty. Also throw the solutions of the comparative law, and current problems in practice, he is presenting the solutions in the new proposal of Cadastral Laws for strengthening the legal regulation in the Macedonian Law.

The process of creating the Macedonian state begins with the disintegration of the SFR Yugoslavia and the Referendum for Independence on September 8, 1991.As a geographically integral part of the Western Balkans, the Macedonian state was exposed to challenges of a different nature. Since the day of the declaration of independence, the country has been facing with certain issues that in the past period have proven to have the potential to cause serious internal political and security crises.Today, the dilemma is whether after full NATO membership we can hope for a more secure future from a political, and at the same time from a security and economic point of view, or still the challenges, primarily interethnic relations, remain as such. In that regard, the potential for the existence of hybrid threats that the Macedonian state could face as a NATO member should be considered.The perception and forecasts for the future of the Republic of North Macedonia are different. Through this paper we will try to answer some of the questions and challenges that the state would face in the coming period. In particular, in this paper we will present the possible positive changes that may occur in the country, but at the same time we will address the potential risks with which the state is facing, relating to the change of political i.e. state governance of the country as a consequence of a possible new interethnic conflict. Keywords: Macedonian statehood, Interethnic relations, Security challenges, Hybrid threats, NATO

The concept of "leniency" in competition law, or better known as the "leniency programme", has proven to be an extremely important instrument in fighting unfair competition. In the Republic of Northern Macedonia (hereinafter RNM), this concept of suppressing or reducing unfair competition, more or less, exists solely as a law conception. Nowadays, when the EU discusses the impact of the global crisis and the Coronavirus pandemic on the level of utilization of ”leniency programme", this concept is still unknown or not a well-known concept for business sector in RNM. The main focus of this article is “leniency programme” in RNM. The key questions that we aim to answer here, are: whether and to what extent this instrument is predicted in Macedonian competition law? Is it predicted only as a law category, or it has practical implications too? Although this research refers to RNM, we strongly believe that a thorough study of “leniency” requires exploration of European conception of “leniency” too. For that purpose, we use relevant EU legislation, as well as practice. Thus, our main goal is to consider the position of RNM towards “leniency” and bring into relation to the Macedonian competition law. We base our hypothetical framework on the assumption that the applicability of “leniency programme” in RNM is at the lowest level. Furthermore, that the undertakings are not interested in applying “leniency”. This situation is partly due to the lack of information, the complexity of the application procedure, as well as other factors that are related not only to the attitude of the executive of undertakings, but more to the general economic circumstances, economic development, the market size of goods and services, etc. Using the analytical-descriptive method, the comparative method, and the method of analysis and synthesis, we’ll elaborate the situation in RNM regarding this issue, and we will present our views considering the questions: whether certain measures should be taken regarding „leniency program“, and what should be done to boost the use of this program in the Macedonian business sector.

In the recent years income instability and poverty is imortnat problem in the world. Aproximately more than one out of five people in the World live in poverty. Microcredit is an effective tool to support the poor help themselves out of the poverty. The aims of this study are explaining poverty in Macedonia and Turkey and comparing Macedonia to Turkish microcredit systems. This study is completed through an extensive literature review of academic articles, and methodologies employed by Macedonia and Turkey microcredit models. The performance of system are studied and compared with the various parameters. The various parameters deals with poverty such as financial structure, gini coefficient and efficiency. Poverty is important problem for undeveloped countries. Microcredit has played an important role in the reduction of poverty. Finally, as the paper shows and the available data appears to confirm success to fighting poverty with microcredit experience of Macadonia and Turkey. And this paper is answered to question: Which is success to fight the poverty, Macedonia or Turkey?

First and foremost, the main inspiration for the specific problematics in this paper is solar energy as clean and profitable energy for businesses in the Republic of North Macedonia. The question that arises as the basis is finding the reason why the progress in the sector of renewable energy sources in this country is still slow and insufficient. The results and conclusions of the research shall be achieved via comprehensive analysis, and by finding the answer to the posed question through the: theoretical analysis, the inductive and deductive methods, as well as description shall be used, whereas the techniques utilized shall be questionnaires, interviews, observations. By summarizing in one place all the theoretical and empirical aspects, we are finding the answer to the main question asked: One of the possible reasons for this actual situation is the fact that so far there is no possibility in this country for individuals to be involved in the process of production and transmission of electricity in the energy system. The goal is achieved in this paper through providing specific guidelines and suggestions regarding the improvement of the legal framework in the Republic of North Macedonia, emphasizing on benefits if the households are allowed to deliver their produced solar energy and considering the possible ways to remove the determined obstacles for implementing this idea.

The main goal of this paper is to analyze the kinds of security challenges and threats the Republic of North Macedonia is facing after its accession in NATO. This study would be a comparative analysis of two periods, respectively two years before its official accession and the period from its NATO accession until today. The paper is a practical attempt to show and explain to the academic and ordinary society whether North Macedonia has closed certain groups of security threats and security challenges traditional for the Western Balkan region after its membership in NATO, but also the new security challenges and threats which this country is facing since its full membership in NATO. From theoretical point of view, we will try to explain if small states, on the example of North Macedonia, are able to create a national security strategy or its security strategy depends on the so-called great powers and their security goals, similar to the case with foreign policy strategies, according to the findings of the representatives of the theory of realism. Key questions that should be answered in this paper are the following: Has North Macedonia improved its security mosaic since its NATO accession? What are the new security challenges and threats after its membership? Does the creation of the security strategy of North Macedonia depend on its NATO allies? Key words: security challenges, threats, the Republic of North Macedonia, NATO membership, security strategy

In the ever-evolving landscape of education, the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) has emerged as a transformative force, reshaping conventional pedagogical methods and assessment approaches. The domains of accounting and auditing, integral for preparing future professionals, have not remained immune to this technological revolution. As AI, including ChatGPT, gains prominence, it offers the potential to enhance learning and examination experiences within these disciplines. This paper presents a pioneering North Macedonian experimental research evaluating the performance of ChatGPT's effectiveness in exam performance in accounting and auditing. Leveraging 11 subject exams comprising a total of 401 questions, this research assesses ChatGPT's proficiency in addressing intricate, context-specific questions within these domains. ChatGPT 3.5 demonstrated its reliability as a "student" by successfully passing 8 out of the 11 subjects, achieving a pass rate of 73%. The findings reveal that ChatGPT 3.5 excels in responding to qualitative open-ended questions, true/false assessments, and multiple-choice questions with a single correct answer, effectively streamlining routine tasks and offering comprehensive explanations. However, it faces challenges when dealing with quantitative calculations and complex multiple-choice questions with multiple correct answers. This study contributes to the ongoing discourse on AI's role in education, sparking discussions about student access to AI tools, the balance between memorization and referencing, the potential for AI to enhance learning experiences, and the unique contributions of educators that surpass AI capabilities. As AI continues to disrupt traditional practices across professions, including education, its responsible integration promises to enhance the educational process and deliver substantial value. ChatGPT, as a versatile AI language model, stands as a powerful tool in this endeavor, offering educators and students the potential to enrich their learning journeys while recognizing the need for judicious application within its defined constraints.