Journal articles on the topic 'Mackinac State Historic Parks'

The process of protection, regulation and restoration of historic parks is influenced by many factors. Therefore, the paper briefly analyses the evolution of art style of historic garden-parks of Lithuania, the state of legal instruments for their protection, as well as positive and negative experience in relation to regulation and restoration of historic parks positive. Some suggestions for improvement or renewal of country’s historic parks are offered. Santrauka Istorinių parkų apsaugos, tvarkymo ir atkūrimo procesui įtaką daro visas veiksnių kompleksas. Todėl trumpai analizuojama Lietuvos istorinių sodų ir parkų meno stilių raida ir jų būdingų bruožų sankaupa, šalies istorinių parkų apsaugos, tvarkymo ir atkūrimo teisinės bazės būklė ir istorinių parkų atkūrimo praktikos teigiami bei neigiami aspektai. Pateikiami pasiūlymai šalies istorinių parkų atkūrimui pagerinti.

The Florida Park Service manages the sites of fifteen plantations in the area once known as East Florida, including the United States-Territorial-Period sugar plantation known as Bulow Plantation. The plantation is now located within the Bulow Plantation Ruins Historic State Park, located in Flagler County approximately two miles north of the Volusia County line and two miles from the Atlantic Coast. Current interpretations at the park are limited in scope, visitation is considered to be relatively low, and the mill structure and associated buildings pose a variety of management issues. The development of solutions for the Bulow Plantation Ruins Historic State Park will be applicable not only to other plantation sites managed by the Florida Park Service, but any state park in Florida and to site managers beyond Florida's boundaries.

During the last 15 years disagreements between the process of urbanization and environmental (historic, cultural) heritage have clearly increased. Klaipėda old parks and their fragments are disappearing fast, and hard efforts for protection of parks in Palanga, Kretinga, Plungė, Rietavas are needed. The density of construction in park surroundings is increased, and approaches to the parks and their environmental quality are reduced. The formation of settlement greenery systems in which old parks are the basic components of their spatial structure becomes more complicated. In accordance with modern European requirements and the Lithuanian Master Plan, priority should be given to greenery in the spatial settlement structure. To preserve the individuality of Lithuanian landscapes it is necessary to apply measures of planning that would help to combine natural and cultural components providing for a high quality of landscape not only in a short run but also in the remote future. One of such measures is understanding of an important role of historic parks in the spatial structure of coastal settlements and their management. The provision of sustainable development declared by world community commits to analysing particular regional and settlement possibilities, resources for significant improvement of peoples life quality. Resorts are distinguished by their singularity. They have an influence on the national attraction of Lithuania and facilitate state image formation. Some strategic aspects of a harmonious development of historic parks on the Lithuanian seacoast are analised in the work. Specific proposals for improving the results of landscape formation are also presented.

Changing sociocultural and historiographic contexts require new approaches to interpretation and presentation at National Park Service–administered sites. Through the study of two NPS parks in Washington State (San Juan Island National Historical Park and Whitman Mission National Historic Site), this article explores the agency’s interpretive programs and practices in relation to founding mandates and contemporary relevance. As demonstrated by these case studies, efforts to expand programming and presentations within the NPS system are ongoing but at present insufficient in light of current changes in demographics and visitation. Ultimately, for the NPS to remain relevant in the twenty-first century it must respect founding mandates but diversify interpretation of its parks’ contested histories, thereby enhancing its contemporary relevance and better engaging today’s audiences.

Abstract This special issue of the Public Historian explores issues relating to the management of public history programs in New York State. State history is something that continues to be worthy of preservation, management, study, and analysis because of the distinctive historical development and traits of each state and the role of state history as a portal to national history. New York's history is complex because of its size, ethnic diversity, cosmopolitan character, and the rapid pace of its historical development. What might be termed its “historical infrastructure”—the totality of programs to manage its history—is also complex. State government history programs include the State Archives, State Museum, and Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation. There are large organizations with statewide programs and influence such as the New York State Historical Association, dozens of state historic sites, and several hundred local historical societies and historical museums. Issues include lack of funding, inadequate public support, fragmentation of effort and need for better coordination, and need for more robust use of information technology. Each of the seven essays represents its author's insights and perspectives on accomplishments, issues, and needs.

Michigan State University and the Michigan Department of Natural Resources established a partnership for sustainable park planning in October 2011. The purpose of the partnership was to enable students in the design fields to work on real-world projects and provide practical solutions. One of the notable projects was to assess old historic buildings in one state park and propose renovation plan to improve its indoor environmental quality and energy efficiency. The buildings in the park functioned as the traveler’s destination in the 1920s and still preserve original interior and exterior features. The team of undergraduates and faculty in interior design visited the park and assessed the interior and exterior conditions of two of its buildings. They used an assessment tool which was designed on a basis of the elements in the indoor environmental quality category (IEQ) of the US Green Building Council’s LEED. Results revealed that the indoor environmental conditions of the buildings should be improved. The energy efficiency of the buildings was low. Based on this assessment, this study offered practical suggestions for improving the building’s indoor environmental quality. This study also proposed an assessment tool for the historic buildings in the state parks in Michigan to assess current indoor environmental quality of those buildings.

Health resorts have been important landscape identity elements and economy drivers in European cities since the beginning of their development. The sea coastal area in Latvia is rich in sulphur springs that have been used for health procedures since 19th century. Kemeri resort in Jurmala City is known as a unique place that got its name from the forester house Kemeres where the first health procedures were performed by using sulphur spring mud. In 1836 Kemeri was declared as a resort and became known in the whole Russian Empire and later also in the Soviet Union. Significant landscape changes occurred after Latvia regained its independence in 1990, when the ownership of the land changed from the state to the private. Affected by disagreements between the new owners, lack of private and state investments, decrease of visitors from former Soviet Republics, insufficient capacity for competing with European resorts, the resorts in Latvia often became abandoned and forgotten. Historically valuable buildings and parks of the resorts were degraded, the number of inhabitants and visitors decreased. Today the regional government has found opportunities for re-development of Kemeri resort by searching for a new identity and re-branding the place. Re-branding has been used to enhance attractiveness of the place and increase economic benefits. Therefore, the aim of the study is to identify historic heritage values suitable for re-branding of the place and to analyse a potential development of the resort Kemeri. Assessment part of the article is based on historic heritage study by comparing historic and modern photography, field surveys to identify historic heritage values of the place and their influence on possible development scenarios. Historic heritage values were identified according to the Historicity and authenticity; Aesthetic quality and integrity; Social meaning. The other parts of the article are addressed to re-branding of the place that includes involvement of identified historic heritage values into the new identity to enhance functionality, recognisability and attractiveness of the resort Kemeri.

Planning of municipal gardens as the integral part of urban landscape in the Lublin region was typified by the activity of the outstanding garden planners: engineer Feliks Bieczyński and Walerian Kronenberg. This movement to create public, municipal green areas commenced in 19th century and continued with success during the inter-war period. This process took place in the big cities of Lublin, Zamość or Lubartów. Newly established public gardens were usually located on the outskirts of the city as for example, Park Saski (1837), Ogród Bronowicki (the Bronowicki Garden) - formerly called the Foksal Park in Lublin, or Park Miejski im. Jana Kanclerza Zamoyskiego (the Zamoyski Municipal Park - 1926) located in the former fortification area in Zamość. The situation in smaller cities such as Lubartów, Radzyń Podlaski (1755, planner: Jakub Fontana) and Kock (planner: Szymon Bogumił Zug) was slightly different. The former garden complex adjacent to the magnate residence served a key role in the urban structure of the settlement (thus, determining its development) was later adapted to the function of a municipal park. The article describes three selected garden complexes. The spatial relations of the parks in the context of their urban structure are analysed. The article takes into account their contemporary use and the state of preservation of their historic elements as presented in the original composition as presented in historic images and maps.Planning of municipal gardens as the integral part of urban landscape in the Lublin region was typified by the activity of the outstanding garden planners: engineer Feliks Bieczyński and Walerian Kronenberg. This movement to create public, municipal green areas commenced in 19th century and continued with success during the inter-war period. This process took place in the big cities of Lublin, Zamość or Lubartów. Newly established public gardens were usually located on the outskirts of the city as for example, Park Saski (1837), Ogród Bronowicki (the Bronowicki Garden) - formerly called the Foksal Park in Lublin, or Park Miejski im. Jana Kanclerza Zamoyskiego (the Zamoyski Municipal Park - 1926) located in the former fortification area in Zamość. The situation in smaller cities such as Lubartów, Radzyń Podlaski (1755, planner: Jakub Fontana) and Kock (planner: Szymon Bogumił Zug) was slightly different. The former garden complex adjacent to the magnate residence served a key role in the urban structure of the settlement (thus, determining its development) was later adapted to the function of a municipal park. The article describes three selected garden complexes. The spatial relations of the parks in the context of their urban structure are analysed. The article takes into account their contemporary use and the state of preservation of their historic elements as presented in the original composition as presented in historic images and maps.

ABSTRACTHistoric archaeological resources in the American West are increasingly at risk of loss because of prolonged droughts, wildfires, earthquakes, general deterioration, and the negative impact of increasing visitation. Casual visitors regularly remove objects from their original contexts in the landscape, either taking them home as souvenirs or bringing them to local staff because they are concerned about the items disappearing. As a result, many sites of cultural significance are losing the ability to convey the information required for scholarly interpretation and for drafting community and life histories of their past residents. We argue that citizen science and mobile apps specifically designed for site stewardship are viable tools for alleviating negative human impacts on cultural landscapes and enhancing our capacity to record and monitor sites of cultural heritage. We contend that our approach uses an innovative interface, the Citizen Preservationist app, an open-source hybrid mobile/desktop software we developed to foster both current use and protection of archaeological sites and historic parks. We demonstrated the viability of our app by conducting a user study at Bodie, California (ca. 1859–1942), that assessed how this software promotes a sense of stewardship and appreciation for the archaeological heritage of this beloved California State Historic Park.

The continued access to land for exploration by the petroleum and mineral industries in Australia has been increasingly impeded by State and Commonwealth legislation aimed at dedicating Crown Land for single land uses.In September 1986, South Australia's Minister for Mines and Energy, Ron Payne, announced a Cabinet decision for 'a package of recommendations designed to foster multiple land-use concepts and to ensure that no land is alienated from exploration without careful consideration of the sub-surface mineral/petroleum potential, relevant economic factors and the existing and potential sub-surface rights'.In this one innovative and potentially far-reaching move, the South Australian Government has:provided a framework to reconcile conflicting interests;indicated a willingness to listen and act upon the expressed legitimate concerns of industries of vital economic importance to the State;made it necessary for the proponents of reserve areas such as National Parks to be more accountable and to provide balanced, scientific substantiation;indicated its intention to make legislative changes to allow for the adoption of multiple land-use principles; andredressed the imbalance where, in the words of the Minister, 'Legislation providing for Aboriginal land rights, the creation of national and conservation parks, and State Government heritage areas have, to varying degrees, created unforeseen consequences for the resources industry'.The first practical test of this new Government policy is the proposed declaration of the Innamincka Regional Reserve, currently a 14 000 sq km pastoral lease within some of the most productive areas of PELs 5 & 6 held jointly by Santos Ltd. and Delhi Petroleum Pty. Ltd.It is intended that this new form of reserve will allow for the protection of specific areas of environmental sensitivity and of cultural, scientific and historic value, while still allowing for the continuation of pastoral, tourist and petroleum exploration/ production activity within the major part of the reserve area.

In 1922, there were thirty-five state health resorts in the Soviet Union. This article introduces the historic role of health resorts as sites of nature conservation in the Soviet Union, comparable to national parks and nature reserves (zapovedniki), and highlights the role of physicians and medical ideas in the formulation and promotion of conservation policies in the Soviet Union. It analyzes conservation laws and regulations that covered health resorts, prohibiting a range of activities throughout their territories to protect natural healing resources such as mineral waters, muds, and beaches. In the 1930s, Soviet health resorts became influential centers of conservation when the science of ecology lost state support and ecological study centers in the nature reserves were dismantled. The idea that the natural environment should be protected to serve human health gained influence with official patrons in the Soviet state because physicians explicitly aligned the health resorts with the anthropocentric ideology of the state and its goal of industrialization, opening up health resort medicine to the industrial workforce. Health and nature's curative ideas also formed the foundation for nature protection during Stalinism. State patronage of health resort conservation increased in the Stalinist period, culminating in 1940, when the reach of conservation was extended to local health resorts. The article concludes with an examination of conservation work in the Sochi health resort.

When construction began on the urban expressways of the new Interstate Highway System in the late 1950s, homes, businesses, schools, and churches began to fall before bulldozers and wrecking crews. Entire neighborhoods, as well as parks, historic districts, and environmentally sensitive areas, were slated for demolition to make way for new expressways. Highway builders leveled central city areas where few people had cars so that automobile owners from other places could drive to and through the city on the big, new roads. As one analyst of postwar America put it: “The desire of the car owner to take his car wherever he went no matter what the social cost drove the Interstate Highway System, with all the force and lethal effect of a dagger, into the heart of the American city.” In response, citizen activists in many cities challenged the routing decisions made by state and federal highway engineers. This Freeway Revolt found its first expression in San Francisco in the late 1950s, and eventually spread across urban America. By the late 1960s, freeway fighters began to win a few battles, as some urban expressways were postponed, cancelled, or shift ed to alternative route corridors.

In the 1970s, there began to be a realization that parks, monuments, and other recreational areas were not visited by people from minority racial and ethnic groups in proportion to their representation in the U.S. population. Parks personnel realized that the demographic trends in the U.S. would accentuate the problem in the decades to come. They worried that, as traditional white, middle-class visitors became less dominant in the population, support for parks would erode. Further, if the intention is to have Americans be ecologically and historically literate and parks are to be an important part of that effort, the lack of visitation by other racial and ethnic groups will mean a significant part—maybe a majority—of the population will lack that literacy. Social scientists studied the problem throughout the last third of the 20th century. While initial studies worried that racial and ethnic minorities didn't have the same concern for the environment as the dominant white culture, later studies showed the fallacy in those early findings. At the end of the 20th century, Floyd (1999, 2001) wrote about the four major theories in the literature that attempted to explain reasons for low visitation rates to parks and other wild settings among racial and ethnic minorities. The theories explaining such non-use included: 1. the marginality hypothesis (groups lack the resources to participate socially, from past discrimination, and economically); 2. the subcultural hypothesis (racial and ethnic groups have different value systems and socialization practices that preclude some from participation in outdoor recreation, independent of socioeconomic factors); 3. assimilation theory (the degree to which a group is assimilated into the dominant society—acculturated—is reflected in their park use); and 4. discrimination hypothesis (park use is affected by actual or perceived discrimination, past discrimination, and institutional discrimination, both real and perceived). Studies of various sub-groups and cross-cultural studies continued throughout the first decade of the 21st Century. While the marginality hypothesis has gained prominence, all four of the explanatory theories have proven to be explanatory for some groups in some locations at some times. The barriers that prevent many underserved groups from using parks, monuments and other recreation areas have been identified. Roberts summed them up well in her 2007 paper: 1. access limitations (including transportation or lack thereof, costs, and fear of the outdoors); 2. communication challenges (including language barriers of printed materials, signs, etc.); 3. fear of discrimination (cultural, actual verbal and non-verbal messages from other visitors, overwhelming posted park rules, signs and brochures not reflective of their culture/race); 4. lack of knowledge, experience, awareness (what to do, where to go, how to get there, equipment needed, etc.); and 5. lack of diversity on staff (their group is not represented on staff or only in janitorial or maintenance positions). While research is continuing to sort out the reasons, more attention is being paid to solving the problem. Potential solutions remain difficult, but are possible and are suggested by many authors. They include possible solutions that address each of the major barriers above. In sum, they involve beginning the hard work of changing the culture of the parks, monuments, and museums, moving organizations to become a part of the larger community contexts in which they reside, and engaging those communities. While each park, museum, historic site, aquarium, nature center, etc. is unique in its geographical context, all can benefit from introspection, examining their unique strengths, the audiences they serve and don't serve, and how to become relevant and valued by a true cross-section of the communities in which they exist. It involves learning more about the multi-cultural context in which the site exists, valuing that context, forming authentic partnerships, and being open to change. It will cost money to modify the variety of media utilized in these settings and to mentor and change staff. It will mean, no doubt, a great deal of discomfort for many people. Change is like that. In the end, however, parks, monuments, and museums will be better for it, as will the broader spectrum of people who will come to visit. This review includes articles from peer-reviewed journals primarily from the years 2000 through 2010, some non-peer-reviewed journals that interpreters read regularly, some conference proceedings, and some technical reports. Also included are some articles from prior to 2000 to add some historical perspective. Chapters from books relevant to the topic also are reviewed. While this review does not include every relevant article published, it hopefully gives the reader a sense of the current state of the profession with regard to serving underserved racial and ethnic audiences.

The issues of assessing the current level of beautification of the centers of historical cities and its quality are relevant in connection with the practical and methodological problems of carrying out such work within the framework of the implementation of the national project "comfortable environment" as well as the target program for the beautification of historic cities. It is during the improvement of historical cities or historical zones of cities in practice that the most complex methodological problems arise, associated with the need to ensure the preservation of valuable historical landscapes, architectural monuments, historical gardens and parks. To make decisions on the improvement and greening of cities, including within the framework of national, regional and municipal projects and programs, it is important to analyze the state and experience of the improvement and greening of a number of cities. As objects of research, four historical cities near Moscow were selected, or rather, the territories of their public centers, and at the same time, the positive and negative aspects of projects implemented over the past 5-10 years were considered in terms of compliance with urban planning regulations for historical zones, environmental requirements and the comfort of the urban environment - Kolomna, Sergiev Posad, Dmitrov, Zvenigorod.

2020 was a difficult period for all countries of the world. Pandemic world the economic crisis has had a serious impact on the economies of most countries. The state and people of Azerbaijan, in spite of all the economic and social damage and the material damage caused by the war, shielded the aggression against them and launched a counter-operation to liberate the lands. If we pay attention to the main parameters of the economic potential of the occupied territories, we can see that Karabakh and its environs Lachin, Kalbajar, Gubadli, Zangilan, Jabrayil, Aghdam, Fuzuli were occupied by Armenia in 1989 and 1993, and the infrastructure of the regions was destroyed. For this reason, future restoration work began with the construction of general infrastructure and primary settlements, and at a later stage should be transferred to economic development projects. Our liberated territories cover two economic geographycal regions. Kalbajar-Lachin and Upper Karabakh. During the occupation of our lands, all buildings were destroyed, forests, reserves, monuments, parks, museums were destroyed. In addition, industrial and agricultural areas, power lines, mineral deposits, transport hubs were severely damaged. After a historic victory in 2020, which resulted in the liberation of the occupied territories of our country, Azerbaijan enters a new stage. The geography of reviving Karabakh must be studied by every citizen. There is a need to restore the landscape of this areas, mineral deposits, industry, electrical systems, roads, tourists sites Key words: Nagorno Karabakh, Natural landscape, tourism, economy, mineral waters, industry, minerals, electric power, priority, great return

Abstract. Alba is a town of over 30 000 inhabitants located along the Tanaro River (Piedmont, northwestern Italy) and is famous for its wine and white truffles. Many important industries and companies are based in Alba, including the famous confectionery group Ferrero. The town suffered considerably from a flood that occurred on 5–6 November 1994. Forty-eight percent of the urban area was inundated, causing severe damage and killing nine people. After the flood, the Alba area was analysed in detail to determine the reasons for its vulnerability. Information on serious floods in this area since 1800 was gathered from official records, state technical office reports, unpublished documents in the municipal archives, and articles published in local and national newspapers. Maps, plans and aerial photographs (since 1954) were examined to reconstruct Alba's urban development over the last two centuries and the planform changes of the Tanaro River. The results were compared with the effects of the November 1994 flood, which was mapped from aerial photographs taken immediately after the flood, field surveys and eyewitness reports. The territory of Alba was subdivided into six categories: residential; public service; industrial, commercial and hotels; sports areas, utilities and standards (public gardens, parks, athletics grounds, private and public sport clubs); aggregate plants and dumps; and agriculture and riverine strip. The six categories were then grouped into three classes with different flooding-vulnerability levels according to various parameters. Using GIS, the three river corridors along the Tanaro identified by the Autorità di Bacino del Fiume Po were overlaid on the three classes to produce a final map of the risk areas. This study shows that the historic floods and their dynamics have not been duly considered in the land-use planning of Alba. The zones that were most heavily damaged in the 1994 flood were those that were frequently affected in the past and sites of more recent urbanisation. Despite recurrent severe flooding of the Tanaro River and its tributaries, areas along the riverbed and its paleochannels have been increasingly used for infrastructure and building (e.g., roads, a municipal dump, a prison, natural aggregate plants, a nomad camp), which has often interfered with the natural spread of the floodwaters. Since the 1994 flood, many remedial projects have been completed along the Tanaro and its tributaries, including levees, bank protection, concrete walls and floodway channels. In spite of these costly projects, some areas remain at high risk for flooding. The method used, which considered historical data, river corridors identified by hydraulic calculations, geomorphological aspects and land-use planning, can indicate with good accuracy flood-prone areas and in consequence to be an useful tool for the coherent planning of urban expansion and the mitigation of flood risk.

This document constitutes the final report of work done by Prewitt and Associates, Inc. (PAI), under a contract from the Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) to provide archeological services in seven TxDOT districts—Abilene, Austin, Brownwood, Bryan, Fort Worth, Waco, and Yoakum. Under this contract, PAI completed Impact Evaluations and Surveys to assist TxDOT in meeting the requirements of their Memorandum of Understanding with the Texas Historical Commission and a Programmatic Agreement among the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, the Federal Highway Administration, the Texas Historical Commission, and TxDOT. The contract began on 21 September 2001, and the last work authorization was issued on 15 September 2003. During those two years, fieldwork was done under 96 work authorizations. The 97 work authorizations consisted of 94 Impact Evaluations, 74 Surveys, and 14 Surveys with Geoarcheological Evaluation. Combined, these work authorizations entailed efforts at 128 bridge replacements, 40 road realignments or widening projects (many also involving bridge replacements), 5 new road construction projects, 4 hike-and-bike trail construction projects, 4 rest area construction projects, 3 projects involving upgrades to 9 existing bridges or culverts, 2 projects where new borrow pits are planned, 2 projects involving relocation of historic bridges to public parks, 1 project involving construction of 2 new bridges, 1 project involving replacement of an interstate highway interchange, and 1 project involving establishment of a wetland mitigation area. During completion of these work authorizations, 43 newly discovered or previously recorded archeological sites were investigated, although in the case of 14 previously recorded sites, no archeological remains were observed in the areas that will be affected by the proposed Transportation Activities. Twenty-three of the Impact Evaluations led to recommendations that survey could be needed before construction, in some cases depending on whether new right of way would be required. Based on the limited potential for sites with good integrity, the other 71 Impact Evaluations resulted in recommendations that no survey be required before construction. Twenty-two of the Surveys investigated a total of 17 newly recorded and 9 previously recorded sites. Of these 26 sites, 6 were recommended for testing to assess eligibility for listing in the National Register of Historic Places and designation as State Archeological Landmarks. The other 82 Surveys either did not find any archeological sites or investigated sites that could be assessed as ineligible for National Register listing and State Archeological Landmark designation using the survey data. All artifacts collected and records generated by projects done under this contract are curated at the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory (TARL), The University of Texas at Austin. Artifacts were collected from four sites. Those from 41GM3 are from state-owned lands and thus are curated in a held-in-trust status at TARL. The artifacts from 41BU51, 41BU54, and 41LE325 are from private lands and are curated in a non-held-in-trust status.

The Levi Jordan plantation house is one of the few antebellum plantation structures to have survived in Brazoria County. It is the only standing structure associated with the plantation, which began operating in 1848 and was occupied continually up through the 1990s. The original house, built in the early 1850s using slave labor, was a 20x60-ft two-story wooden frame structure. It was altered many times during its long occupation, often due to hurricane damage. A portion of the Levi Jordan Plantation was acquired by the State of Texas in 2002 and managed by the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department until 2008, when the Texas Historical Commission took over its management. By then, the 160-year-old plantation house had suffered greatly and was in bad condition. The Texas Historical Commission began plans to stabilize and restore the historic house. Prewitt and Associates archeologists were contracted to conduct the archeological investigations associated with this work. The stabilization project included the permanent removal of the twentieth-century additions, hydraulic lifting of the antebellum house, removal of the original foundation piers, and installation of a new concrete perimeter foundation. The two original brick chimneys were removed and reconstructed. The investigations, conducted in 2010 and 2011, documented the following features: 2 cisterns, 2 chimney footings and 39 foundation piers associated with the plantation house; a chimney footing associated with an east wing behind the house; a chimney foundation associated with a former detached kitchen behind the main house; a brick patio and walkway associated with the original house; two large brick rubble concentrations and a small brick cluster; and a possible rain barrel brick pad. Other features examined were 15 possible piers that may be associated with the original house, the original east wing, a possible west wing, a south porch, a west porch, and an east porch. The archeological investigations revealed many details about the architecture of the original plantation house and subsequent additions. The evidence provides a better understanding of the building construction sequence and insights into the complex evolution of the Levi Jordan plantation house over its ca. 160-year existence. The most significant find is an 1853 gold coin found in the brick pad at the bottom of the southeast corner pier. This is almost certainly a date coin that was placed in this location by Levi Jordan or a master builder in a cornerstone foundation rite, and it provides an accurate date for the beginning of the house construction.

IntroductionTasmania hangs from the map of Australia like a drop in freefall from the substance of the mainland. Often the whole state is mislaid from Australian maps and logos (Reddit). Tasmania has, at least since federation, been considered peripheral—a region seen as isolated, a ‘problem’ economically, politically, and culturally. However, Tasmania not only cleaves to the ‘north island’ of Australia but is also subject to the gravitational pull of an even greater land mass—Antarctica. In this article, we upturn the political conventions of map-making that place both Antarctica and Tasmania in obscure positions at the base of the globe. We show how a changing global climate re-frames Antarctica and the Southern Ocean as key drivers of worldwide environmental shifts. The liquid and solid water between Tasmania and Antarctica is revealed not as a homogenous barrier, but as a dynamic and relational medium linking the Tasmanian archipelago with Antarctica. When Antarctica becomes the focus, the script is flipped: Tasmania is no longer on the edge, but core to a network of gateways into the southern land. The state’s capital of Hobart can from this perspective be understood as an “Antarctic city”, central to the geopolitics, economy, and culture of the frozen continent (Salazar et al.). Viewed from the south, we argue, Tasmania is not a problem, but an opportunity for a form of ecological, cultural, economic, and political sustainability that opens up the southern continent to science, discovery, and imagination.A Centre at the End of the Earth? Tasmania as ParadoxThe islands of Tasmania owe their existence to climate change: a period of warming at the end of the last ice age melted the vast sheets of ice covering the polar regions, causing sea levels to rise by more than one hundred metres (Tasmanian Climate Change Office 8). Eleven thousand years ago, Aboriginal people would have witnessed the rise of what is now called Bass Strait, turning what had been a peninsula into an archipelago, with the large island of Tasmania at its heart. The heterogeneous practices and narratives of Tasmanian regional identity have been shaped by the geography of these islands, and their connection to the Southern Ocean and Antarctica. Regions, understood as “centres of collective consciousness and sociospatial identities” (Paasi 241) are constantly reproduced and reimagined through place-based social practices and communications over time. As we will show, diverse and contradictory narratives of Tasmanian regionality often co-exist, interacting in complex and sometimes complementary ways. Ecocritical literary scholar C.A. Cranston considers duality to be embedded in the textual construction of Tasmania, writing “it was hell, it was heaven, it was penal, it was paradise” (29). Tasmania is multiply polarised: it is both isolated and connected; close and far away; rich in resources and poor in capital; the socially conservative birthplace of radical green politics (Hay 60). The weather, as if sensing the fine balance of these paradoxes, blows hot and cold at a moment’s notice.Tasmania has wielded extraordinary political influence at times in its history—notably during the settlement of Melbourne in 1835 (Boyce), and during protests against damming the Franklin River in the early 1980s (Mercer). However, twentieth-century historical and political narratives of Tasmania portray the Bass Strait as a barrier, isolating Tasmanians from the mainland (Harwood 61). Sir Bede Callaghan, who headed one of a long line of federal government inquiries into “the Tasmanian problem” (Harwood 106), was clear that Tasmania was a victim of its own geography:the major disability facing the people of Tasmania (although some residents may consider it an advantage) is that Tasmania is an island. Separation from the mainland adversely affects the economy of the State and the general welfare of the people in many ways. (Callaghan 3)This perspective may stem from the fact that Tasmania has maintained the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of all states since federation (Bureau of Infrastructure Transport and Regional Economics 9). Socially, economically, and culturally, Tasmania consistently ranks among the worst regions of Australia. Statistical comparisons with other parts of Australia reveal the population’s high unemployment, low wages, poor educational outcomes, and bad health (West 31). The state’s remoteness and isolation from the mainland states and its reliance on federal income have contributed to the whole of Tasmania, including Hobart, being classified as ‘regional’ by the Australian government, in an attempt to promote immigration and economic growth (Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development 1). Tasmania is indeed both regional and remote. However, in this article we argue that, while regionality may be cast as a disadvantage, the island’s remote location is also an asset, particularly when viewed from a far southern perspective (Image 1).Image 1: Antarctica (Orthographic Projection). Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons, Modified Shading of Tasmania and Addition of Captions by H. Nielsen.Connecting Oceans/Collapsing DistanceTasmania and Antarctica have been closely linked in the past—the future archipelago formed a land bridge between Antarctica and northern land masses until the opening of the Tasman Seaway some 32 million years ago (Barker et al.). The far south was tangible to the Indigenous people of the island in the weather blowing in from the Southern Ocean, while the southern lights, or “nuyina”, formed a visible connection (Australia’s new icebreaker vessel is named RSV Nuyina in recognition of these links). In the contemporary Australian imagination, Tasmania tends to be defined by its marine boundaries, the sea around the islands represented as flat, empty space against which to highlight the topography of its landscape and the isolation of its position (Davies et al.). A more relational geographic perspective illuminates the “power of cross-currents and connections” (Stratford et al. 273) across these seascapes. The sea country of Tasmania is multiple and heterogeneous: the rough, shallow waters of the island-scattered Bass Strait flow into the Tasman Sea, where the continental shelf descends toward an abyssal plain studded with volcanic seamounts. To the south, the Southern Ocean provides nutrient-rich upwellings that attract fish and cetacean populations. Tasmania’s coast is a dynamic, liminal space, moving and changing in response to the global currents that are driven by the shifting, calving and melting ice shelves and sheets in Antarctica.Oceans have long been a medium of connection between Tasmania and Antarctica. In the early colonial period, when the seas were the major thoroughfares of the world and inland travel was treacherous and slow, Tasmania’s connection with the Southern Ocean made it a valuable hub for exploration and exploitation of the south. Between 1642 and 1900, early European explorers were followed by British penal colonists, convicts, sealers, and whalers (Kriwoken and Williamson 93). Tasmania was well known to polar explorers, with expeditions led by Jules Dumont d’Urville, James Clark Ross, Roald Amundsen, and Douglas Mawson all transiting through the port of Hobart. Now that the city is no longer a whaling hub, growing populations of cetaceans continue to migrate past the islands on their annual journeys from the tropics, across the Sub-Antarctic Front and Antarctic circumpolar current, and into the south polar region, while southern species such as leopard seals are occasionally seen around Tasmania (Tasmania Parks and Wildlife). Although the water surrounding Tasmania and Antarctica is at times homogenised as a ‘barrier’, rendering these places isolated, the bodies of water that surround both are in fact permeable, and regularly crossed by both humans and marine species. The waters are diverse in their physical characteristics, underlying topography, sea life, and relationships, and serve to connect many different ocean regions, ecosystems, and weather patterns.Views from the Far SouthWhen considered in terms of its relative proximity to Antarctic, rather than its distance from Australia’s political and economic centres, Tasmania’s identity undergoes a significant shift. A sign at Cockle Creek, in the state’s far south, reminds visitors that they are closer to Antarctica than to Cairns, invoking a discourse of connectedness that collapses the standard ten-day ship voyage to Australia’s closest Antarctic station into a unit comparable with the routinely scheduled 5.5 hour flight to North Queensland. Hobart is the logistical hub for the Australian Antarctic Division and the French Institut Polaire Francais (IPEV), and has hosted Antarctic vessels belonging to the USA, South Korea, and Japan in recent years. From a far southern perspective, Hobart is not a regional Australian capital but a global polar hub. This alters the city’s geographic imaginary not only in a latitudinal sense—from “top down” to “bottom up”—but also a longitudinal one. Via its southward connection to Antarctica, Hobart is also connected east and west to four other recognized gateways: Cape Town in South Africa, Christchurch in New Zealand; Punta Arenas in Chile; and Ushuaia in Argentina (Image 2). The latter cities are considered small by international standards, but play an outsized role in relation to Antarctica.Image 2: H. Nielsen with a Sign Announcing Distances between Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities and Antarctica, Ushuaia, Argentina, 2018. Image Credit: Nicki D'Souza.These five cities form what might be called—to adapt geographer Klaus Dodds’ term—a ‘Southern Rim’ around the South Polar region (Dodds Geopolitics). They exist in ambiguous relationship to each other. Although the five cities signed a Statement of Intent in 2009 committing them to collaboration, they continue to compete vigorously for northern hemisphere traffic and the brand identity of the most prominent global gateway. A state government brochure spruiks Hobart, for example, as the “perfect Antarctic Gateway” emphasising its uniqueness and “natural advantages” in this regard (Tasmanian Government, 2016). In practice, the cities are automatically differentiated by their geographic position with respect to Antarctica. Although the ‘ice continent’ is often conceived as one entity, it too has regions, in both scientific and geographical senses (Terauds and Lee; Antonello). Hobart provides access to parts of East Antarctica, where the Australian, French, Japanese, and Chinese programs (among others) have bases; Cape Town is a useful access point for Europeans going to Dronning Maud Land; Christchurch is closest to the Ross Sea region, site of the largest US base; and Punta Arenas and Ushuaia neighbour the Antarctic Peninsula, home to numerous bases as well as a thriving tourist industry.The Antarctic sector is important to the Tasmanian economy, contributing $186 million (AUD) in 2017/18 (Wells; Gutwein; Tasmanian Polar Network). Unsurprisingly, Tasmania’s gateway brand has been actively promoted, with the 2016 Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan foregrounding the need to “Build Tasmania’s status as the premier East Antarctic Gateway for science and operations” and the state government releasing a “Tasmanian Antarctic Gateway Strategy” in 2017. The Chinese Antarctic program has been a particular focus: a Memorandum of Understanding focussed on Australia and China’s Antarctic relations includes a “commitment to utilise Australia, including Tasmania, as an Antarctic ‘gateway’.” (Australian Antarctic Division). These efforts towards a closer relationship with China have more recently come under attack as part of a questioning of China’s interests in the region (without, it should be noted, a concomitant questioning of Australia’s own considerable interests) (Baker 9). In these exchanges, a global power and a state of Australia generally classed as regional and peripheral are brought into direct contact via the even more remote Antarctic region. This connection was particularly visible when Chinese President Xi Jinping travelled to Hobart in 2014, in a visit described as both “strategic” and “incongruous” (Burden). There can be differences in how this relationship is narrated to domestic and international audiences, with issues of sovereignty and international cooperation variously foregrounded, laying the ground for what Dodds terms “awkward Antarctic nationalism” (1).Territory and ConnectionsThe awkwardness comes to a head in Tasmania, where domestic and international views of connections with the far south collide. Australia claims sovereignty over almost 6 million km2 of the Antarctic continent—a claim that in area is “roughly the size of mainland Australia minus Queensland” (Bergin). This geopolitical context elevates the importance of a regional part of Australia: the claims to Antarctic territory (which are recognised only by four other claimant nations) are performed not only in Antarctic localities, where they are made visible “with paraphernalia such as maps, flags, and plaques” (Salazar 55), but also in Tasmania, particularly in Hobart and surrounds. A replica of Mawson’s Huts in central Hobart makes Australia’s historic territorial interests in Antarctica visible an urban setting, foregrounding the figure of Douglas Mawson, the well-known Australian scientist and explorer who led the expeditions that proclaimed Australia’s sovereignty in the region of the continent roughly to its south (Leane et al.). Tasmania is caught in a balancing act, as it fosters international Antarctic connections (such hosting vessels from other national programs), while also playing a key role in administering what is domestically referred to as the Australian Antarctic Territory. The rhetoric of protection can offer common ground: island studies scholar Godfrey Baldacchino notes that as island narratives have moved “away from the perspective of the ‘explorer-discoverer-colonist’” they have been replaced by “the perspective of the ‘custodian-steward-environmentalist’” (49), but reminds readers that a colonising disposition still lurks beneath the surface. It must be remembered that terms such as “stewardship” and “leadership” can undertake sovereignty labour (Dodds “Awkward”), and that Tasmania’s Antarctic connections can be mobilised for a range of purposes. When Environment Minister Greg Hunt proclaimed at a press conference that: “Hobart is the gateway to the Antarctic for the future” (26 Apr. 2016), the remark had meaning within discourses of both sovereignty and economics. Tasmania’s capital was leveraged as a way to position Australia as a leader in the Antarctic arena.From ‘Gateway’ to ‘Antarctic City’While discussion of Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities often focuses on the economic and logistical benefit of their Antarctic connections, Hobart’s “gateway” identity, like those of its counterparts, stretches well beyond this, encompassing geological, climatic, historical, political, cultural and scientific links. Even the southerly wind, according to cartoonist Jon Kudelka, “has penguins in it” (Image 3). Hobart residents feel a high level of connection to Antarctica. In 2018, a survey of 300 randomly selected residents of Greater Hobart was conducted under the umbrella of the “Antarctic Cities” Australian Research Council Linkage Project led by Assoc. Prof. Juan Francisco Salazar (and involving all three present authors). Fourteen percent of respondents reported having been involved in an economic activity related to Antarctica, and 36% had attended a cultural event about Antarctica. Connections between the southern continent and Hobart were recognised as important: 71.9% agreed that “people in my city can influence the cultural meanings that shape our relationship to Antarctica”, while 90% agreed or strongly agreed that Hobart should play a significant role as a custodian of Antarctica’s future, and 88.4% agreed or strongly agreed that: “How we treat Antarctica is a test of our approach to ecological sustainability.” Image 3: “The Southerly” Demonstrates How Weather Connects Hobart and Antarctica. Image Credit: Jon Kudelka, Reproduced with Permission.Hobart, like the other gateways, activates these connections in its conscious place-branding. The city is particularly strong as a centre of Antarctic research: signs at the cruise-ship terminal on the waterfront claim that “There are more Antarctic scientists based in Hobart […] than at any other one place on earth, making Hobart a globally significant contributor to our understanding of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean.” Researchers are based at the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies (IMAS), the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD), with several working between institutions. Many Antarctic researchers located elsewhere in the world also have a connection with the place through affiliations and collaborations, leading journalist Jo Chandler to assert that “the breadth and depth of Hobart’s knowledge of ice, water, and the life forms they nurture […] is arguably unrivalled anywhere in the world” (86).Hobart also plays a significant role in Antarctica’s governance, as the site of the secretariats for the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) and the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels (ACAP), and as host of the Antarctic Consultative Treaty Meetings on more than one occasion (1986, 2012). The cultural domain is active, with Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG) featuring a permanent exhibit, “Islands to Ice”, emphasising the ocean as connecting the two places; the Mawson’s Huts Replica Museum aiming (among other things) to “highlight Hobart as the gateway to the Antarctic continent for the Asia Pacific region”; and a biennial Australian Antarctic Festival drawing over twenty thousand visitors, about a sixth of them from interstate or overseas (Hingley). Antarctic links are evident in the city’s natural and built environment: the dolerite columns of Mt Wellington, the statue of the Tasmanian Antarctic explorer Louis Bernacchi on the waterfront, and the wharfs that regularly accommodate icebreakers such as the Aurora Australis and the Astrolabe. Antarctica is figured as a southern neighbour; as historian Tom Griffiths puts it, Tasmanians “grow up with Antarctica breathing down their necks” (5). As an Antarctic City, Hobart mediates access to Antarctica both physically and in the cultural imaginary.Perhaps in recognition of the diverse ways in which a region or a city might be connected to Antarctica, researchers have recently been suggesting critical approaches to the ‘gateway’ label. C. Michael Hall points to a fuzziness in the way the term is applied, noting that it has drifted from its initial definition (drawn from economic geography) as denoting an access and supply point to a hinterland that produces a certain level of economic benefits. While Hall looks to keep the term robustly defined to avoid empty “local boosterism” (272–73), Gabriela Roldan aims to move the concept “beyond its function as an entry and exit door”, arguing that, among other things, the local community should be actively engaged in the Antarctic region (57). Leane, examining the representation of Hobart as a gateway in historical travel texts, concurs that “ingress and egress” are insufficient descriptors of Tasmania’s relationship with Antarctica, suggesting that at least discursively the island is positioned as “part of an Antarctic rim, itself sharing qualities of the polar region” (45). The ARC Linkage Project described above, supported by the Hobart City Council, the State Government and the University of Tasmania, as well as other national and international partners, aims to foster the idea of the Hobart and its counterparts as ‘Antarctic cities’ whose citizens act as custodians for the South Polar region, with a genuine concern for and investment in its future.Near and Far: Local Perspectives A changing climate may once again herald a shift in the identity of the Tasmanian islands. Recognition of the central role of Antarctica in regulating the global climate has generated scientific and political re-evaluation of the region. Antarctica is not only the planet’s largest heat sink but is the engine of global water currents and wind patterns that drive weather patterns and biodiversity across the world (Convey et al. 543). For example, Tas van Ommen’s research into Antarctic glaciology shows the tangible connection between increased snowfall in coastal East Antarctica and patterns of drought southwest Western Australia (van Ommen and Morgan). Hobart has become a global centre of marine and Antarctic science, bringing investment and development to the city. As the global climate heats up, Tasmania—thanks to its low latitude and southerly weather patterns—is one of the few regions in Australia likely to remain temperate. This is already leading to migration from the mainland that is impacting house prices and rental availability (Johnston; Landers 1). The region’s future is therefore closely entangled with its proximity to the far south. Salazar writes that “we cannot continue to think of Antarctica as the end of the Earth” (67). Shifting Antarctica into focus also brings Tasmania in from the margins. As an Antarctic city, Hobart assumes a privileged positioned on the global stage. This allows the city to present itself as central to international research efforts—in contrast to domestic views of the place as a small regional capital. The city inhabits dual identities; it is both on the periphery of Australian concerns and at the centre of Antarctic activity. Tasmania, then, is not in freefall, but rather at the forefront of a push to recognise Antarctica as entangled with its neighbours to the north.AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Australian Research Council under LP160100210.ReferencesAntonello, Alessandro. “Finding Place in Antarctica.” Antarctica and the Humanities. Eds. Peder Roberts, Lize-Marie van der Watt, and Adrian Howkins. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 181–204.Australian Government. 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