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Golovin, D. O., and S. A. Sklyarov. "The New Macedonian Question: the Current Stage of Development." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-68-90.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of the New Macedonian question. Authors examine two treaties that seemed to settle the New Macedonian question: The 2017 Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighborliness and Cooperation between Macedonia and Bulgaria, and the 2018 Prespa agreement signed by the representatives of Macedonia and Greece. The successful negotiations that resulted in the signing of these international agreements have raised a diffi cult question for researchers, which can be formulated as follows: what is the current stage of development of the New Macedonian Question? Does this problem belong to history or current international relations? The main goal of the work is a detailed analysis of the two above-mentioned treaties in the context of their impact on the New Macedonian question. Authors attempted not only to examine the two treaties separately, but also to place these documents in the broader context of extremely contradictory international relations on the Balkan Peninsula, and to show the mutual infl uence of various aspects of the New Macedonian question as the complex problem of international relations. The article has a scientifi c value since the Prespa agreement and the Treaty of friendship have not yet been properly examined in the scientifi c literature, despite the wide coverage in the media. The article proves the thesis that two treaties did not settle the New Macedonian question and only led to the creation of new problems related to the independent Macedonian state. The serious unilateral concessions made by the Macedonian leadership to resolve the name dispute, the freezing of the historical dispute with Bulgaria, and the continued distrust between the Macedonians and Albanians after the Ohrid agreement do not give grounds to speak of a successful solution of the New Macedonian question.
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Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska], Билјана [Biljana]. "Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)". Slavia Meridionalis 12 (31 серпня 2015): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.007.
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The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in finding a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bałkańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezentowano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei własnego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jednocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – zatwierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Republiki Macedonii.
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Nikolovski, Dimitar. "European Integration as New National Mythology: On The Resolution of the Macedonian Name Dispute." Köz-gazdaság 16, no. 3 (2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2021.03.09.
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The paper examines the effect that the resolution of the naming dispute between North Macedonia and Greece has on the re-definition of the Macedonian nation. It discusses the narratives of supporters and opponents to the Prespa Agreement and poses the question of whether the European integration (under which auspices the name change occurred) has indeed served as new national mythology for Macedonians.
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Sujecka, Jolanta. "The Continuity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century Macedonia." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.003.
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The Contuinity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century MacedoniaThe sense of territorial identity gains force whenever political means of solving the Macedonian Question, a repugnant legacy of the Eastern issue, become scarce. This attitude is reflected in the articles published by the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora in journals of its different centres. Due to space constraints I decided to present only (and at least) the views of Krste Misirkov, a very complex figure indeed, who in contemporary Macedonia belongs to the undisputable national pantheon. His opinions on the Macedonian Question were far from explicit and his statements delivered at different stages of his life do not fit into a cohesive whole as the national purists would want it. However, it is difficult to imagine a better mirror for “Macedonian matters” in the 20th century and a more comprehensive picture of the twisted paths that the Macedonian Slavs took to reach the concept of ‘Macedonian’ understood as an ethnos, not only in its territorial aspect.A bond with the territory has never disappeared from Macedonian self-perception. Only the constant presence of territorial identity explains the assimilation of the ancient heritage, which is in fact heritage of a territory, into the Macedonian national canon. It is further confirmed by the most recent Macedonian history textbooks for high school students where the ancient tradition is treated as a part of their own heritage. While the bond with the territory is still an integral part of the Macedonian elite’s consciousness, the question of double identity remains less obvious. In Misirkov’s time double identity, expressed through various ethnic configurations, on the one hand shaped Macedonian self-identity and on the other proved the distinctiveness of a ‘Macedonian’ at that time (i.e. in the first half of the 20th century) from a ‘Serb’ in Serbia proper and a ‘Bulgarian’ in Bulgaria proper, thus creating favourable conditions for the emergence of separatist understanding of Macedonianness, allowing even non-Slavs to be Macedonians. Macedonianness began to be founded on Slavicness relatively late and this dependence was propagated quite naturally mainly by Slavophile circles (the circle of Nace Dimov) and by the communists in the 1920’s and 1930’s. However, in the first half of the 20th century there still existed alternatives, such as, for instance, the above-described project of Krste Misirkov. The most evident connection between the term ‘Macedonian’ and Slavicness crystallised in Tito’s post-war Macedonia, de facto undermining the notion of double identity in the sense in which it had functioned in the first half of the 20th century.Ciągłość i jej brak. Kwestia terytorializmu i podwójnej tożsamości z perspektywy macedońskiejPoczucie tożsamości terytorialnej odzywa się ze szczególną siłą w sytuacjach, kiedy wyczerpują się polityczne możliwości rozwiązania problemu macedońskiego, jako niedobrego spadku po kwestii wschodniej. Potwierdzają to wypowiedzi przedstawicieli macedońskiej diaspory publikowane na łamach czasopism, wychodzących w różnych miejscach jej skupisk. Zdecydowałam się na przedstawienie jedynie (i aż) poglądów Krste Misirkova, należącego w dzisiejszej Macedonii do niekwestionowanego panteonu narodowego, w istocie postaci wielce skomplikowanej. Jego poglądy w kwestii macedońskiej były dalekie od jednoznaczności, a wypowiedzi wygłaszane na różnych etapach życia nie układają się w całość, jakiej chcieliby narodowi puryści, natomiast trudno sobie wyobrazić lepsze zwierciadło „spraw macedońskich” w XX wieku i pełniejszy obraz krętych dróg, jakimi macedońscy Słowianie dochodzili do pojęcia „Macedończyk” rozumianego jako éthnie, a nie tylko terytorialnie.Więź z terytorium nigdy nie zniknęła z macedońskiego myślenia o sobie samych. Jedynie stałą obecnością tożsamości terytorialnej można wytłumaczyć asymilację dziedzictwa antycznego, czyli faktycznie dziedzictwa terytorium, do macedońskiego kanonu narodowego. Potwierdzają to najnowsze macedońskie podręczniki do nauki historii dla szkół średnich, w których tradycja antyczna jest traktowana jako część tradycji własnej. O ile jednak więź z terytorium jest nadal integralną częścią świadomości macedońskich elit, to zupełnie inaczej wygląda kwestia podwójnej tożsamości. W czasach Misirkova podwójna tożsamość, wyrażająca się poprzez różne etniczne konfiguracje, z jednej strony kształtowała macedońską tożsamość własną, z drugiej zaś to dzięki niej pojęcie „Macedończyk” w tym czasie (tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX) potwierdzało swoją odrębność od Serba z Serbii właściwej i od Bułgara z Bułgarii właściwej i tym samym sprzyjało kształtowaniu się separatystycznego rozumienia macedońskości. Ten sposób widzenia umożliwiał bycie Macedończykiem także nie-Słowianom. Oparcie pojęcia macedońskości o słowiańskość nastąpiło stosunkowo późno i było propagowane w sposób naturalny głównie przez środowiska słowianofilskie (petersburski krąg Nace Dimova), ale w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. także przez środowiska komunistyczne. Jednak w pierwszej połowie XX wieku miało wciąż alternatywne propozycje, jak chociażby omówiony przeze mnie projekt K. Misirkova. Najwyrazistsze powiązanie pojęcia „Macedończyk” ze słowiańskością nastąpiło w powojennej Macedonii czasów Josipa Broz Tity i w istocie podważyło pojęcie podwójnej tożsamości, w tym sensie w jakim funkcjonowała ona w okresie wcześniejszym, tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX.
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Груевска-Маџоска [Gruevska-Madžoska], Симона [Simona]. "Јазичната политика во Република Македонија – меѓу законската регулатива и практиката". Slavia Meridionalis 12 (31 серпня 2015): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.013.
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Language policy in the Republic of Macedonia – between legislation and practice The question about the status of the Macedonian language manifests itself for the first time in the 19th century, but its resolution starts with the codification of the Macedonian language after World War II. The Macedonian language is then declared as an official language in the Macedonian republic and equal amongst the other languages in SFR Yugoslavia. However, the official language in SFR Yugoslavia (the language of international communication, military dealings, one of the core subjects in all elementary schools etc.) was the Serbo‑Croatian language. With the formation of an independent Republic of Macedonia, the Macedonian language became the only official language until the peace deal Ohrid Framework Agreement was signed, when the language of the largest ethnic minority – the Albanian language – gains the status of an official language. The issue of interest of this article is whether the Macedonian language has changed its status and to what extent, what are the terms of legislation for it and the real situation in which it is found in the Republic of Macedonia. Polityka językowa w Republice Macedonii – między ustawodawstwem a praktyką Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniom związanym ze zmianą statusu języka macedońskiego, jego stanem prawnym i faktyczną sytuacją językową w Republice Macedonii.Kwestia statusu języka macedońskiego pojawiła się po raz pierwszy w XIX wieku, lecz jej właściwe rozwiązanie nastąpiło wraz z kodyfikacją języka literackiego po II wojnie światowej. Wówczas język macedoński został uznany za oficjalny w Socjalistycznej Republice Macedonii i równouprawniony z pozostałymi językami w SFR Jugosławii, przy czym językiem oficjalnym federacyjnego państwa był serbskochorwacki/chorwackoserbski (jako język komunikacji międzynarodowej, język armii i przedmiot obowiązkowego nauczania w szkole podstawowej itd.).Z chwilą ukonstytuowania się Republiki Macedonii jako niezależnego państwa język macedoński został jedynym językiem oficjalnym, sytuacja taka trwała aż do podpisania umowy w Ochrydzie (Ohridskiot ramoven dogovor), kiedy to także albański – jako język największej mniejszości etnicznej w kraju – zyskał status języka oficjalnego.
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Koukoudakis, George. "The Macedonian Question." Mediterranean Quarterly 29, no. 4 (2018): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-7345415.
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Nimetz, Matthew. "The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved?" Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (2020): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.10.
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AbstractThe dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.
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Pettifer, James. "The new Macedonian question." International Affairs 68, no. 3 (1992): 475–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622967.
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Cappelli, Vanni. "The Macedonian question … again." Washington Quarterly 21, no. 3 (1998): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609809550336.
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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "Tretyakova M. Makedoniia-2001. Novyi vitok krizisa: Istoricheskie predposylki i politicheskie posledstviia. M.: Indrik, 2021. 376 s. ISBN 978-5-91674-633-4 [Tretyakova M. Macedonia-2001. A New Round of the Crisis: Historical Background and Political Consequences. Moscow: Indrik, 2021. 376 p.]." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.16.
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This review is devoted to the book by Maria Chedomirovna Tretyakova Macedonia-2001. A New Round of the Crisis: Historical Background and Political Consequences. The author sets herself the task of studying the significance of the Albanian factor in the history of Macedonia. The author studies not just the 2001 insurgency in Macedonia, but the region's history from the middle of the nineteenth century until 2018. The author pays most attention to the demographic issue and argues the historical right of the Macedonian people to the territory of the country. The monograph was written according to the Right-Macedonian national discourse and therefore has all the pros and cons of the primordial approach in the study of interethnic tensions in the Balkans. The book is of undoubted interest for the reader who wants to get acquainted with the Macedonian vision of the Albanian question in the Balkans. Illustrative material and maps of the so-called “United Macedonia” emphasize the tragedy of the situation in which, according to the author, the Macedonian people found themselves.
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Dymarski, Mirosław. "Macedończyk–Macedończycy w dokumentach dyplomatycznych Królestwa Serbii 1903–1914." Slavica Wratislaviensia 165 (February 1, 2018): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.165.9.
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Macedonian and Macedonians in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914The article discusses the problem of the words “Macedonian” and “Macedonians” appearing in in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914 and the context of their usage. It focuses on the question of Serbian diplomacy’s attitude towards the Macedonians: whether they were regarded as nation or apeople whose sense of identity was territorial rather than based on their ethnicity. The early documents indicate that the view of the Macedonians as anation took hold among Serbian politicians and diplomats. Following the coup of 1903 and the ensuing change of ruling dynasty, Serbian foreign policy changed as well. The plans for Serbian expansion into Macedonian lands result in mentions of the Macedonians becoming rarer. Before the outbreak of the first Balkan war, the partition of Macedonia between Serbia and Bulgaria was perceived as the main objective and consequently referring to the Macedonians was seen as being against Serbian national interests.Makedonac–Makedonci u diplomatskim dokumentima Kraljevine Srbije 1903–1914Članak se bavi problemom prisutnosti ili konteksta korištenja reči: Makedonac, Makedonci usrpskim diplomatskim dokumentima od 1903. do 1914. godine. Razmatrani problemi učlanku se tiču toga da li je srpska diplomatija priznavala postojanje Makedonaca kao posebnog naroda ili ih je tretirala kao ljude koji imaju teritorijalni, ane etnički identitet. Prvi dokumenti prikazuju na to daje među srpskim diplomatama ipolitičarima postojalo ubeđenje da su Makedonci poseban narod. Posle državnog udara u Srbiji, 1903. godine ipromene vladajuće dinastije, počela je nova spoljna politika. Planovi oteritorijalnoj ekspanziji Srbije na makedonskoj teritoriji su prouzrokovali to da se podaci o Makedoncima pojavljuju sve ređe. Glavni problem pre početka Prvog balkanskog rata je predstavljala podela Makedonije između Srbije i Bugarske izato je pominjanje Makedonaca bilo protiv interesa srpskog naroda.
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Smirnov, P. A. "Bulgarian Vector for North Macedonia Foreign Policy: the Problem of Identity." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (2021): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-86-96.
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The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.
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Kostopoulos, Tasos. "“Land to the Tiller”. On the Neglected Agrarian Component of the Macedonian Revolutionary Movement, 1893–1912." Turkish Historical Review 7, no. 2 (2016): 134–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00702002.
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The aim of this article is to question and revise the dominant assumption that dissociates the revolutionary activities in late Ottoman Macedonia from the agrarian question that remained open throughout that period. Through the cross-checking of various Greek, Bulgarian, Macedonian and western primary sources, emanating from both the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and its adversaries, the latter’s promise of a radical land reform (and the beginnings of its de facto implementation) emerge as the main motive behind the mass mobilization of Christian peasants that transformed an initial nucleus of urban-based middle-class activists into a popular parallel state within a state, openly defying Ottoman sovereignty over the area.
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Mahon, Milena. "The Macedonian Question in Bulgaria." Nations and Nationalism 4, no. 3 (1998): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1998.00389.x.
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KOUSKOUVELIS, ILIAS I. "Institutionalism and the Macedonian question." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 4, no. 3 (2004): 506–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1468385042000281684.
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Prikolota, Maksim, and Ivan Krylov. "The Accession of Macedonia to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a Multi-Level Game." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 1 (2020): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-01-08.
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This article analyzes Macedonian foreign policy during the process of joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). We use a modified version of Robert Putnam’s multi-level game concept to show the role of domestic actors in determining Macedonian foreign policy. Based on an analysis of the interactions between the main domestic actors, we identify the reasons for the rapid resolution, after a long pause, of the question of Macedonia’s name and membership in NATO. We use a case-study approach and analyze the available data on the ratio of actors within the existing institutions, key events in the political struggle, and programmes through which the parties formulated foreign policy options. Further, we note the reasons for Greece’s concessions using the concept of multi-level games. We identify a number of important conditions for the formulation of Greece’s position: it is important which party controls the cabinet, whether ruling party coalition partners are ready to support the actions of the cabinet, and whether the actions of the cabinet meet the ideological expectations of other parties. We conclude that three simultaneous conditions made it possible for Macedonia to presently be on the verge of accession to NATO. First, Macedonia’s cabinet was formed by a party ready to accept Greece’s conditions. Second, the party opposed to the country’s renaming occupied less than one third of the seats, making a constitutional majority in the assembly possible. Third, because Macedonian bloc alliances are weak, allies of the anti-renaming party were willing to go against the party forming the bloc.
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Agudo, Mario, and Ignacio Molina. "William Greenwalt." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.9.
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Interview with William Greenwalt (Santa Clara University)In this first issue, Karanos’ Editorial Board wants to pay a well-merited tribute to one of the main promoters of the Ancient Macedonian Studies: William (Bill) Steven Greenwalt (University of Santa Clara). His name is most that well known in our fieldwork, but maybe he has not enjoyed the deserved authority as far as he does not finalize his research achievements with a typical monography or a History of Macedon. Nevertheless, Greenwalt is one of the researchers who had contributed mostly in the return of the interest on Ancient Macedonia beyond the figure of Alexander the Great, concretly attending to the Argead dynasty. Thanks to his work and efforts, questions like the royal charisma of the Argeads or his polygamy are now discussed in full and accepted in the academic sphere. Likewise, he is also a researcher who has popularized in the academia the name of Karanos, legendary monarch who gives name to our journal. It was, then, almost mandatory to begin with him our section of interviews to the Main Voices in Ancient Macedonian Studies.Disciple of Harry Del and E. Gruen, Greenwalt has developed a research line focused in religious topics, with a strong influence from the anthropological perspective. Some of his theories can be put in question and discussed by researchers who does not agree with him, but as far as we think that almost anything in the Ancient (Macedonian) World can be subject to question, we are sure that Greenwalt’s contribution to the knowledge of Ancient Macedonia and the force and weight of his ideas along the last decades is beyond any doubt, and helped to the brilliant progress and renovation of our fieldwork.
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Beklemisheva, Maria M. "Тhe Russian publicist Alexandre Baschmakoff on the Macedonian question in letters and journalism (1899)". Slavic Almanac, № 1-2 (2021): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.03.
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The article studies the views of the Slavophile Alexandre Baschmakoff on the essence and solution of the «Macedonian question» in 1899 developed in his book «Bulgaria and Macedonia» and archival letters to Count N. P. Ignatiev, the latter for the first time used as a historical source. Special aspects of the representation of facts in Baschmakoff’s book and letters are highlighted. In addition the author documents the unofficial manner of his trip. It is shown that Baschmakoff sought to reach Macedonia by the time of the alleged general uprising and become a mediator between the rebels and official Russia. One of the main sources of information about the political situation in the region for him during the trip were testimonies of Bulgarian oppositionists, while his concept of ethnic composition in Macedonia was based on his own observations. The main attention in the work is paid to Baschmakoff’s ideas about the necessary Russian foreign policy course in Bulgaria and Macedonia in 1899: in his opinion, the goal of Russian diplomacy should have been an establishment of autonomy in Macedonia avoiding war and an active foreign policy course towards the Balkans.
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Danforth, Loring M. "Claims to Macedonian Identity: The Macedonian Question and the Breakup of Yugoslavia." Anthropology Today 9, no. 4 (1993): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2783448.
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Bayraktar, Kaya. "Macedonian Question and Western Intervention (1902-1905)." bilig, Journal of Social Sciences of the turkish World, no. 69 (April 28, 2014): 01–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12995/bilig.2014.6901.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian question as a reflection of the Soviet-Yugoslav controversy (1968-1980)." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243241s.
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During the Cold War, relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia were marred by the Macedonian Question. Bulgaria challenged the historical roots of the Macedonian nation, whereas Yugoslavia insisted that Bulgaria should recognize the rights of the Macedonian minority within her borders. The Soviet Union capitalized on its influence over Bulgaria to impair Yugoslavia?s international position. Bulgaria launched an anti-Yugoslav campaign questioning not only the Yugoslav approach to Socialism, but also the Yugoslav solution of the Macedonian Question. This antipathy became evident in 1968, in the wake of the events in Czechoslovakia. In the years 1978/9 the developments in Indochina gave a new impetus to the old Bulgarian-Yugoslav conflict.
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Ponomareva, A. "Church Split in the Republic of North Macedonia: The Foreign Policy Dimension." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2022): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-2-43-62.
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The unexpected reconciliation of the Serbian Orthodox Church with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’, which took place in May 2022, determines the relevance of the retrospective analysis given in the article of this church conflict that has lasted more than half a century in the Republic of North Macedonia. Using the historical-genetic method, the underlying reason is revealed and the dynamics of the conflict that unfolded between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid – is traced. With the use of the realistic approach to international relations and the hypothesis of maintaining a close connection between the church and state in the Balkans, the author identifies the key parties to the conflict, which, in addition to Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia, include Bulgaria, Greece, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and describes the evolution of the strategies chosen by these parties to conduct. At the same time, the focus of the study is not the theological dimension of the subject in question, but its foreign policy implications. The history of the church schism is considered in the broader context of the political elites of the Republic of North Macedonia finding the solution to the task of integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, the possibilities of using the church factor in the reaching of geostrategic goals are shown. It is stated that the reasons that pushed the hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church to reach agreements with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’ lie in the dimension of foreign policy, and the discussion of the status of the Ohrid Archdiocese was one of the elements of the struggle for influence in the Balkans, both regional and non-regional players. By its decision to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid, the Serbian Orthodox Church has demonstrated the recognition of a specific Slavic-Macedonian national identity, which is questioned in the official historical narratives of Greece and Bulgaria, and, at least on the Balkan track, the papist aspirations of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were limited. Ultimately, the pragmatic position of the Serbian Orthodox Church did not allow the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid to be turned into an instrument for realizing the interests of the Phanar supported by Western countries and took away the conflict potential from the topic that could contribute to the political demarcation of Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia. Nevertheless, in the prognostic part of the conclusion, a high probability of ‘church wars’ resuming is stated, but with a new, not united by Orthodoxy, list of participants, namely containing representatives of the Albanian and Macedonian communities.
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Reames, Jeanne. "Becoming Macedonian: Name Mapping and Ethnic Identity. The Case of Hephaistion." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.50.
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An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.
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Pitt, Evan Michael. "An Ill-defined Rule: Cassander’s Consolidation of Power." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 2 (November 8, 2019): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.26.
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Cassander’s implementation of power during the early stages of his rule of Macedonia was wide ranging and multifaceted. He employed numerous different strategies to gain support from a variety of influential groups within the Macedonian homeland and adjacent areas to secure his position. Much of the discussion surrounding Cassander’s actions to accomplish control over Macedonia has focussed on his desire to become the next king in Macedonia as demonstrated by overt public actions, a feat he achieved after the Peace of 311. However, when one considers the coinage issued by Cassander prior to 311, this single-minded monarchic aim appears less evident, calling into question the strength of this understanding of his actions.
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Danforth, Loring M. "Transnational Influences on National Conflict: The Macedonian Question." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 18, no. 1 (1995): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1995.18.1.19.
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KVASHNIN, Yu D. "THE NEW MACEDONIAN QUESTION IN MODERN GREEK POLITICS." World Economy and International Relations 63, no. 2 (2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2019-63-2-66-74.
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Radic, Prvoslav. "From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia: Culturological aspect." Balcanica, no. 32-33 (2002): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233227r.
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Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.
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Mileski, Toni, and Daniela Pacemska. "The Geopolitical Context of Migrant Routes and Its Impact on Organised Crime in the Republic of North Macedonia." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 29, no. 1 (2024): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.29.04.
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As a country with a specific geopolitical and geostrategic position, North Macedonia, positioned in the centre of the Balkan Peninsula, is subject to illegal migration and is located at the crossroads of migrant routes leading from Asia and Africa to Central and Western Europe. Therefore, the article makes an effort to answer two related questions. The first question refers to the geopolitical context of migrant routes and their impact on the increase in migrant smuggling, while the second one is the focus of migrant smuggling within organised crime groups. In terms of time, the research covers the period of the COVID-19 pandemic. The methodology of this paper is based on an analysis of policy documents from open sources. Also, the authors surveyed more than one hundred Macedonian police officers who work directly on the borders and engage in the suppression of smuggling migrants, and an in-depth interview with the head of the National Unit for Combating Migrant Smuggling and Trafficking in North Macedonia.
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Jonovski, Jovan. "Heraldry in the Republic of Macedonia (1991–2019)." Genealogy 5, no. 4 (2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy5040094.
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Every European country now has some distinctive heraldic conventions and traditions embodied in the designs and artistic representations of the emblems forming part of its national corpus. This paper deals with these matters in the period from independence in 1991 to the recent change of name in 2019. It deals with the successive designs proposed for the emblem of the state itself, some of which conformed to international heraldic conventions closely enough to be called “arms” or “coats of arms”, not including the emblem adopted in 2009. Special attention is given to the distinctive conventions created for municipal heraldry, including its novel legal framework, as well as those governing personal heraldry developed in the twenty-first century. The paper examines the evolution of heraldic thought and practice in Macedonia in the three decades in question, especially in the context of the Macedonian Heraldic Society and its journal, The Macedonian Herald, and its Register of Arms and the Civic Heraldic System it created.
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Serafimovska, Eleonora, and Marijana Markovikj. "Media Framing: How Can the Constitutional Name of One Country Be Changed?" Central European Journal of Communication 13, no. 1 (2020): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.13.1(25).2.
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The Macedonian-Greek agreement to change the name of the Republic of Macedonia resulted in a referendum. The columns of relevant opinion leaders published in electronic media during the official referendum campaign was the focus of interest and research presented in this article. The sample comprised 57 columns by 19 columnists. The discussion of the findings in this paper is based on framing theory with media content analyses; the template for media monitoring was used as an instrument based on human coding. The main research question addressed in this paper is: “How are opinion leaders setting frames?” The hypothesis is that opinion leaders use different themes and scripts to construct media framing due to narrow public opinion “for” or “against/boycott” the change of the constitutional name. Two negative, emotionally charged frames were identified: the frame “for” promoted positive messages reinforced with ideas about the EU and NATO membership; the frame “against/boycott” promoted messages that Macedonian identity will be lost.
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Daskalovski, Zhidas. "Proportional Electoral Systems and Number of Parties in Parliament Evidence from Macedonia." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 3 (2019): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0025.
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AbstractWhat is the best electoral system to increase the number of political parties represented in Parliament? This article answers the question using data from all the elections in Macedonia since 2002, and by making simulations of the results according to different electoral systems. In principle, we found that the electoral model that would bring most parties to the Macedonian Parliament is the Droop and Hare used in one electoral district. Moreover, the article answers the question how favourable different electoral systems are to larger/smaller parties. We find that the following is the order of electoral systems from most to least favourable for larger parties: Imperiali highest averages, D’Hondt, Sainte-Laguë, Largest remainders – Imperiali, Danish, Largest remainders – Droop, Largest remainders – Hare.
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Миронска-Христовска [Mironska-Hristovska], Валентина [Valentina]. "Релациите меѓу Високата Порта и Охридската архиепископија во 18 век (причини за приближување и одделување)". Slavia Meridionalis 11 (31 серпня 2015): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.019.
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Relations between the Sublime Porte and the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the 18th century (reasons for rapprochement and estrangement)Non-canonical abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric on May 17, 1767 is an act that made deep impact in Macedonian history. The abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, conducted at the discretion of the Constantinople Patriarchate – is the key axis around which present denials of Macedonian Church revolve together with the denial of historical cultural tradition of Macedonian nation, Macedonian territories and Macedonian name. As a result of this situation, from today’s perspective, we are given the opportunity to highlight the raising of Macedonian question, which unfortunately hasn’t been resolved primarily due to the politics of our neighbours.Since the abolishment occurred during the Ottoman rule in Macedonia, the subject matter results from it as well as the consideration of relations between the Sublime Porte and the Ohrid Archbishopric. Ever since the 14th century Macedonia was territorially and administratively under the Sublime Porte, where as spiritually it was independent (as of the 10th century). The Porte not interfering with the autocephaly of Ohrid Archbishopric provided a range of benefits to the development of Macedonian medieval written tradition (notably by scriptor centers), the continued development of Slavic church services, the development of other cultural spheres as well as preservation of Macedonian folk language and Macedonian beat.The key turning point in deteriorated relationship between the Archbishopric and the Porte occurred in the late 17th or early 18th century, when the Porte was highly engaged in European political and military events, when its economic power declined, when phanariotes strengthened their positions as Constantinople Patriarchate and in the external and internal politics of the Ottoman empire. Their propaganda against Ohrid church superiors was so successful that triggered frequent replacement of archbishops, their financial power was so great that they became leaders in trade on the Balkans, Russia and Europe, they acquired range of privileges, one of the key being that they were official interpreters – dragomen in negotiations between the Porte and European powers. They used it all to achieve their political goal – abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, an act through which they tended to realize their Megali Idea for the process of which they began assimilation that interfered with church services, cultural heritage, language, identity and the territory of Macedonian people. Relacje pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim w XVIII wieku (powody zacieśniania i rozluźniania wzajemnych stosunków) Niekanoniczna likwidacja arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego 17 maja 1767 roku okazała się wydarzeniem brzemiennym w skutki dla historii Macedonii. Decyzja patriarchatu w Carogrodzie o jego likwidacji stała się punktem odniesienia, wokół którego koncentrują się problemy współczesności – negowanie istnienia Macedońskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego, kulturowo-historycznej tradycji macedońskiej, narodu macedońskiego, terytorium państwa oraz jego nazwy własnej. Ciągłość tej sytuacji z dzisiejszej perspektywy daje możliwość podkreślenia problemu macedońskiego, który nie został rozwiązany w wyniku polityki, jaką prowadziły sąsiednie państwa.Likwidacja arcybiskupstwa nastąpiła w okresie panowania osmańskiego, co pozwala na ukazanie relacji kształtujących się pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim. Ziemie macedońskie od XIV wieku znajdowały się pod terytorialną i administracyjną jurysdykcją państwa osmańskiego, utrzymywały jednak od X wieku niezależność religijną.Autokefalię arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego wobec Wysokiej Porty umożliwiała średniowieczna tradycja piśmiennicza (skupiona głównie wokół ośrodków skryptorskich), kontynuacja liturgii w języku słowiańskim oraz zachowanie języka, którym posługiwali się słowiańscy mieszkańcy ziem macedońskich.Pogorszenie relacji pomiędzy arcybiskupstwem a Portą nastąpiło pod koniec XVII wieku i na początku wieku XVIII, kiedy imperium osmańskie było maksymalnie zaangażowane w politykę i wojny prowadzone w Europie, kiedy słabło ekonomicznie. Tymczasem fanarioci wzmacniali swe pozycje w patriarchacie w Carogrodzie, zyskiwali też na znaczeniu w wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityce państwa. Działania, jakie podejmowali wobec biskupów ochrydzkich, okazały się na tyle skuteczne, że zaczęli wypierać hierarchów macedońskich z ich stanowisk. Fanarioci stawali się coraz większą siłą finansową – zyskali uprzywilejowany status w handlu na Bałkanach, w Rosji i w Europie, otrzymali również liczne przywileje, jakie zapewniała im funkcja oficjalnych tłumaczy (dragomanów) w rozmowach pomiędzy Portą a państwami europejskimi. Wszystko to wykorzystywali do realizacji swoich celów politycznych – likwidacja arcybiskupstwa w Ochrydzie miała być krokiem do urzeczywistnienia Megali Idei, prowadzącym do asymilacji ludności ziem macedońskich poprzez wprowadzenie liturgii w języku greckim, asymilację dziedzictwa kultury, języka i tożsamości.
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Marciak, Michał, Bartłomiej Szypuła, Marcin Sobiech, and Tomasz Pirowski. "THE BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA AND THE QUESTION OF VISIBILITY ON THE BATTLEFIELD." Iraq 83 (October 7, 2021): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2021.11.
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The aim of this paper is to contribute to the long-standing topographical enigma of the identification of Gaugamela. In this study, a GIS method known as viewshed analysis is employed to solve a certain historical problem.1 According to ancient sources, on the eve of the battle the approaching Macedonian army and the Persian troops that were waiting on the battlefield could not see each other because of intervening hills at a distance of c. 12 km. However, the two armies gained a full view of their respective positions once the Macedonians reached the hills c. six km away from the Persian positions. Our analysis shows that the identification of the battlefield near Tell Gomel, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, is consistent with the visibility requirements of the ancient sources, while the previous identifications of the battlefield in the vicinity of Karamleis and Qaraqosh (Stein 1942; Sushko 1936; Zouboulakis 2015, 2016) feature poor results in terms of expected visibility.
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Trendov, Nikola M. "Index of Circular Agriculture Development in the Republic of Macedonia." Visegrad Journal on Bioeconomy and Sustainable Development 6, no. 1 (2017): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vjbsd-2017-0006.
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Abstract In the Republic of Macedonia, the circular economy would boost country’s agri-food sector competitiveness and help create new business and market opportunities for the farmers and processing industry. Public benefits that could accrue from the bio-economy perspective has become compelling. Nevertheless, the question arises: “At what level are we? Does the country go toward the development of the circular agriculture or not?” By using conceptual model of BPEIR (Behaviour - Pressure - Effect - Impact - Response) and Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) method, the author introduces a comprehensive analysis and quantitative evaluation of the level of Macedonian circular agriculture development. This paper discusses the fact that the Republic of Macedonia shows positive trends regarding circular economy disciplines in agriculture, given by natural geographic conditions and traditional agricultural production.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "In the shadow of the Macedonian issue international realignments and Balkan repercussions: From the Greek-Yugoslav agreements of 18 june 1959 to the 1960 crisis in relations between Athens and Belgrade." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839189s.
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The 1960s were a decade of important developments in the Balkans. Skopje?s stirring up of the issue of the supposed "Macedonian" minority led to a series of diplomatic clashes between Greece and Yugoslavia, culminating in the 1960-1962 crisis. A major role in developments in the Balkans was played by the Soviet Union, which, directly or indirectly, greatly influenced the shaping of Yugoslav foreign policy. The crisis began in August 1960 when for the first time since 1950, the Yugoslavia Foreign Ministry publicly raised the question of protecting the rights of the "Macedonian minority". While the Athens-Belgrade crisis was not serious enough to lead them to break off diplomatic relations, it did have a catalytic effect on the shaping of Bulgarian policy with regard to the Macedonian question. After the restoration of democracy in Greece (1974), and despite her need for support from Yugoslavia on the Cyprus issue, the Karamanlis government did not repeat the "mistakes" of 1959. Belgrade, having secured in 1975 a renewal of the agreement on the free zone in the Port of Thessaloniki, did not insist on signing a border agreement. The Macedonian question had become of no more than academic interest in the discussions of politicians on both sides of the border, and the crisis of 1960-62 merely a forgotten flareup.
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Kotevska, A., D. Dimitrievski, and E. Erjavec. " Macedonian livestock, dairy and grain sectors and the EU accession impact." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 59, No. 3 (2013): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/79/2012-agricecon.
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The Republic of Macedonia is in the process of integrating into the European Union (EU) and adjusting its policies through reforms in policy, regulations and institutions. This paper attempts to provide an answer to the question: what would be the impact on the Macedonian livestock, dairy and grain sectors of Macedonia integrating into the EU. In order to forecast the impact of the EU accession, the research uses the partial equilibrium model as a comprehensive tool for modelling the complex nature of the agricultural markets. The model simulation foresees the changes of the modelled sub-sectors in production, net-trade and income. The baseline scenario predicts a positive development for almost all selected commodities, with the exception of the beef sector, which is highly uncompetitive prior to the accession. Three EU accession scenarios foresee positive developments in the beef, lamb and cow’s milk markets, while a negative development is expected in the pig meat and grains markets.  
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Banchev, Biser. "DEATH OF JOSIP BROZ TITO AND THE BULGARIAN FOREIGN POLICY." Istorija 20. veka 41, no. 1/2023 (2023): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.ban.199-220.
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The link between Tito’s illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question is explored through newly declassified archival documents and memoir sources. In 1980, Belgrade and the world feared that Yugoslavia would descend into chaos after Tito’s death. The Soviet Union was expected to invade Yugoslavia after Afghanistan in order to reach the Adriatic coast before its NATO adversaries. Soviet troops would attack through Bulgarian territory, and Bulgaria would take advantage of the situation to settle the Macedonian question in its favour. “The Bulgarian threat” has served as one of the important instruments for preserving the internal cohesion of the nations of the federation.
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Horncastle, James. "Majority rule, minority issues: The Macedonian question in the Dekemvriana." Defense & Security Analysis 33, no. 1 (2017): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2016.1269388.
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Tziampiris, Aristotle. "The Macedonian question as linguistic struggle: The case of Greece." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 1, no. 3 (2001): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850108454660.
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Veremis, Thanos. "The Macedonian question. Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 12, no. 4 (2012): 596–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2012.743710.
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Todor, Cepreganov. "The New Macedonian Question by James s> Pettifer (review)." Slavonic and East European Review 79, no. 2 (2001): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2001.0042.
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Antonovski, Ivan. "Macedonian Literary Reality after the Postmodernism (The Reality as a Future Challenge of the Literary History)." Stephanos Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 58, no. 2 (2023): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2023-58-2-77-83.
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This paper is dedicated to the events of the Macedonian literary scene in the period after postmodernism, with a separate focus on the poetics of the authors born in the 70s and 80s of the 20th century. At the same time, the question of the poetic (un) coverage of the authors who debuted in the end and after the end of postmodernism is separately opend, while analyzing whether in the current moment, in the Macedonian literacy area in general, a separate stylistic formation can be recognized, but at the same time, is the postmodernism really over? By tracing the development of Macedonian literature, it is also analyzed whether it is even possible to speak of new literary generations in the sense in which the literary generation was prevously regarded in the Macedonian literary history. With this, the paper builds on the insights of Ala Sheshken in relation to the Macedonian literary history, with that it touches to the period of postmodernism, but then follows a great (future) challenge – how literary science will (can) valorize the current literary reality.
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Šorović, Mira. "The Republic of North Macedonia - A 'new' country in the Western Balkans." Research in Social Change 11, no. 3 (2019): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2019-0016.
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Abstract The article tries to explain and define political processes and changes trhough history of the 'new' Western Balkans country - the Republic of North Macedonia. It is word about analysis of the political dispute between Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece, from its biginnings until the present day. This paper will try to give the real picture of political area in the Balkans and explore deeper roots of the 'Macedonian Question' controversy. Also, it will give the explinations of the resolution of 27-year dispute, (between the two neighbor countries), by signing the Prespa Agreement. Hence, leaving by side national identity and history, the North Macedonia will be able to join the European Union and NATO. Thus, in short period of time, a 'new' country in the Western Balkans has putted in the center of the regional politics, with clear purpose: promoting ethnic and cultural heritance in the edge of the European continent.
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Milenkovska, Sonja. "Мотивацијата за називите за ‘ПОЛНОГЛАВЕЦ’ во македонските дијалекти врз македонскиот материјал од ОЛА". Slavica Wratislaviensia 171 (14 січня 2020): 135–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.171.13.
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Motivation for expressions of ʻtadpoleʼ ʻpolnoglavecʼ in Macedonian dialects based on the material from the General Slavic Linguistic AtlasThis paper analyses the question from the lexical volume I of the General Slavic Linguistic Atlas OLA in the field of the animal world. It is concerned with the expressions for the ʻtadpoleʼ ʻpolnoglavecʼ in Macedonian in the Slavic dialects covered by question L 87 ʻgolovastik, to, čto razvivaetsâ iz ikry lâguški, žabyʼ according to the questionnaire of OLA. The aim of the analysis is to explain the motivation for the expressions of ʻtadpoleʼ in Macedonian dialects which are based on the material from OLA. Motywacja nazw „kijanki” polnoglavec w dialektach macedońskich na materiale macedońskim w OLAW artykule analizowane jest pytanie z leksykalnego tomu Pierwszego Ogólnosłowiańskiego Atlasu Językowego OLA w dziedzinie świat zwierzęcy. Chodzi o nazwy „kijanki” polnoglavec w języku macedońskim w dialektach słowiańskich objętych pytaniem L 87 z kwestionariuszem OLA „головастик, то, что развивается из икры лягушки, жабы”. Celem analizy jest motywacja nazw „kijanki” w dialektach macedońskich na podstawie materiału OLA.
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Antonovski, Ivan. "The International Poetic and Cultural Manifestation “Ante Popovski – Ante’s quill” – a traditional event that is yet to become a synonym for the true values of the Macedonian literary reality." Stephanos Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 50, no. 6 (2021): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2021-50-6-50-60.
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The text raises the question of the significance of literary manifestations for literary reality. The thesis is that the significance of a specific literary manifestation in this digital age is not predominantly conditioned by its format and how conventional or modern it is, but by whether its mission is primarily based on aesthetic and literary criteria and consequently, by its content – how much new impulses it gives to the literary life. As a confirmation of this perception, the text highlights the international poetic and cultural manifestation “Ante Popovski – Ante’s Quill”, which has been part of the Macedonian literary reality for four years. Although it is quite new, with an aspiration to become traditional manifestation, and although it is organized in a conventional format and program, without pretentious efforts for non-standard program contents, it is already recognizable on the Macedonian cultural map, as an event that simultaneously seeks to invest in the valorization and affirmation of the lasting values of the Macedonian culture, to promote the Macedonian literary production, to enable less affirmed authors to emerge from the shadows of living literary monuments and to encourage literary science. Moreover, the text analyzes and valorizes the achievements of this year’s edition of the manifestation. Particular emphasis is placed on the international scientific symposium which posed key and hitherto unactualized questions about the creative work of one of the greatest Macedonian authors of the 20th century – Ante Popovski. At the same time, the concept of the manifestation is analyzed, which is constantly evolving, enabling it to be an event that leaves a mark and can lead to happenings that will one day have to be written down in literary history.
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Sujecka, Jolanta. "Dlaczego literatura macedońska nie chce być literaturą mniejszą?" Slavica Wratislaviensia 165 (February 1, 2018): 401–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.165.36.
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Why does Macedonian literature not want to be a minor literature?The author takes alook at avery interesting and still under-investigated project for creating a Macedonian literature that emerged among the members of what was known as the Macedonian Literary Circle in Sofia 1938–1941, in the context of the concept of “minor literatures” proposed after World War II, in 1975, by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. The French researchers’ idea appears as aproposal that could build good solutions for the question of the Macedonian Literary Circle’s project being rooted in the Bulgarian linguistic and cultural context, aquestion that is avoided by both Macedonian and Bulgarian discourse.Зошто македонската книжевност не сакада биде споредна литература?Во мојата статија анализирам многу интересен проект на македонската литература што го формулираaт членовите на Македонскиот литературен кружок во Софија 1938–1941 воконтекст на концептот за споредни книжевности предлаган од француските истражувачи Жил Делез и Феликс Гуатари Gilles Deleuze, Félixa Guattari во 1975 година. Идејата на француските истражувачи може да биде добро решение на одлаганото од македонскиот и од бугарскиот дискурс прашање за бугарските корени на предлаганиот проект од членовите на Македонскиот литературен кружок.
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Gligor Bojkov, Emilija Arsov, and Saša Mitrev. "Development of Botrytis cinerea under reduction of pesticides treatments in Macedonian viticulture production." GSC Biological and Pharmaceutical Sciences 21, no. 1 (2022): 006–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/gscbps.2022.21.1.0374.
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The monitoring of development of Botrytis cinerea under reduction of pesticide treatments in Macedonian viticulture production is possible only when introducing a disease forecasting model. B.cinerea causes an increase in the number of chemical treatments just before harvest and calls into question the environmental and health value of the product. Therefore, an attempt was made to create a forecasting model for Botrytis which is based on the relationship between relative humidity and the temperature in the vine canopy. The forecasting model for Botrytis was applied at the white varieties Smederevka and Zilavka and based on the data obtained was made ANOVA statistical test which proves the reliability of the model. On the localities, Smilica and Sopot, Kavadarci, Republic of Macedonia, are the experimental fields that were observed for three consecutive years (2017 till 2019).
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Neshkovska, Silvana. "Anglicisms in the Macedonian political discourse: A serious threat or a welcome addition." Studies in Linguistics, Culture, and FLT 12, no. 1 (2024): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/ecmv6463.
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The widespread presence of Anglicisms in the Macedonian language is undisputable. Anglicisms are particularly conspicuous in political discourse as politicians seem to have pronounced tendency to insert English borrowings in their public statements, speeches, discussion and debates quite frequently. While politicians thus clearly attempt to reinforce the persuasiveness of the political messages they impart to the masses, the question that arises is whether the general public endorses or condemns such a linguistic strategy. The aim of this paper is to shed some light on Macedonian native speakers’ perceptions and understanding of a list of Anglicisms that have become an integral part of Macedonian political discourse. For the purposes of this research, a tailor-made questionnaire was conducted among Macedonian speakers of different ages and educational levels. The aim was twofold – to inspect the influence of age and education on the informants’ understanding of Anglicisms, and to ascertain whether they perceive Anglicisms as a serious threat to the purity of their mother tongue or as a welcome addition that enriches it and increases its expressive potential.
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Baković, Ivica. "Kazalište kao stjecište kolektivne i privatne traume u Erigonu Jordana Plevneša." Slavia Meridionalis 16 (October 21, 2016): 482–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.023.
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Theatre as the confluence of the collective and private trauma in Erigon by Jordan PlevnešThe text problematizes the concept of national history and trauma in the play Erigon, written by the contemporary Macedonian playwright Jordan Plevneš. The starting point of the analysis are some peculiarities of Plevneš’s poetics and of the theatrical conceptions of Antonin Artaud that are central to Erigon as well as the problem of the representation (and performance) of history in drama and theatre. In Erigon one can recognize the critique of eurocentrism and the European centres of power along with their influence on the formation of political and historical processes in Macedonia and the Balkans in general. The main question concerns the societal role of political theatre and its power. Teatr jako ujście zbiorowej i prywatnej traumy w Erigonie Jordana PlevnešaTekst prezentuje koncepcję historii narodowej i traumy w sztuce Erigon autorstwa współczesnego macedońskiego dramatopisarza – Jordana Plevneša. Punktem wyjścia do analizy są cechy charakterystyczne poetyki Autora oraz koncepcje teatralne Antonina Artauda, które zajmują w Erigonie miejsce centralne, podobnie jak problem reprezentacji (i performansu) historii w dramacie i teatrze. W Erigonie rozpoznać można krytykę eurocentryzmu obecnego w politycznych i historycznych procesach w Macedonii, a także ogólnie na Bałkanach. Główne pytanie dotyczy roli teatru politycznego i jego siły oddziaływania na społeczeństwo.
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Zdravkovska-Adamova, Blagojka. "ELLIPSIS IN THE MACEDONIAN NOUN PHRASE." SEEU Review 12, no. 2 (2017): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0019.
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Abstract The aim of our paper is to present noun phrase ellipsis as a cohesive tie in the Macedonian language. We will start our paper briefly discussing a few definitions of the term ellipsis, emphasizing our understanding of this term, and more concretely its meaning when occurring in the NP. Namely, we define ellipsis as a complex phenomenon. In linguistics, it means the omitting of linguistic elements that need to be understood from the context, where the recipient should adequately fill the grammatically allowable gap. Then we will refer to different kinds of ellipsis in Macedonian, starting with our main issue - ellipsis in the noun phrase. Elliptical NP is cohesive and usually refers anaphorically to another NP. But the main question is how much of the full noun phrase is involved in the elliptical NP in Macedonian. For that purpose, we will analyze examples to define which elements of the NP can be omitted and under which conditions. Examples of cataphoric ellipsis are also included. When there is an ellipsis of the center of the phrase, the other element of the NP functions as the center of the phrase. For more precision research, we will use examples of different functional styles in Macedonian. The examples will be given first in Macedonian (M), and then translated into English (E). Our conclusion will be presented through graphs.