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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Machiavel (1469-1527)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Machiavel (1469-1527)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 22 June 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Machiavel (1469-1527)"

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Loyen, Ulrich van. "Ambivalente Ausnahmedenker. Carlo Ginzburgs Studien zum «Nondimanco»." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 13, no. 2 (2019): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2019-2-125.

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Carlo Ginzburgs jüngstes Buch widmet sich zwei Autoren, die ferner von einander kaum gedacht werden können: dem Florentiner Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527), der glaubte, die Fürsten führen zu können, indem er ihr Handeln als Staatskunst nobilitierte, und Blaise Pascal (1623-1662), der den «Gott der Philosophen» bekämpfte und den Eigennutz der kasuistischen Rede entlarvte. Machiavelli wurde zum Synonym für machtpolitischen Zynismus; Pascal zu einem Existenzialisten avant la lettre. Und doch führt Ginzberg die beiden unter der Konjunktion des «Nondimanco», des «Nichtsdestoweniger» zusammen, mit der im Principe (1532) allgemeine Charakterisierungen um die «Ausnahme» erweitert werden.

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Souza Giarola, Shênia. "History, fortune and conflict in politics: Considerations on Niccolò Machiavelli’s and Francesco Guicciardini’s republican political theory." Revista Inquietude 13, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.59780/iita8698.

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Thinking of the place of fortune in human affairs and, consequently, reflecting on the relationship between history and fortune was one of the tasks that Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540) and Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) set themselves. Before these two speeches, we shall analyze their points of convergence and divergence in an effort to outline how it is possible to establish the political relations. Thus, the aim of this paper is to examine what is the role of history in politics as well as how the conflict is seen in Machiavelli’s and Guicciardini’s republican political theory.

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Branda, Corina Inés. "Antecedentes para una psicología de las masas presentes en el pensamiento de Niccolò Machiavelli." Foro Interno 19 (September 30, 2019): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/foin.65819.

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El artículo rastrea en dos de los textos importantes de la obra de Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527): El Príncipe y los Discursos sobre la Primera Década de Tito Livio, elementos conceptuales inherentes a la noción psicoanalítica psicología de las masas. En el pensamiento del florentino es dable hallar cierta teoría psicológica, la cual es concebida como expresión de deseos y afectos humanos, a la cual el autor arriba a partir de una aguda observación empírica y del conocimiento del pasado. Machiavelli analiza la ciudad como un campo de deseos en pugna, el deseo del pueblo de no ser oprimido y el de los nobles de ambición ilimitada. En el análisis que despliega el autor sobre estos deseos en conflicto, pero sobre todo en la relación entre el príncipe, los nobles y el pueblo, así como en la caracterización que realiza de éste, es posible hallar elementos en ciernes de la psicología de las masas desarrollos luego por el psicoanálisis freudiano.

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Cheney, Liana. "Giorgio Vasari and Niccolò Machiavelli’s Medicean Appetite for Peace and Glory." Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 12 (December 17, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v5i12.1060.

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<p>This study examines the literary and visual connections between war and peace as a cultural diplomacy made by both Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) and Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574). The approach here is iconographical, focusing on three points. First, Machiavelli’s notions of condottiere, virtù, and war and peace in The Art of War (1521) are discussed in relation to Renaissance imagery, particularly in that produced as a result of Medicean patronage. Second, Vasari’s battle cycle in the Salone dei Cinquecento of the Palazzo Vecchio (1555-60) in Florence is examined within the context of peace as revealed in Renaissance art and emblems. Finally, Vasari’s assimilation of Machiavelli’s notions of the art of war are interpreted in relation to the painting cycle, which visually embodies the paradox of war and peace discussed in Machiavelli’s writing. </p>

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Borasi, Giovanna, and Mirko Zardini. "Demedicalize Architecture." Cure and Care, no. 62 (2020): 76–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/62.a.dkwak6ot.

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Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) long ago observed, “In the order of things it is found that one never seeks to avoid one inconvenience without running into another; but prudence consists in knowing how to recognize the qualities of inconveniences, and in picking the less bad as good.” Given these complex conditions of engagement, it is critical that the relationship between architecture and health be revised. While perhaps partly responsible, architecture is not always capable of providing positive solutions for the environment or the “sick” body. Instead, a confused and anxious contemporary architecture struggles to produce new manifestations that avoid exalting the spectacle of capital of the last twenty years. While architecture is looking once again into the ambiguous political, cultural, moral, and, above all, social ideas of health and medicalization for both justification and a new mandate, it should seek to challenge – rather than pacify – the newly emerging neo-liberal agenda and question a medicalized vision and approach toward health issues.

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Bento, Fábio Régio. "Conexões entre inteligência política e manutenção do poder em Nicolau Maquiavel." RELACult - Revista Latino-Americana de Estudos em Cultura e Sociedade 1, no. 1 (July 27, 2015): 08. http://dx.doi.org/10.23899/relacult.v1i1.1.

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O Príncipe, escrito em 1513 e publicado em 1531, quatro anos depois da morte de Nicolau Maquiavel (1469-1527), após mais de cinco séculos de sua redação continua sendo reproposto permanentemente por meio de várias traduções, nem sempre coerentes com o texto de 1513. De fato, como constatou Marques (2006, p.41), o Maquiavel de O Príncipe ainda continua sendo apresentado como “um professor do mal”. Ao contrário, porém, do que afirma o senso comum, o secretário florentino não foi maquiavélico.Neste artigo, por meio do estudo direto de O Príncipe com o texto em italiano de 1513 (MACHIAVELLI, 1988), e com o auxílio da tradução de Maria Lucia Cumo (MAQUIAVEL, 1996), analisaremos as conexões em O Príncipe entre inteligência política e manutenção virtuosa do poder, sustentando que O Príncipe não é um livro amoral, nem imoral, mas de moral política da manutenção inteligente do poder segundo o que Maquiavel compreende por virtudes políticas.

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Classen, Albrecht. "Bee Yun, Wege zu Machiavelli: Die Rückkehr des Politischen im Spätmittelalter. Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 91. Wien, Köln und Weimar: Böhlau, 2021, 318 S., 5 farb. Abb." Mediaevistik 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 404–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2022.01.71.

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Abstract Wie die Forschung zunehmend (endlich) durch kritische Überprüfungen feststellt, erweisen sich viele Globalschlagwörter bezogen auf Epochen oder kulturelle Entwicklungen oftmals als eher problematisch, weil sie sich als unzulässige Verallgemeinerungen erweisen oder schlichtweg falsch sind. Große Thesen, wie sie etwa von Norbert Elias zum Zivilisationsprozess entwickelt worden sind, können heute kaum noch in ihrer universalen Gültigkeit aufrecht gehalten werden. Als genauso kritikwürdig erweisen sich Vorstellungen über das Spätmittelalter, die Renaissance und das Zeitalter der Protestantischen Reformation, denn die Quellenlage widerspricht sehr häufig den Wunschvorstellungen bisher federführender Historiker, Soziologen oder Anthropologen. Wenn man an Niccholò Machiavelli (1469‐1527) denkt, meint man sofort, hier den entscheidenden Vordenker einer absolutistischen Regierungsform vor sich zu haben, der einen radikalen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit vollzogen habe, weswegen man ihn laut der bisherigen Forschung mit dem Aufstieg der politischen Renaissance gleichsetzen sollte. Er sei sozusagen der Erfinder der Pragmatisierung der Politik gewesen, die sich zur Stärkung eines Territorialfürsten oder sonstigen Machthabers radikal über alle Einwände oder Rücksichtsnahmen hinwegsetzte. Erst mit ihm habe sich eine frühmoderne Staatsräson durchgesetzt.

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Caya, Ahmad Naufal Afni, and Luqmanul Hakim. "Democracy and Reflections on 25 Years of Indonesian Reformation." ARRUS Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35877/soshum2422.

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Democracy has grown since the time of Ancient Greek civilization with the concept of Greek city states and Athens in 450 BC and 350 BC. Even in 431 BC, Pericles, a well-known Athenian statesman, defined democracy by putting forward several criteria: (1) government by the people with full and direct participation of the people; (2) equality before the law; (3) pluralism, namely respect for all talents, interests, desires and views; and (4) respect for a separation and personal area to meet and express individual personality (Roy C Macridis, 1983:19-20). In the same era, we can also get acquainted with the political thoughts of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius and Cicero, etc., to mention some of the thinkers of that time, who also laid the foundations for the notion of democracy. During its development, the concept of democracy underwent an increasing fertile phase and moved towards moderation during the Renaissance. So far, great thoughts have arisen about the relationship between the two rulers or the state on the one hand and the people on the other. There are new and surprising thoughts about the power and thought of Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527). On the Social Contract and the Separation of Powers by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), Jhon Locke (1632-1704). Many of these big names have thoughts of contributing significantly to efforts to redefine or implement the term democracy.

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Zahumenna, Yu O. "Niccolo Machiavelli’s views on public security." Law and Safety 91, no. 4 (December 25, 2023): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2023.4.10.

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The article investigates and reveals the comprehension of how the concepts of the public security phenomenon are constructed in the philosophical and legal views of Niccolo Machiavelli. In Europe at that time, ensuring public security was an extremely urgent task for almost every state, which involved concern for the individual human salvation, i.e. the search for confidence in faith, at the individual level, and at the collective level – concern for the protection of subjects from violence, war, injustice, hunger, rising prices, poverty, and concern for public welfare in the broadest sense. It is emphasised that one of the most popular and detailed concepts of public security at that time was proposed by the prominent Italian philosopher, diplomat and politician Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527). There have been and still are heated academic discussions around its content, meaning and focus, which touch upon some controversial aspects of the security concept and help to clarify important nuances of Machiavellian vision of public security and key instruments for its guarantee better. According to the results of the study, it has been concluded that Machiavelli's security concept is characterised by rationalism, secularism, pragmatism, nationalism, an emphasis on a combination of power and legal elements with the predominance of the former, institutional and personal factors of public security with the priority of the former, instruments of psychological pressure (intimidation to keep the people in line), military force and diplomacy (to prevent external threats), separation of ethics and politics in the field of public security, a balanced attitude to the need to maintain internal and external security, and a high appreciation of the historical experience of ensuring security in antiquity and in modern centralised and absolutist states at an early stage.

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Syros, Vasileios. "The Safavid Machiavelli: Shāh ʿAbbās I and the “Great Man” Theory Revisited." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-01010005.

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Abstract Political discourse in various countries around the world has been characterized by disillusionment with governments’ failure to address pressing concerns of today’s societies. It is also possible to discern a kind of nostalgia about strong, charismatic political leaders, which has lent poignancy to the question of whether great rulers are born or are the product of a specific historical milieu and the confluence of social or cultural factors. The focus of this article will be the accession to power of Shāh ʿAbbās I (1571–1629; r. 1588–1629) and the policies the emperor implemented to redesign and reorganize the Safavid state, as depicted by the court historian Iskandar Beg Munshī (ca. 1560–ca. 1632). I argue that Iskandar Beg’s World-Adorning History of ʿAbbās speaks to modern leadership trait theories about the existence of certain qualities that define a good leader and set him/her apart from other people. At the same time, Iskandar Beg formulates in embryonic form the notion that possessing the fundamental traits and properties associated with an optimal leadership style is never a panacea or absolute guarantee for political success nor does it suffice to yield desirable results. The methods and techniques required for a long reign are the second salient aspect of Iskandar Beg’s portrayal of Shāh ʿAbbās. Iskandar Beg engages with some of the key themes that inform the political theory of Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) as well. Iskandar Beg’s narrative invites comparison with The Prince, published more than one century before the completion of the History. Iskandar Beg was unlikely to have had access or have been exposed to the Florentine author’s ideas. But his description of Shāh ʿAbbās’ leadership practices bears uncanny resemblance to Machiavelli’s works, particularly the portions in The Prince that discuss the cases of rulers who acquired power thanks to their own virtue or fortune.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Machiavel (1469-1527)"

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Nicolaidis, Théodose. "Aspects de l'antimachiavellisme et du machiavellisme en France : 1572-1643." Paris 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA022002.

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Les oeuvres de machiavel ont donne lieu, entre 1572 et 1643 a plusieurs polemiques qui sont ici examinees par rapport aux evenements des guerres de religion et aux modifications du regime politique qui ont suivi leur fin. Est etudie l'antimachiavellisme de certains auteurs huguenots, fonde sur la notion de la tyrannie, celui d'i. Gentillet, d'inspiration humaniste, celui des ligueurs, produit de leur conception "panreligieuse" de la politique et celui de j. Bodin dont la conception de la souverainete etait incompatible avec les analyses machiavelliennes de la republique romaine. Sont etudiees aussi les premieres apologies parues vers 1640. Celles-ci sont examinees surtout par rapport a la crise generale des codes moraux et a l'emergence dans la pensee moderne du "moi"
Debates on machiavelli's works between 1572 et 1643 are considered here in relationship to the religion wars and their consequences on the evolution of the french political system. We have examined huguenot antimachiavellism founded on the notion of tyranny as well as gentillet's humanist oriented contribution. We have also studied the "ligueur" antimachiavellism, a by-product of their all-religious conception of politics and j. Bodin's opposition to machiavelli which was, we argue, linked to his own concept of sovereignty. To the apologies in favor of machiavelli, written in the 1640s have been paid particular attention. Their are linked, we argue, with the crisis of the feudal codes of morality as well as with the appearance of the theme of the "conscience" in modern thought

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Ménissier, Thierry. "Le problème de l'histoire dans la pensée politique de Machiavel." Paris, EHESS, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000EHESA095.

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Ion, Cristina. "L'"arte dello stato" chez Machiavel : une lecture du prince." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0076.

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Bignotto, de Souza Newton. "Liberte et action : machiavel critique de l'humanisme civique florentin." Paris, EHESS, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989EHES0336.

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Notre these a pour theme la qestion de la liberte et de l'action dans la pensee de machivel. Nous developpons notre analyse a partir des critiques que l'auteur adresse a la tradition que nous comprenons dans trois sens differents : les auteurs classiques, la theologie medievale et l'umanisme de la renaissance. Etant donne, neanmoins que machiavel est lui-meme l'heritier direct de la pensee politique de la renaissance, c'est aux rapports qu'il entretient avec les humanistes civiques que nos pretons le plus d'attention. Ainsi dans notre premier chapitre nous cherchons a montrer comment la redecouverte de certains textes de la tradition grecque et romaine a contribue a la formation d'un humanisme a caractere politique. Dans notre deuxieme chapitre nous etudions la question de la liberte chez machiavel ; analyse completee dans le troisieme chapitre sur l'etude de la problematique de la fondation et de la conservation et dans le quatrieme chapitre par l'etude de la corruption. Pour finir nous analysons la reception de l'oeuvre machiavelienne dans son temps.

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Morfino, Vittorio. "La rencontre Spinoza-Machiavel." Paris 8, 1998. https://octaviana.fr/document/182246981#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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La rencontre Spinoza-Machiavel est analysée à trois niveaux différents après avoir reconstruit le status quaestionis au XXe siècle dans le premier chapitre. Dans le deuxième chapitre, on analyse la présence des textes et de l'image de Machiavel dans la bibliothèque de Spinoza ainsi que la présence et la fonction stratégique du nom de Machiavel dans le TP. Dans le troisième chapitre on analyse la présence des argumentations de Machiavel dans les deux grandes oeuvres politiques de Spinoza, (TTP et TP), ainsi que la continuité et la discontinuité de l'usage de ces argumentations à l'intérieur des deux oeuvres. Dans le quatrième chapitre on analyse la modification des structures métaphysiques profondes du TdIE à l'Ethica produit par la rencontre avec Machiavel et la problématique historico-politique dont il est porteur : cette modification conduit Spinoza à articuler le temps et l'eternité d'une façon tout-à-fait nouvelle et non pas réductible aux deux grandes lignes du spinozisme qui traversent la modernité : la philosophie de l'histoire et le nihilisme.

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Herrenschmidt, Joséphine. "Fortunes et infortunes de Machiavel au XXIe siècle : entre instrumentalisation et mythisation." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL186.

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L’objectif de ce travail est d’étudier la réception multiforme de Machiavel durant les dernières décennies du XXe siècle jusqu’à nos jours, et plus spécifiquement son succès populaire, afin de comprendre pourquoi et à quel prix il est devenu, au-delà de la sphère académique, une image et un nom, répulsif ou attractif, mais capable d’exercer une fascination. À l’heure où dématérialisation des échanges et mondialisation bousculent habitudes et acquis, comment expliquer son succès et sa longévité et que recouvre cette actualité machiavélienne ? Notre objectif est de faire la part entre un lourd héritage -puisque le machiavélisme remonte au XVIe siècle- et ses avatars modernes. Machiavel, est-il, lui-même, à l’origine de ces vicissitudes ? La première partie de notre réflexion est consacrée à la transformation, intervenue au fil des siècles de la personne en personnage. La deuxième partie se focalisera sur la fortune iconographique du Florentin, composante fondamentale de sa vitalité et tentera de reconstituer la genèse d’une icône. Dans une dernière partie, la réflexion portera sur la prolifération de références à Machiavel, sur la migration du secrétaire devenu conseiller, spin doctor, coach. Cette popularité construite en parallèle de sa pensée se développe-t-elle au détriment de l’auteur ? Comme suggéré en conclusion, infortunes et fortunes sont intimement liées : Machiavel n’aurait jamais vu sa renommée atteindre de la sorte le grand public sans la valeur exceptionnelle d’une œuvre, construite tout au long de sa vie. Ce Machiavel populaire ne saurait être dissocié du Machiavel académique. De même le Machiavel du XXIe siècle doit s’inscrire dans la continuité des siècles précédents
The objective of this work is to study the reception of Machiavelli during the last decades of the 20th century to our days, especially its popular success, in order to understand why and at what cost he became, beyond the academic sphere, a reference in so many fields, an image and a name (regardless of being attractive or repulsive) highly fascinating and impressive. At a time in which dematerialization and globalization disrupt habits and knowledge, how can we explain his success and his longevity and what does this machiavellian actuality entail ? Our objective is to make the distinction between a heavy legacy, since machiavelism goes back to the 16thcentury, and its modern avatars. Is Machiavelli himself the cause of those vicissitudes? The first part of our reflection is dedicated to the transformation, throughout the centuries, of the person (Machiavelli) to the persona (Machiavel). The second part focuses on the iconographic fortune of the Florentine, a fundamental component of his vitality and will attempt to reconstruct the genesis of an icon. In a final part, we look at the proliferation of references to Machiavelli and the mutation of the Secretary in an advisor, a spin doctor, a coach. Does this popularity, grown in parallel of Machiavelli’s thought, act to the author’s detriment? As we suggest in our conclusion, misfortunes and fortunes are closely intertwined: Machiavelli would never have seen his reputation last and reach the general public opinion, without the high value of his work, built all along his life. This popular Machiavelli cannot be dissociated from the academic one, just as the Machiavelli of the XXIst century must be included in the continuity of the centuries before

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Ben, Saad Nizar. "Machiavel en France, des Lumières à la Révolution." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040051.

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La postérité, religieuse surtout, n'a retenu de Machiavel que l'image de la ruse et de la duplicité. Au XVIIIe siècle, le machiavélisme est d'emblée condamne comme étant la forme la plus impure de la politique, une politique « impie » affirment les jésuites. Ainsi, nous avons tenté dans ce travail de surgir le Machiavel républicain et non réactionnaire en montrant que sa pensée n'est pas fondamentalement négatrice. Machiavel ne fonde pas, comme le prétendent les jésuites, la théorie du crime canonisé. Certes, il a déstabilisé le système de référence éthique, mais le réalisme fut la bannière brandie par tous ses disciples. Le florentin apparait comme l'inlassable promoteur d'une action efficace en traçant la figure du Prince. Quand il s'agit de l'utilité publique, tout devient juste et honnête. De ce fait, dit-il, il faut tout sacrifier à la gloire temporelle de l'état. Machiavel participe à une naissance de la pensée politique des Lumières les anti-machiavélismes, la réhabilitation de machiavel et l'auteur du Prince dans la tourmente révolutionnaire constituent les jalons principaux qui rythment le développement de notre recherche.

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Roudier, Jérôme. "Machiavel, une biographie : l'apport intellectuel de sa correspondance avant septembre 1512." Thesis, Dijon, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014DIJOL010/document.

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Le corpus des écrits de Machiavel et de ses correspondants depuis son entrée dans la Chancellerie florentine en 1498 jusqu’à septembre 1512 jette une lumière inédite sur la vie et le travail du Secrétaire et permet de comprendre l’ensemble de son œuvre de manière nouvelle. En « homme nouveau » de son époque, Machiavel tente de promouvoir et de mettre en œuvre un programme. Par ses lettres comme ses rapports, il tente de convaincre ses contemporains. Il forme ainsi un art de la communication novateur, que permet l’espace politique de la République florentine. La thèse dégage les caractéristiques de cet art, avant d’en analyser la pertinence philosophique. Machiavel refuse la philosophie théorique de son époque pour mieux s’engager dans l’action et par là devenir le fondateur de la philosophie politique moderne. Il est un homme de parole, d’écriture et d’action pour qui l’action passe par l’écriture et la parole. La capacité de la raison à appréhender le réel politique à travers des concepts figés est remise en cause. Pour Machiavel, la réalité féconde de la politique se manifeste à travers des tensions qu’il convient de décrire sans les figer par le langage. Il invente ainsi une méthode d’écriture et de pensée qui vise le salut de sa patrie communale via l’unité italienne. La thèse, fondée sur un corpus d’avant 1512, permet l’interprétation des textes ultérieurs en faisant du Prince et des Discours, par exemple, des déclinaisons de ce programme en fonction de leurs interlocuteurs. Machiavel n’est pas alors un philosophe, mais un acteur politique qui tente, par le truchement de l’écrit, malgré l’exil et la disgrâce, de sauver sa patrie du désastre imminent qu’il pressent
From the moment he joined the Florentine Chancellery in 1498 to September 1512, Machiavelli’s corpus of writings and letters shed a new light on the life and work of the Secretary. There is no doubt that Machiavelli was a true Patriot, extremely concerned about the role of foreign armies in Italy. Machiavelli represents also a "New Man" in his century and seeks to promote a program. Through his letters and his reports he advocates about the necessity of that program. In doing so he invents a new form of communication allowed by the political specificities of the Florentine Republic. This dissertation aims at identifying the characteristics of this art. Then it questions its philosophical relevance. Machiavelli rejects the theoretical philosophy of his time and would rather get engaged in action. Thus he becomes the founder of modern Political Philosophy. He is a man of speech, of writing and of action: he acts through writing and speaking. Reason’s ability to ‘consider what happens in fact’ through pre-existing concepts is challenged. Machiavelli describes politics as a realm of tensions that should be understood without being frozen by concepts. Therefore he invents a method of writing and thinking that could lead to the salvation of his homeland through Italy’s ‘communal’ unity. The dissertation is based on the pre-1512 corpus. In this light following and better-known texts appear as different versions of a unique program adapted to different interlocutors. Machiavelli cannot be seen as a Philosopher then, but rather as a political Actor who desperately attempts through writing, and despite exile and disgrace, to save his City from the imminent disaster

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Cugno, Agnès. "Machiavel philosophe : essai pour une mise en évidence des fondements philosophiques de la politique machiavelienne." Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA040107.

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Le rapport de Nicolas Machiavel avec la philosophie ne va pas de soi : il se défend lui-même d'appartenir à la classe des hommes de lettres, et préfère se considérer comme un homme d'action, voué par la nature à la politique. Cette recherche tend à montrer que Machiavel s'inscrit cependant de droit dans la pensée philosophique, non pas comme un épigone, mais comme l'instigateur d'une rupture majeure. Le secrétaire florentin opère une révolution qui aura des répercussions non seulement en politique, mais aussi dans la philosophie en général. C'est en rompant avec les philosophes, que Machiavel accomplit son geste le plus philosophique. L'analyse des notions de virtu et fortune, puis de l'apparence politique, et enfin de verita effettuale, fait nettement apparaitre l'ampleur du tournant machiavélien, qui doit être pensé comme philosophique. En effet, concevoir la démarche machiavélienne comme une philosophie de l'action politique permet d'éviter l'écueil du machiavélisme et celui, symétrique, de l'antimachiavélisme.

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Balestrieri, Giovanni Giuseppe. "Machiavel entre ordre et conflit." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAC013/document.

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Dans les dernières décennies, les Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live ont été lus comme le traité dans lequel Machiavel livre sa théorie de la liberté politique en tant que résultat du conflit social. Un nombre toujours grandissant de chercheurs estime en effet que c'est en cela que consiste la contribution la plus importante du Florentin à la pensée politique. Notre thèse essaie de démontrer que cette position exégétique ne dispose pas de réels fondements dans l’œuvre machiavélienne. Une lecture ponctuelle des Discours atteste bien que la pensée machiavélienne est tout sauf univoque à ce sujet et le nombre de contradictions dans lesquelles l’auteur s’engouffre finit par rendre impossible la constitution d’une quelconque théorie
In the last decades or so, Discourses on Livy has become the book where Machiavelli theorizes that political freedom is a result of social conflict. An increasing number of scholars have argued, and argue, that this issue has to be taken as one of Machiavelli’s major contributions to political thought. What our thesis tries to demonstrate is that this statement has no real textual basis. And the reason is – we argue - that when you have a very close and deep look on the Discourses, you have to recognize that it’s not clear at all what Machiavelli thinks about social conflict, as he comes out with so many contradictory statements on the subject that make it impossible to talk of any kind of a theory

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Books on the topic "Machiavel (1469-1527)"

1

Machiavelli, Niccolo. Machiavel: Le Prince. Paris: Nathan, 1990.

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1940-, Dunn John, and Harris Ian 1963-, eds. Machiavelli. Cheltenham, UK: E. Elgar, 1997.

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Lefort, Claude. Machiavelli in the making. Evanston, Ill: Northwestern University Press, 2011.

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Machiavelli, Niccolò. Le prince de Machiavel: Traduction et commentaire. [Paris]: Bordas, 1986.

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Parel, Anthony. The Machiavellian cosmos. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992.

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Ancient wisdom for modern management: Machiavelli at 500. Burlington, VT: Gower, 2013.

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Machiavelli revisited. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004.

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Skinner, Quentin. Machiavelli. New York: Sterling, 2010.

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Well-ordered license: On the unity of Machiavelli's thought. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2000.

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Godorecci, Barbara J. After Machiavelli: "re-writing" and the "hermeneutic attitude". West Lafayette, Ind: Purdue University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Machiavel (1469-1527)"

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Ramsay, Maureen. "Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In Interpreting Modern Political Philosophy, 21–40. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-0725-7_2.

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Ottmann, Henning. "Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In Geschichte des politischen Denkens, 11–62. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-00022-4_2.

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Campagna, Norbert. "Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In Tocqueville-Handbuch, 124–27. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05754-9_33.

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Campagna, Norbert. "Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In Tocqueville-Handbuch, 175–79. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05979-6_33.

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Baird, Forrest E. "Niccolò Machiavelli, 1469–1527." In Philosophic Classics, Volume II: Medieval and Renaissance Philosophy, 493–502. 6th ed. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003416425-37.

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Ianziti, Gary. "Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In History from Loss, 49–55. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003127499-7.

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Benner, Erica. "Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527): Two Realisms." In The Return of the Theorists, 57–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137516459_8.

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Barclay, Katie, and François Soyer. "Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (1469–1527), The Prince." In Emotions in Europe 1517–1914, 169–77. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003175384-32.

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Molloy, Seán. "A Fine Bromance: Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) and Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527)." In The Return of the Theorists, 110–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137516459_14.

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Harris, Phil. "Machiavelli, Niccolò (1469–1527): Machiavellianism, Moralism, and His Contribution to the Development of International Public Affairs Management." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Interest Groups, Lobbying and Public Affairs, 861–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44556-0_107.

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