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Journal articles on the topic 'Machiavelli the Prince'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Kain, Philip J. "Niccolò Machiavelli — Adviser of Princes." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 25, no. 1 (1995): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1995.10717403.

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In Plato's Republic, Socrates argued that true artisans work not in their own interest but for the good of that upon which they practice their art. So the true ruler is one who works for the good of the city or the citizens, not the ruler's own self-interest. Many would hold, with Leo Strauss, that Machiavelli contends the very opposite — that for him the true prince ruthlessly seeks self-interest and personal power. I think this is too simple a reading of Machiavelli.I do not want to argue that Machiavelli is not a Machiavellian — that he does not counsel evil. But I do want to argue that Mac

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2

Hoeppner Moran Cruz, Jo Ann. "Machiavelli’s Warning: The Medici, Florence, Rome and New Princes." History of Political Thought 45, no. 1 (2024): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53765/20512988.45.1.15.

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In his dedication to The Prince, Machiavelli places himself in the position of the people who can discern the nature of princes; his text, however, suggests that he also, like a prince, understands the nature of the people. This double vision informs the reader throughout, as Machiavelli warns the Medici of the dangers to their rule while informing the people as to the weakness of their regime. This article further investigates the positive reference to Pope Sixtus IV, a reference that could not have endeared Machiavelli to the Medici. It then explores The Prince’s discourse around Pope Alexan

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Mansfield, Harvey C. "Strauss onThe Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 641–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000636.

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AbstractHere is a study of what Leo Strauss in his marvelous book,Thoughts on Machiavelli(1958), tells us about Machiavelli'sThe Prince, and how he tells it. The “how” is quite remarkable: his book is unlike any other book that has ever been written on Machiavelli. For the first time Machiavelli's esotericism is not only alluded to or introduced but explained at length. In explaining, Strauss shows how he arrived at his discoveries in Machiavelli's texts, teaching his readers the proper mixture of innocence and savvy. With his book Strauss gives a wholly new picture of an author who set store

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4

Byham, Jack Clinton. "Hank Morgan as Machiavellian Prince: A Reading of Twain’s Connecticut Yankee." Mark Twain Annual 22 (December 2024): 21–44. https://doi.org/10.5325/marktwaij.22.1.0021.

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Abstract The revolutionary protagonist in Twain’s Connecticut Yankee, Hank Morgan, is drawn in a way that suggests Samuel L. Clemens possessed a fulsome understanding of Machiavelli. A close reading of Hank’s conspiracy in Camelot, viewed through the lens of the Florentine, reveals Hank Morgan to be a daring Machiavellian prince. The novel can be read as an exploration and test of the idea that princely daring of the kind portrayed in Machiavelli’s Prince and Discourses can conquer fortune and achieve lasting and positive political change. Hank Morgan is a new prince in an old principality—and

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Stoškus, Mindaugas. "Machiavelli’s The Prince: How to Refute Virtue Ethics in Three Steps." Studia Philosophiae Christianae 59, no. 1 (2023): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/spch.2023.59.a.02.

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This article examines Niccolò Machiavelli’s account of virtues in his famous work The Prince. The Italian philosopher uses three different stages or steps of argumentation. All these steps are analyzed in this paper. It is argued that in each step, Machiavelli makes partial conclusions which are neglected in the next step. In the last step, Machiavelli concludes that not only some virtues lead to failure, but all virtues are harmful to a successful leader. Instead of an honest and just way of acting, Machiavelli proposes the slyness of a fox – the most effective and successful way of acting. C

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Gish, Dustin. "Effectual Truth and the Machiavellian Enterprise." Literature 5, no. 1 (2025): 6. https://doi.org/10.3390/literature5010006.

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The political philosophy of Niccolò Machiavelli has often been reduced to the statement that ‘the end justifies the means’ and understood as an expression of realpolitik as a result of his pragmatic, even ruthless, counsel to would-be princes, or political leaders. However, a more nuanced understanding of Machiavelli’s reflections on human nature in his writings, especially The Prince, reveals that there is a philosophic core within his approach to political success, the acquisition and maintenance of state. But while there is no doubt that Machiavelli openly rejected the idealism of certain a

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Haokai, Zhang. "Machiavelli’s Political Thought and Its Inspiration—Text Analysis Based on the Prince." Advances in Politics and Economics 5, no. 1 (2022): p33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v5n1p33.

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Machiavelli is one of the founders of modern bourgeois political theory. The birth of his masterpiece The Prince creates a new pattern of western political thought, which marks the first time that political science has escaped from the bondage of religion and ethics. At the same time, Machiavelli is also named “Machiavelliism”. The so-called “no means to achieve the purpose” has become the greatest misunderstanding of Machiavelli. Based on the prince analysis of Machiavelli’s political thought, around his national unity of Italy launched the national regime, military, monarchy and other aspect

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Connell, William J. "Dating The Prince: Beginnings and Endings." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 497–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000557.

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Let's begin by presenting some newly discovered documents concerning Niccolò Machiavelli. The biographical detail may at first appear overwhelming, but the light these documents shed on the chronology of Machiavelli's composition of The Prince helps to answer some old questions concerning the character of Machiavelli's little treatise. The new documents date from the year 1515. They were drawn up at a time of financial difficulty and profound personal disappointment in the life of the former Florentine secretary and second chancellor. In 1512 Machiavelli had been fired from the chancery of the

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9

Dietz, Mary G. "Trapping the Prince: Machiavelli and the Politics of Deception." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (1986): 777–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960538.

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Machiavelli's most famous political work, The Prince, was a masterful act of political deception. I argue that Machiavelli's intention was a republican one: to undo Lorenzo de Medici by giving him advice that would jeopardize his power, hasten his overthrow, and allow for the resurgence of the Florentine republic. This interpretation returns The Prince to its specific historical context. It considers Machiavelli's advice to Lorenzo on where to reside, how to behave, and whom to arm in light of the political reality of sixteenth-century Florence. Evidence external to The Prince, including Machi

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Zuckert, Catherine H. "Review Essay: Machiavelli: Radical Democratic Political Theorist?" Review of Politics 81, no. 3 (2019): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000275.

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John P. McCormick has become the leading proponent of a new democratic—or, now, “populist”—reading of Machiavelli. The authors of all three of the other books reviewed here cite McCormick as a source and inspiration; and he has written positive blurbs for their books. In Machiavellian Democracy (Cambridge University Press, 2011) McCormick argued that Machiavelli's praise of Roman “offices or assemblies that exclude the wealthiest citizens from eligibility; magistrate appointment procedures that combine lottery and election; and political trials in which the entire citizenry acts as ultimate ju

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Kahn, Victoria. "Revisiting Agathocles." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000582.

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AbstractThis article traces Machiavelli's indebtedness to Sallust in his discussion of Agathocles the Sicilian in chapter 9 of The Prince. In distinguishing between virtù and glory, Machiavelli was influenced by Sallust's discussion of Catiline and Caesar, and of true and false glory, in the Bellum Catilinae. Writing to Caesar at the height of his power, Sallust needed to negotiate a delicate political situation that was in some ways analogous to Machiavelli's own difficult position vis-à-vis the Medici. Just as, in addressing Caesar, Sallust points up the difference between Caesar as he was a

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Najemy, John M. "Machiavelli and Cesare Borgia: A Reconsideration of Chapter 7 of The Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000570.

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AbstractThis essay questions the seemingly laudatory judgment of Cesare Borgia in The Prince, chapter 7, by highlighting its emphasis on Borgia's dependence on the arms of others, which Machiavelli equates with “fortune.” During their encounters in 1502–1503, Machiavelli became keenly aware of Borgia's dependence on his papal father, on France, and on mercenaries. The praise of the “foundations” Borgia allegedly laid to remedy this dependence (including a fantasized conquest of Tuscany) is not Machiavelli's own assessment but the voice of Borgia's self-dramatizing and self-deceiving exaggerati

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Colmo, Christopher. "Alfarabi on the Prudence of Founders." Review of Politics 60, no. 4 (1998): 719–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050865.

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Two striking features of Alfarabi's Book of Religion remind us of Machiavelli's Prince. Alfarabi is very much concerned with what Machiavelli would call a new prince, the founder of a political order. Like Machiavelli, Alfarabi emphasizes the extent to which the founder needs prudence, understood as the faculty by which political men make sound determinations about particular circumstances. The status of prudence is enhanced by the pervasiveness of change over time as Alfarabi sees it. The pervasiveness of change entails that any political founding will require repeated, and prudent, renewal.

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Zerba, Michelle. "The Frauds of Humanism: Cicero, Machiavelli, and the Rhetoric of Imposture." Rhetorica 22, no. 3 (2004): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2004.22.3.215.

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Abstract Machiavelli's advocacy of force and fraud in the conduct of politics is the key teaching that has secured his reputation as “Machiavellian” and that has led to the conception of The Prince as the first document in the Western tradition to lay bare the dark, demonic underside of civic humanism. But this interpretation overlooks the degree to which a politics of intense competition and personal rivalry inhabits the humanist vision from antiquity, producing an ethics of expediency and a rhetoric of imposture that seeks to mask its alertness to advantage behind the guise of integrity and

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Lukes, Timothy J. "Lionizing Machiavelli." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (2001): 561–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540100301x.

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Machiavelli scholarship is prolific but claustrophobic. Even though chapter 18 of The Prince advises the aspiring leader to emulate both lion and fox, commentators ignore or devalue the lion and focus on the fox. Machiavelli is thereby depicted as a champion of cleverness and deception, and not much else. This article takes up the lion. It argues that Machiavelli's lion is not a simple and violent beast, but is rather a complex tutor that complements clinical and lonely foxiness with crucial injections of virility and community.

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Allard, Gérald. "Un homme politique désœoeuvré: Machiavel, historien et penseur politique." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 4 (2000): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i4.8662.

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A philosopher who deeply influenced Western history, Machiavelli was, as well, involved in the affairs of his time. This paper aims to analyze the pragmatic context of Machiavelli’s production, for instance, his political exile from Florence. In order to draw the lines of this “praxis,” contemporary biographies, letters of Machiavelli and, of course, the books (The Prince, Discourses, History of Florence) are revisited and reread in each other’s light. This approach allows one to appreciate more the “revolutionary” and “anticlerical” dimensions of Machiavelli’s philosophy.

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King, Ed. "Machiavelli's L'Asino: Troubled Centaur into Conscious Ass." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (2008): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080487.

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Abstract. In this paper I examine some of the allegorical connections Machiavelli made in his unfinished poem L'Asino (The Ass) and make the case that they shed new light on the historical embeddedness of the more overtly political works, especially The Prince. When read alongside The Prince, L'Asino indicates what led Machiavelli to involve himself in politics in the first place, what he hoped to gain by his role as advisor and, afterwards, what his reaction was to his apparent failure to make his case effectively. It also offers us clues as to how Machiavelli conceived of his role as advisor

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Cosans, Christopher E., and Christopher S. Reina. "The Leadership Ethics of Machiavelli’sPrince." Business Ethics Quarterly 28, no. 3 (2017): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/beq.2017.13.

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ABSTRACT:This article examines the place of Machiavelli’sPrincein the history of ethics and the history of leadership philosophy. Close scrutiny indicates that Machiavelli advances an ethical system for leadership that involves uprooting corruption and establishing rule of law. He draws on history and current affairs in order to obtain a realistic understanding of human behavior that forms a basis for a consequentialist ethics. While he claims a good leader might do bad things, this is in situations where necessity constrains a prince to choosing the “least bad” course of action. Furthermore,

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Lage, Victor Coutinho. "Fortuna, Alteridade, Política: entre Machiavelli e Derrida." Ítaca, no. 19 (January 8, 2012): 218–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.59488/itaca.v0i19.184.

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Resumo: Um dos pensadores tomados como fundadores do pensamento político moderno é NiccÃ²lo Machiavelli e sua obra O Príncipe. A partir de Jacques Derrida, pode-se pensar a fortuna, de Machiavelli, como sendo a não-verdade constitutiva da verdade e da subjetividade políticas. Nesse sentido, o Estado moderno teria um “fundamento místico da autoridade” atrelado à incerteza, contingência da temporalidade.Palavras-chave: Machiavelli (Maquiavel); Derrida; fortuna; política moderna.Abstract: One of the thinkers generally interpreted as founders of modern political thinking is NiccÃ²lo Machiavelli an

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Schlüter, Gisela. "„Ein Arzneibuch für alle Rezepte“ (Paolo Mattia Doria)." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 45, no. 3 (2018): 465–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.45.3.465.

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Summary „A pharmacopoeia for any prescription“ (Paolo Mattia Doria).Machiavelliana after 1700 Recent research has gained many new insights into Machiavelli’s influence on Early Modern European political history. This article focuses on a so far little researched, but decisive stage in the history of Machiavelli’s influence, namely Paolo Mattia Doria’s treatise „La Vita Civile“ (1709/10; further editions in the 18th century), which was written in Naples, a centre of the Early European Enlightenment. In a peculiar mixture of anti-machiavellism that is inspired by Platonic thought and allegiance

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Brunello, Anthony R. "The Measure of Machiavelli? Fear, Love, Hatred, and Trump." World Affairs 182, no. 4 (2019): 324–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019884940.

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The rise of populist leaders like Trump certainly raises issues of leadership and effectiveness. The current populist moment may be one of “Cultural Backlash,” but there is also merit in resurrecting and assessing the work of Niccolò Machiavelli in evaluating Trump’s leadership and success. Would Machiavelli, with his emphasis on a “success ethic” and a studied moral indifference, rate Trump to be a “great prince?” This article analyzes Machiavelli’s role and contemporary relevance as well as what he might say about a leader like Donald Trump. Machiavelli offers one insight into a style of lea

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Denham, Robert D. "Northrop Frye and Niccolò Machiavelli." Quaderni d'italianistica 35, no. 1 (2015): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v35i1.22351.

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This essay seeks to answer the questions, how can we explain the numerous references in Frye’s notebooks and elsewhere to the political theory in Machiavelli’s The Prince? What in Machiavelli’s thought did Frye believe deserved our attention, and why? Toward this end the essay examines the Renaissance idea of the Machiavellian villain, the concept of virtù, and the idea of hypocrisy.

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Green, Jeffrey Edward. "Ten Theses on Machiavelli." Theoria 70, no. 174 (2023): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2023.7017402.

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Abstract Machiavelli can be read as a plebeian thinker supportive of plebeian institutions that, as such, differentiate the few from the many and aim to regulate and burden the few. Yet, like numerous contemporary plebeian thinkers, Machiavelli is mostly silent about the moral transgressiveness required by the advocacy of plebeian institutions and ideas. The theses offered here argue that advocates of plebeianism will need, like the Machiavellian prince, to learn how not to be good. In explaining what this means in practice, the theses also defend the propriety of anachronistic readings, cauti

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Terzić, Predrag. "Understanding the theoretical thought of Niccolò Machiavelli in the work of Slobodan Jovanović." Politička revija 81, no. 3 (2024): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr81-52332.

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Slobodan Jovanović divides Niccolò Machiavelli's life into two distinct periods. The first explores Machiavelli's life and involvement in governance, while the second focuses on the phase of his life marked by opposition to authority. Two significant events influenced Machiavelli's life and political activities: the rise of Fra Girolamo Savonarola and the military-political actions of Cesare Borgia in Romagna. In The Prince Machiavelli serves as an intellectual tool recommended by Machiavelli for future rulers. It was written to guide and caution about the advantages and disadvantages of rulin

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Carta, Caterina. "Gramsci andThe Prince: Taking Machiavelli outside the realist courtyard?" Review of International Studies 43, no. 2 (2016): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210516000280.

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AbstractIn the field of political theory, few authors have spurred intellectual tirades and triggered collective fantasy as much as the sixteenth-century Florentine Secretary Niccoló Machiavelli. Despite all controversies, in the discipline of International Relations (IR) Machiavelli and hisThe Princehave been almost exclusively associated with classical realism. This largely unchallenged association contributed to the edification of the myth ofThe Princeas the ruthless symbol ofraison d’état, carrying transcendental lessons about the nature of politics and a set of prescriptions on how helmsm

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Liu, Puran. "Machiavellis Influence on the Islamic World." Communications in Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/20220302.

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People come and go over the course of time, but some have made such a long lasting contribution to the modern society as Machiavelli. Machiavelli, a diplomat, philosopher and politician during the Renaissance, is a controversial figure over time. In spite of his unkindness showed in his thoughts, scholars and politicians around the globe acquire some insights from him. From his book, The Prince, we can find out his idea of power and the influence of some Islamic thinkers, and if we look at some contemporary Islamic thinkers work, we can tell Machiavellis influence as well.

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Liu, Puran. "Machiavellis Influence on the Islamic World." Communications in Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022302.

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People come and go over the course of time, but some have made such a long lasting contribution to the modern society as Machiavelli. Machiavelli, a diplomat, philosopher and politician during the Renaissance, is a controversial figure over time. In spite of his unkindness showed in his thoughts, scholars and politicians around the globe acquire some insights from him. From his book, The Prince, we can find out his idea of power and the influence of some Islamic thinkers, and if we look at some contemporary Islamic thinkers work, we can tell Machiavellis influence as well.

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Langton, John, and Mary G. Dietz. "Machiavelli's Paradox: Trapping or Teaching the Prince." American Political Science Review 81, no. 4 (1987): 1277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962589.

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In The Discourses Machiavelli extolled the virtues of republican government, yet in The Prince he advised the ruler on how to perpetuate autocratic rule. What accounts for this paradox? Mary Dietz argues that Machiavelli sought to deceive the prince, trapping him into actions that would destroy his rule. John Langton contends, in contrast, that Machiavelli was seeking to teach the prince how to govern so that the autocratic state could evolve into a republic.

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Bragues, George. "The Machiavellian Challenge to Business Ethics." Ethical Review of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2025): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.70150/2654b605.

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No political philosopher is better known in the business world than Niccolo Machiavelli. His fame resting on The Prince, the Renaissance Italian writer has often been featured in the popular business press, mostly to show the relevance of his realpolitik world-view to the sorts of issues that a contemporary manager is apt to face. However, the popular view of Machiavelli as a hard-headed thinker has been challenged by scholars pointing to his advocacy of republics in the Discourses on Livy, his other great work. Interpreted along these lines, Machiavelli can be invoked to support participatory

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Sullivan, Vickie. "Alexander the Great as “Lord of Asia” and Rome as His Successor in Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 515–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000569.

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AbstractAlexander the Great and his legacy suffuse The Prince, a fact that has received little attention. Machiavelli uses Alexander to illustrate the form of rule in which one is lord and all others are slaves. In recounting the Roman Republic's conquest of Greece, Machiavelli treats Alexander's vanquished successors. Alexander's legacy enters Rome itself, igniting in Romans the desire to subject the world to sole preeminence. According to Machiavelli, Caesar imitated Alexander, and Caesar overturned the republic, initiating the rule of one in Rome. Caesar had his own Roman successors, the em

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Manyeli, Louis. "Niccolo Machiavelli and His Influence on Lesotho Political Rulers." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (2021): p9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n2p9.

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In his famous “The Prince”, Machiavelli drastically differs from all political writing of ancient antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance that had one central question: the end of the state. Machiavelli assumes that power is an end in itself, and maintains that the ruler ought to focus on acquiring, retaining and expanding power. While the moralist adheres to the supremacy of his moral code and the ecclesiastic to his religious code, Machiavelli recognizes the supremacy of the precepts of his code in politics: the acquisition, retention and expansion of power. It is argued that most Lesotho

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Eisner, Martin. "Machiavelli in Paradise: How Reading Dante and Ovid Shaped The Prince." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 1 (2019): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.1.35.

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This article argues that Machiavelli's description of reading Dante and Ovid, in his letter to Francesco Vettori of 10 December 1513, illuminates some of the most surprising and scandalous sections of The Prince. Beginning with Machiavelli's quotation of Paradiso 5 in the letter to Vettori, this study investigates how Machiavelli uses the literary works of Dante and Ovid to craft several of his most distinctive arguments on the problem of vows, value of violence, and legitimacy of deception. It argues that the reading of these literary works constitutes a crucial, but often overlooked, compone

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Wang, Xiaorong. "On the Moral Considerations of Machiavelli’s “De-Moralization” of Politics." Scientific and Social Research 6, no. 5 (2024): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/ssr.v6i5.6892.

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Machiavelli was an influential political thinker during the Western European Renaissance period, and his work “The Prince” has been a subject of controversy for proposing the “de-moralization” of politics. However, an in-depth study of his writings reveals a profound moral consideration for people, the populace, and the state, which aids in a more comprehensive understanding of Machiavelli’s true thoughts.

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Cro, Stelio. "The Lion and the Fox: an Unholy Animal Kingdom." Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (2012): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.6.

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This article compares the History of Richard III (1512) of Thomas More and The Prince (1513) of Niccolò Machiavelli. More attributes to Richard III a detailed list of moral vices that leaves no doubt as to his very negative view of Richard. On the other hand, in The Prince, Machiavelli deals with contemporary events without moral or religious preoccupations. In essence, for More history is “magistra vitae”, as long as the Christian values are conveyed by the historian, whereas for Machiavelli history’s lesson is valid regardless of religious and/or moral issues.

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Giorgini, Giovanni. "Five Hundred Years of Italian Scholarship on Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000624.

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AbstractMachiavelli's Prince circulated widely in manuscript form in Italy way before its publication in 1532. Its reception was mixed from the start: some readers found in it a frank, sometimes ironic, description for the benefit of the people of the evil means used by bad rulers; others read in it evil recommendations to tyrants to help them maintain their power. The history of the reception of the Prince in Italy discloses a book with many facets: the impious and amoral Machiavelli of the Jesuits; the republican champion of the people, who unveiled the evil practices of tyrants, of the Enli

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., Anam. "Relevance of Machaivellis Theories in Today." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, no. 3 (2024): 534–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.58865.

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Abstract: Niccolò Machiavelli, a prominent figure in Renaissance political philosophy, continues to wield significant influence in contemporary discourse on governance, leadership, and power dynamics. Despite being penned centuries ago, Machiavelli's works, notably "The Prince" and "Discourses on Livy," remain subject to intense scrutiny and debate for their pragmatic, often controversial, insights into the nature of politics and human behavior. This extended abstract delves into the enduring relevance of Machiavelli's theories in modern society, elucidating key concepts and their manifestatio

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Scott, John T., and Vickie B. Sullivan. "Patricide and the Plot of The Prince: Cesare Borgia and Machiavelli's Italy." American Political Science Review 88, no. 4 (1994): 887–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082714.

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An understanding of Machiavelli's assessment of Cesare Borgia in The Prince is essential for interpreting his view of politics, but the ambiguity of that assessment has led to vastly different conclusions about Machiavelli's political teaching and Cesare's significance. We approach Machiavelli's ultimate intentions through a consideration of his more immediate concern for Italy. Machiavelli's great interest in Cesare and his criticism of this potential hero stem from the historical context of an Italy divided due to the Church. Cesare possessed—yet squandered—an opportunity to rid Italy of the

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D'Andrade, Kendall. "Machiavelli's Prince as Ceo." Business Ethics Quarterly 3, no. 4 (1993): 395–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052150x00009921.

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The Machiavellian model is often praised as a realistic description of modern corporate life. My analysis of The Prince follows Rousseau in arguing that the prince can survive and prosper most easily by creating an environment in which almost all the citizens prosper. Far from licensing unrestrained self-aggrandizement, in this model success only comes from providing real value to almost every citizen for the entire period of one's leadership.Translation from the early sixteenth to the late twentieth century is far from simple; for example, the CEO is in many ways far less powerful than a Medi

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Mažeikis, Gintautas. "N. Machiavelli and Machiavellianism." Politologija 14, no. 2 (1999): 118–38. https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.1999.2.4.

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In the article the following problems are analysed: the problem of the relationship between the political philosophy of a widely-known philosopher of the Renaissance period Niccolo Machiavelli, on the one side, and Machiavellianism - on the other; the origins of the conception of Machiavellianism, how it came about; and the last - both political and sociological biases of Machiavellianism. There is no doubt, according to the author, that Machiavelli's ideas were to a very large extent influenced by anthropocentrical Weltanschauung of the Renaissance. Herein the human being was viewed and descr

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Vlajnić, Nikola. "Niccolò Machiavelli's political philosophy in Shakespeare's Richard III." Politička revija 80, no. 2 (2024): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr80-50689.

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William Shakespeare provides readers with an insight into his understanding of power and politics through writing historical plays set in the period of English history known as the Wars of the Roses. Niccolò Machiavelli explicitly expresses his understanding of politics in his most famous work The Prince. In this paper, we tried to identify the relationship between the political thought of the two authors through a comparative analysis of Shakespeare's historical play Richard III and Machiavelli's The Prince. We have concluded that there are several similarities between Shakespeare's and Machi

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Ratnikov, Maxim. "The Theoretical Context of N. Machiavelli's Ideas and Views Formation." International Relations: Theory and Practical Aspects, no. 6 (December 9, 2020): 226–37. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-745x.6.2020.218793.

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The main aim of the article is to reveal the factors that influenced the formation of N. Machiavelli’s concept. The methodology is based on elements of structural and functional analysis. Using the ideas of E. Durkheim, A. Radcliffe-Brown, Merton, the author considered the Machiavellian system of views as an adaptive system in which all parts serve to satisfy the system’s needs as a whole, ensuring its existence in the external environment of conceptual fields. As a result, it was identified that the foundations of N. Machiavelli’s theoretical base were reflected in the domin

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Zhurbina, I. V. "REASON AS THE ORGANIZING PRINCIPLE OF STATE GOVERNANCE IN NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI’s DOCTRINE." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 32, no. 1 (2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9550-2022-32-1-5-15.

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The paper discusses Niccolò Machiavelli’s doctrine of state governance as described in his treatise The Prince , which laid the foundations of the modern idea of governmentality (M. Foucault). The paper relies on the method of philosophical hermeneutics. Therefore, the (pre)supposition to base the study on and interpret The Prince is the assumption that Machiavelli defines rationality through the concept of the sovereign’s reason as the source of the state governance system. In this case, reason and/or intellect is understood as a personal quality of the sovereign mastered through knowledge, w

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Birmingham, Peg. "Can Political Authority be Founded on a Ruse? Derrida and Lefort on Machiavelli’s Use of Political Deception." Law, Culture and the Humanities 13, no. 2 (2016): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872113506162.

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The institution of Hobbes’ Leviathan is marked by the transformation of cunning, equally shared by all in the state of nature, into a rational, sovereign politics. The question I take up here by way of Machiavelli and two of his contemporary readers, Derrida and Lefort, what if cunning was politicized rather than replaced by sovereign reason? In other words, what if cunning, a complex political deception, was not abandoned or given over to the sovereign? I argue that Lefort’s reading of Machiavelli, embracing as it does the central role of a shared cunning or ruse between the people and the pr

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Park, Sung-Ho. "What does Machiavelli in The Prince." Journal of the New Korean Philosophical Association 102 (October 31, 2020): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20433/jnkpa.2020.10.507.

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Dmitriev, Timofey. "Was Machiavelli a Proponent of Democracy?" Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 23, no. 2 (2024): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2024-2-231-259.

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Based on the analysis of Machiavelli’s political writings such as “Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius”, “The Prince” and “The History of Florence”, the article shows that attempts made repeatedly over the past few decades by such scholars as Tony Negri, John McCormick, Agnes Heller, Claude Lefort and Pierre Manent to declare Machiavelli an admirer of radical democracy, or the prophet of modern democratic politics and even of the “plebeian principle” in politics find neither conceptual, nor terminological confirmation in the works of the Florentine thinker. It is noted that one of t

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Moreira de Souza, Celia Daniele. "A Arte do Aconselhamento em Kalila e Dimna de Ibn Almuqaffaᶜ (séc. VIII) e O Príncipe de Maquiavel (séc. XVI)". Mosaico 11, № 2 (2018): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/mos.v11i2.6351.

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O presente artigo tem por objetivo discutir a arte de aconselhamento presente no fabulário Kalila e Dimna de Abdullah Ibn Almuqaffaᶜ do séc. VIII e no manual O Príncipe de Nicolau Maquiavel do séc. XVI, ensejando evidenciar um possível diálogo entre as obras. Alguns historiadores sugerem que ambas as obras encontrariam semelhanças que sugeririam uma recepção das ideias de Kalila e Dimna por Maquiavel. Entretanto, até o momento não há trabalhos disponíveis que de fato investiguem esta relação, logo este artigo pretende discutir se tais semelhanças realmente são verificáveis, ou se as mesmas são

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Ghita, Marian. "The Concept of “Fortuna” in Machiavelli’s “The Prince”." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 2 (December 4, 2003): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2003.03.

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The concept of “Fortuna” has attracted many historians dealing with political ideas. A major role in this respect belongs to the way in which Machiavelli analysed it and, as much, to the place occupied by this concept in The Prince, the famous work which consacrated the “Great Florentine” as one of the founders of the modern political sciences. This paper presents the manner in which Machiavelli defined this concept, both as a result of the contemporary vision on it and of the political and national objectives of his capital work.

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Balestrieri, Giovanni G. "La posizione del capitolo IX del Principe nel pensiero di Machiavelli." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 3 (February 2009): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2008-003003.

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- The ninth chapter of The Prince, dedicated to the analysis of the "civil principaly" has during the last decades recalled on itself the increasing interest of the researchers, that have recognized in it one of the central passages of Machiavelli's political theory. Nevertheless, it can be affirmed without fearing to be denied that few other pages of the Florentine secretary have recorded so deep interpretative divergences as this chapter. The essay that we present wants to be a contribution to the explanation and to the exact conceptual determination of Prince IX through the comparison with

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Macfarland, Joseph C. "Machiavelli's Imagination of Excellent Men: An Appraisal of the Lives of Cosimo de' Medici and Castruccio Castracani." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (1999): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585765.

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For the education of princes Machiavelli recommends the true lives of “excellent men” rather than the “imagination” of how one should live, yet, the lives Machiavelli wrote tell a different story. While his relatively accurate life of Cosimo de' Medici offers lessons in deceit and faithlessness, it is a life to be admired rather than imitated. By contrast, theLife of Castruccio Castracaniis worthy of imitation, as it teaches the use of force as well as fraud, but it is mostly the product of an imagination enriched by ancient histories. Machiavelli taught the “effectual truth” by sketching the

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Di Maria, Salvatore. "Machiavelli's Ironic View of History: The Istorie Florentine." Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 2 (1992): 248–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862748.

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A few years ago, Felix Gilbert, after a brief survey of various studies on Machiavelli's Istorie fiorentitte (1520-24), noticed the need to focus on the work's historical significance, and proposed a reading that goes beyond the mere narrative account of the rise and development of the city of Florence. Having shown that the work's structure follows the cyclical theory of history prevalent in Renaissance historiography, Gilbert goes on to suggest that Machiavelli anticipates Florence's rise from its present decline: “It would seem possible to suggest therefore that Machiavelli intended to repr

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