Academic literature on the topic 'Madagascar – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Madagascar – History"
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Marcus, Richard R., and Paul Razafindrakoto. "Madagascar: A New Democracy?" Current History 102, no. 664 (May 1, 2003): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.664.215.
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Despite the volatile politics of 2002 … Madagascar did not undergo a radical change of government. At no point was an attempt made to fundamentally change the nature of the system or to uproot the ancien régime. Only a courageous individual could break with this long history and turn power over to democratic institutions. Whether Madagascar's new president has this will remains a question.
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Thomas, Martin. "Imperial backwater or strategic outpost? The British takeover of Vicky Madagascar, 1942." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 1049–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024754.
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ABSTRACTBetween June 1940 and September 1942 the French colony of Madagascar was a part of the Vichy French empire and a life-line for supplies to French Indo-China. Governor Paul Annet's island administration assumed a critical importance to Britain and South Africa after the fall of Singapore in February 1942. Conscious of the precedent of Vichy's two-fold capitulation to Japanese demands upon Indo-China in August 1940 and July 1941, both the British and the American governments feared that Annet might follow suit, conceding to Japan the use of Madagascar's principal ports and air bases. This threat led to the invasion of Madagascar by British empire forces. The attack began in May 1942 and was completed by October. Much to General Charles de Gaulle's lasting annoyance, the Free French movement played no part in these operations, although the British installed a Free French administration at Tananarive in December. This article examines the Madagascar invasion in the light of this exclusion of the Free French. It measures the strategic importance of the island against the political damage caused to Anglo-Free French relations by the British rebuttal of de Gaulle. It is argued that the British government utilized the Madagascar takeover as a means to keep the French national committee in check, disregarding Free French proposals as a result. Albeit temporary, this generated political confusion within Madagascar itself.
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ELLIS, STEPHEN. "TOM AND TOAKAFO: THE BETSIMISARAKA KINGDOM AND STATE FORMATION IN MADAGASCAR, 1715–1750." Journal of African History 48, no. 3 (November 2007): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707003064.
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ABSTRACTThe monarchies and other polities of precolonial Madagascar exerted a strong influence on each other. For this reason, in recent years it has become more interesting to trace their inter-relationship than to emphasize their autonomy. The Betsimisaraka kingdom, which flourished on Madagascar's east coast in the early eighteenth century, has generally been regarded as a polity standing rather outside the mainstream of state formation in Madagascar, not least because of the identity of its founder, the son of an English pirate. Research in European and South African archives demonstrates the close connection between the Betsimisaraka kingdom and the Sakalava kingdom of Boina.
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Fourshey, Catherine Cymone. "Madagascar: A Short History." African Historical Review 43, no. 2 (November 2011): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2011.634172.
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Sukhorukov, A. P., M. a. Kushunina, V. Yu Alyonkin, Jean Hivert, and Vincent Boullet. "Notes on the samphires (Salicornioideae, Chenopodiaceae–Amaranthaceae) in Madagascar and Europa Island, with further conclusions on their chorology in Africa." Novitates Systematicae Plantarum Vascularium 52 (2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31111/novitates/2021.52.38.
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The last treatment of Chenopodiaceae in Madagascar was published in 1954 and since then, the generic circumscription of Chenopodiaceae including Salicornioideae has changed drastically. The Madagascan Salicornioideae (samphires) are still insufficiently studied. Salicornia pachystachya described from Madagascar had a turbulent nomenclatural and morphological history, frequently considered as Arthrocnemum pachystachyum due to the alleged similarity of the seed characters with other Arthrocnemum species, or considered in a broader sense including the related Salicornia perrieri. However, the reproductive features of S. pachystachya confirm its placement within Salicornia, and the thick inflorescences and longer seeds distinguish it from S. perrieri, another native Madagascan species. Two other members of Salicornioideae in Madagascar are the subshrubby Salicornia mossambicensis, erroneously named S. fruticosa or Arthrocnemum natalense, and Tecticornia indica. Herein, a diagnostic key is provided for the delimitation of four samphire species in Madagascar, and the lectotypes of Salicornia pachystachya and S. perrieri are designated. Only two species, S. pachystachya and Tecticornia indica, are recorded for Europa Island, and their habitat preferences in this location are presented, as well as a discussion of the species composition and chorology of samphires in continental Africa.
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Hansford, James, Patricia C. Wright, Armand Rasoamiaramanana, Ventura R. Pérez, Laurie R. Godfrey, David Errickson, Tim Thompson, and Samuel T. Turvey. "Early Holocene human presence in Madagascar evidenced by exploitation of avian megafauna." Science Advances 4, no. 9 (September 2018): eaat6925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aat6925.
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Previous research suggests that people first arrived on Madagascar by ~2500 years before present (years B.P.). This hypothesis is consistent with butchery marks on extinct lemur bones from ~2400 years B.P. and perhaps with archaeological evidence of human presence from ~4000 years B.P. We report >10,500-year-old human-modified bones for the extinct elephant birdsAepyornisandMullerornis, which show perimortem chop marks, cut marks, and depression fractures consistent with immobilization and dismemberment. Our evidence for anthropogenic perimortem modification of directly dated bones represents the earliest indication of humans in Madagascar, predating all other archaeological and genetic evidence by >6000 years and changing our understanding of the history of human colonization of Madagascar. This revision of Madagascar’s prehistory suggests prolonged human-faunal coexistence with limited biodiversity loss.
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Tattersall, Ian. "The Natural History of Madagascar." Journal of Mammalogy 85, no. 4 (August 2004): 813–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1644/1545-1542(2004)085<0813:br>2.0.co;2.
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Dewar, Robert E., and Henry T. Wright. "The culture history of Madagascar." Journal of World Prehistory 7, no. 4 (December 1993): 417–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00997802.
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Robinson, John G. "An Island of Evolutionary Exuberance." Science 304, no. 5667 (April 2, 2004): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1096496.
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The Natural History of Madagascar Steven M. Goodman and Jonathan P. Benstead, Eds. . University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2003. 1731 pp. $85, £59.50. ISBN 0-226-30306-3. Besides providing a comprehensive account of Madagascar's diverse and highly endemic flora and fauna, the nearly 300 authors cover such topics as the history of scientific work on the island, geology, human ecology, and conservation efforts.
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White, F. "Madagascar." Endeavour 9, no. 4 (January 1985): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-9327(85)90101-2.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Madagascar – History"
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Walsh, Andrew. "Constructing Antankaraña, history, ritual and identity in northern Madagascar." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ35360.pdf.
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Monginot, Pauline. "Artiste ou mpanakanto ? : construction sociale et stylistique de la figure du peintre dans les villes des Hautes Terres malgaches : l'exemple de Tananarive (1880-1972)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCC104.
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Cette thèse propose d’analyser les processus de formation de l’identité de l’artiste peintre dans la société malgache, entre les années 1880 (période d’installation des Européens à Antananarivo) et 1972 (fin de la première République de Madagascar). La peinture est une pratique artistique récente à Madagascar : introduite en 1826 par les Européens, son histoire s’inscrit en parallèle de celle de la colonisation. Pourtant, la peinture devient, pour la société merina, un enjeu de définition des identités et des hiérarchies sociales. Ni artistes coloniaux, ni artisans traditionnels, les peintres malgaches doivent pourtant se conformer aux normes imposées par les politiques culturelles coloniales d’une part et par les usages attribués à l’art dans la société merina d’autre part. Ils naviguent entre la figure de l’artiste occidental et le mpanakanto, le faiseur de beau. Il s’agit donc d’analyser les stratégies établies par ces artistes pour tirer profit des ressources européennes et malgaches afin de faire carrière et d’inventer une identité artistique singulière.L’étude des processus qui conduisent au choix d’une telle carrière révèle les enjeux et besoins auxquels répond la peinture. Ces mêmes processus contribuent à définir les normes et les modèles que la jeune discipline adopte. L’histoire des peintres pose également la question de la place de l’art dans la société malgache, que ce soit sur le plan économique (marché de l’art) ou patrimonial ; le rôle qu’ils occupent leur permet de s’inscrire dans la société. Il s’agit également d’envisager les notions de groupe et d’individualité au sein d’un véritable « monde de l’art » [Becker ; 1988] caractérisé par des circulations régionales et transnationales intenses. Cette approche réticulaire autorise alors à réinscrire l’histoire de l’art malgache dans une perspective plus globaleThis dissertation proposes to analyze the processes at work in the making of the painter identity in the Malagasy society, between the 1880s (when Europeans settle in Antananarivo) and 1972 (end of the first Republic of Madagascar). Painting is a recent activity in Madagascar: introduced in 1826 by Europeans, its history is deeply connected to colonization. However, painting becomes, for the merina society, an issue of defining social hierarchies and identities. Neither colonial artists, nor traditional craftsmen, Malagasy painters need yet to conform themselves to the norms imposed by colonial cultural policies, on the one hand, and by the usages granted to art in the merina society, on the other hand. They proceed between incarnating the figure of the estern artist and being mpanakanto, maker of beauty. It is a matter of analyzing the strategies established by these artists to make the most of the European and Malagasy resources in order to have a career and invent their own artistic identity. The study of the processes leading to the choices of such a career reveals the stakes and needs to which paint answers. These same processes contribute to defining the norms and models that the young discipline adopts. The history of painters questions also the role of art in the Malagasy society, whether it is on an economical (art market) or patrimonial level; the function they serve allows them to fit in society. It is also a question of considering the notions of group and individuality within a genuine “art world” [Becker ; 1988] characterized by intense transnational and regional flows. Thus, this reticular approach authorizes to rethink Malagasy Art History as pertaining to a more global perspective
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Randrup, Claudia Moon. "Evaluating the Effects of Colonialism on Deforestation in Madagascar: A Social and Environmental History." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1277525774.
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Bauret, Lucie Anaïs. "How to settle in Madagascar? Towards a better understanding of the biogeographical history of the Malagasy ferns." Thesis, Paris 6, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA066464/document.
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Madagascar est une île continentale de l’Océan Indien, au large de l’Afrique. C’est également un point chaud de biodiversité, hébergeant plus de 12 000 espèces de plantes vasculaires, dont plus de 600 espèces de fougères caractérisées par un endémisme dépassant les 45%. L’Afrique continentale n’héberge en comparaison que 800 espèces. Comment peut-on expliquer une telle concentration de biodiversité à Madagascar ? Quelles sont les origines biogéographiques des fougères malgaches ? L’apport de nouvelles données et la littérature préexistante permettent de proposer ici des hypothèses sur l’histoire biogéographique des fougères de Madagascar. Quatre groupes de fougères ont fait l’objet d’une étude biogéographique : les sous-familles de fougères grammitides et blechnoides, les genres Rumohra et Lindsaea-Odontosoria, ainsi qu’un genre de lycophytes, Phlegmariurus, représentant un réplica dans une autre lignée de plantes vasculaires à spores. L’histoire biogéographique des lignées malgaches au sein de ces groupes a été reconstruite, à partir de phylogénies moléculaires mondiales complétées par les espèces malgaches, de datations moléculaires, ainsi que de l’estimation des aires ancestrales.Bien que Madagascar soit d’origine ancienne, gondwanienne, les résultats des analyses biogéographiques montrent que les fougères et les lycophytes auraient colonisé Madagascar après son isolement, durant le Cénozoïque (< 66 Ma), depuis les néotropiques (Amérique du Sud) l’Afrique et l’Asie tropicale (au sens large, incluant l’Asie continentale et le sud-est asiatique jusqu’en Australasie). En particulier, de nombreuses dispersions ont été observées à partir du Miocène (< 23 Ma). Ces résultats seraient expliqués par une combinaison d’événements au Cénozoïque (formation des forêts tropicales humides Malgaches, formation de courants éoliens permettant la dispersion par spores) et des préférences écologiques des fougères et des lycophytes pour les forêts tropicales humides d’altitude, s’étant formées à partir du Miocène dans les régions sourcesMadagascar is a continental island in the Indian Ocean, near African coasts. It is also a biodiversity hotspot, comprising more than 12,000 species of vascular plants and including more than 600 fern species with an endemism reaching the 45%. Comparatively, continental Africa comprises only 800 species. How can such a diversity be explained in Madagascar? What are the biogeographical origins of the Malagasy ferns? Thanks to new data combined to the literature, hypotheses on the biogeographical history of Malagasy ferns are here proposed.Four fern taxa were newly investigated: grammitid and blechnoid subfamilies, Rumohra and Lindsaea-Odontosoria, as well as Phlegmariurus, a genus of lycophytes considered as a phylogenetic replicate in another vascular spore-bearing plant lineage. The biogeographical history of the Malagasy lineages was inferred, based on worldwide molecular phylogenies completed by Malagasy species, molecular dating and ancestral area estimates.Despite its Gondwanian origin, ferns and lycophytes would have colonized Madagascar after its isolation, during the Cenozoic (< 66 Ma), from the Neotropics (South America), Africa and tropical Asia s.l. (meaning from continental Asia to Southeast Asia and Australasia). Dispersal events were especially inferred from the Miocene (< 23 Ma). These results could be explained by the combination of events during the Cenozoic (establishment of the Malagasy rainforests, onset of wind currents allowing spore dispersal) and ecological preferences of ferns and lycophytes for elevated tropical rainforests that have established from the Miocene in the source regions
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Regnier, Denis A. P. "Why not marry them? : history, essentialism and the condition of slave descendants among the southern Betsileo (Madagascar)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/362/.
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The thesis investigates the condition of slave descendants among the southern Betsileo of Madagascar. Unlike previous research, which has focused on the dependency of those slave descendants who stayed as share-croppers on their former masters’ land and on the discrimination against slave descent migrants, the present study focuses on a group of slave descendants, the Berosaiña, who own their land and have acquired autonomy and wealth. Based on fieldwork in a rural area south of Ambalavao, the thesis presents an ethnographic study of the ambivalent relations between the Berosaiña and their neighbours of free descent. It shows that the Berosaiña’s knowledge of local history and of their ancestor’s role in the region’s settlement is one of their key stakes in local politics, while the free descendants’ refusal to marry them is the most serious obstacle to their integration. A close study of slave descendants’ genealogies and of local marriage practices suggests that, although a few ‘unilateral’ marriages occurred, no ‘bilateral’ marriage between commoner descendants and the Berosaiña ever took place. After suggesting an explanation for the avoidance of marriage with the Berosaiña, the thesis proceeds by showing that the category ‘slaves’ is essentialized by commoner descendants. The essentialist construal of ‘slaves’, it is argued, is likely to have become entrenched only in the aftermath of the abolition of slavery, because the circumstances in which it occurred prevented a large number of freed slaves to be ritually cleansed and because a number of established cultural practices made it difficult for freed slaves to marry free people. Finally, the thesis analyses the peculiar predicament of the Berosaiña in light of the strict marriage avoidance observed by commoner descendants and of commoner descendants’ highly essentialized views about ‘slaves’.
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Al, Dabaghy Camille. "La fabrique transnationale d'une échelle de gouvernement : la commune à Madagascar et à Diégo-Suarez sous la Troisième République (1993-2010)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0183.
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Réformes de décentralisation, gestion de l’eau, gestion des ordures ménagères, voirie, marché, état civil… : sous la Troisième République, l’aide au développement a pris pour objet la plupart des politiques ou des services qui comptent dans le processus de la reconstruction de l’institution communale, introduite par l’administration coloniale à la fin du XIXe siècle mais supprimée entre 1973 et 1993. L’enquête porte sur cette transnationalisation croissante et conjuguée de la politique de décentralisation et de l’action publique communale dans les années 1990 et 2000. Sur la base de matériaux archivistiques et ethnographiques, elle réinscrit ce processus dans le temps moyen du gouvernement colonial, examine ses modalités récentes et interroge ses effets sur le double plan de la figure de l’institution communale et de la capacité politique des communes, telles qu’elles se dessinent au centre, pour l’ensemble des communes, et à Diégo-Suarez, pour une commune urbaine en particulier. La thèse d’abord décrit le travail de production de l’aide et de l’action publique aux interfaces toujours plus nombreuses et fragmentaires entre organisations d’aide et administrations domestiques. Elle montre que l’aide s’est inscrite dans la division interne du travail administratif et politique de gouvernement, que se sont arrimées les luttes entre acteurs de l’aide et acteurs publics malgaches et les luttes domestiques entre acteurs politico-administratifs malgaches pour la maîtrise de l’action publique, que ces luttes sont réglées par une grammaire partagée de la décision souveraine sous régime d’aide. L’enquête montre par ailleurs le jeu répété et démultiplié de l’aide s’est traduit par la prééminence acquise progressivement dans la reconstruction de la commune, à l’échelle nationale comme à l’échelle locale, par d’élites politico-administratives malgaches qui cumulent, diachroniquement ou symboliquement, des positions dans l’aide et des positions dans les administrations publiques. Ce sont des élites qui incarnent, légitiment et défendent la transnationalisation de l’action publique. Elle montre enfin que les édiles municipaux d’une ville comme Diégo-Suarez se sont bien engagées dans des stratégies de construction de leur capacité d’action sur la mise en dépendance à l’égard de l’aide. Mais que, si les interventions d’aide ont affecté la figure de l’institution communale, le fonctionnement même de l’organisation municipale, c’est sans accroître significativement sa capacité politique. Rien ne s’institutionnalise véritablement de l’accès des acteurs municipaux aux ressources qui leur permettraient de décider et d’agir en conséquenceDecentralization reforms, water management, household waste management, roads, markets, civil status, etc.: under the Third Republic, development aid focused on most of the policies or services that count in the process of rebuilding the municipal institution, introduced by the colonial administration at the end of the 19th century but abolished between 1973 and 1993. The survey focuses on this increasing and combined transnationalisation of decentralisation policy and municipal public action in the 1990s and 2000s. On the basis of archival and ethnographic materials, it re-establishes this process in the average time of the colonial government, examines its recent modalities and questions its effects on the dual level of the figure of the communal institution and the political capacity of the communes, as they appear in the centre, for all the communes, and in Diego Suarez, for a particular urban commune. The thesis first describes the work of aid production and public action at the increasingly numerous and fragmented interfaces between aid organisations and domestic administrations. It shows that aid has become part of the internal division of administrative and political work of government, that the struggles between Malagasy aid and public actors and the domestic struggles between Malagasy political and administrative actors for the control of public action have been established, that these struggles are regulated by a shared grammar of sovereign decision-making under the aid regime. The survey also shows that the repeated and multiplied play of aid has resulted in the pre-eminence gradually acquired in the reconstruction of the municipality, at both national and local level, by Malagasy political and administrative elites who cumulate, diachronically or symbolically, positions in aid and positions in public administrations. They are elites who embody, legitimize and defend the transnationalization of public action. Finally, it shows that the municipal councils of a city like Diego Suarez have been well engaged in strategies to build their capacity to act on aid dependency. But that, if the aid interventions have affected the figure of the communal institution, the very functioning of the municipal organization, it is without significantly increasing its political capacity. Nothing is truly institutionalized about the access of municipal actors to the resources that would allow them to decide and act accordingly
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Jollivet, Charly. "Archives, archivistique et logiques d'usage dans les territoires issus de la colonie de Madagascar de 1946 à nos jours." Thesis, Angers, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ANGE0077.
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Entre 1960 et 1975, à la faveur du processus de décolonisation, deux pays indépendants et un territoire resté français succèdent à l’ancienne colonie de Madagascar. La question de l’évolution des systèmes archivistiques dans cette zone, de leur éventuelle diversification et de leur actuel degré de maturité, est posée dans ce contexte. À Madagascar, aux Comores comme à Mayotte, de louables intentions en faveur des archives peinent à se concrétiser, notamment faute de crédits et de stabilité politique. Les appareils archivistiques échouent à préserver toutes les archives et la collecte porte principalement sur le central au détriment du local. Un public existe mais il demeure majoritairement composé de personnels administratifs et de particuliers dont le besoin documentaire se borne souvent à la consultation du Journal officiel. La réussite d’autres types de recherches se heurte à l’éparpillement des fonds et au manque d’outils de recherche. L’observation des logiques d’usage confirme la surreprésentation des usages administratifs, la faiblesse de la sollicitation généalogique et l’existence de stratégies de contournements des organismes de conservation officiels. À côté d’eux ou hors d’eux, des initiatives privées de sauvegarde et valorisation des archives existent. Elles prouvent l’intérêt qu’y porte une partie de la population, y compris expatriée. Au-delà de ces traits communs, trois destins archivistiques se distinguent : un système malgache encore en construction reposant sur des Archives nationales déjà fortes ; une normalisation progressive à Mayotte sur un modèle départemental ; la faillite du modèle comorien qui bloque tout développement archivistiqueBetween 1960 and 1975, thanks to the decolonization process, two independent countries and one remaining French territory succeeded the former colony of Madagascar. The question of the evolution of the archival systems in this area, their potential diversification as well as their current maturity, is raised in this context. In Madagascar, in the Comoros as in Mayotte, the creation of archives has not materialized yet and still remains a commendable intention, which results from a lack of funding and because of political instability. Archival organizations fail to preserve all archives and collection focuses on the central level at the expense of the local one. A demand for them exists, but those who show an interest are largely composed of administrative staff and individuals whose documentary needs are often limited to consulting the Official Journal. The success of other research approaches is limited because of the scattering of funds and lack of research tools. Observations of user behaviors confirm the overrepresentation of administrative staff, the weak genealogical research and the existence of circumvention strategies of official conservation organizations. Beside them or out of them, private initiatives of backup and valorization of archives exist. They prove that a part of the population is interested in it, including expatriates. Beyond these common features, three archival destinies stand out : a Madagascan system still under construction based on already strong National Archives ; a gradual normalization in Mayotte on a departmental model; the failure of the Comorian model which hampers all archival development
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Rice, Stian A. "Food System Reorganization and Vulnerability to Crisis: A Structural Analysis of Famine Genesis." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent152412897525638.
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Ravonjiarisoa, Alice Marie Linah. "Les dictionnaires bilingues malgaches dès origines jusqu’à la fin du XIXe siècle : étude historique et métalexicographique." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021INAL0005.
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L'histoire de la lexicographie malgache commence en 1603, date de parution du dictionnaire plurilingue du marchand navigateur Frederick de Houtman et se poursuit jusqu'au XXIe siècle marqué par la sortie en 2019 d'un dictionnaire scolaire bilingue destiné aux écoliers et collégiens malgaches. Les études sur l’histoire des dictionnaires malgaches sont assez récentes [J. Dez (1958, 1979, 1991) ; F. Raison Jourde (1977) ; N. Rajaonarimanana (2000)]. Dans le prolongement de ces derniers travaux, cette thèse porte sur l'histoire culturelle et intellectuelle des premiers répertoires lexicographiques (1603-1773) et des dictionnaires bilingues-imprimés ou manuscrits produits tout au long du XIXe siècle (1816-1899) peu connus et peu étudiés. Elle est divisée en trois parties. La première est consacrée à l’analyse des ouvrages fondateurs de Houtman (1603), de Flacourt (1658), de Drury (1729), de Challan (1773) et de Froberville (1816), témoins historiques de la langue malgache. La deuxième aborde la naissance de la lexicographie moderne malgache (1818-1835) avec l’analyse historique et métalexicographique du premier dictionnaire bidirectionnel de Johns et Freeman (1835). La troisième a pour objet la typologie et l’étude formelle (macrostructure et microstructure) des dictionnaires du XIXe siècle. Cette étude vise à replacer chaque ouvrage lexicographique dans son contexte de production, d'un point de vue historique, culturel et linguistiqueThe history of the Malagasy lexicography begins in 1603, with the publication of the plurilingual dictionary of Frederick de Houtman, a merchant navigator. It continued until the 21st century when in 2019, a bilingual and bidirectional school dictionary for Malagasy school and college students was published. Studies on the history of Malagasy dictionaries are rather recent [J. Dez (1958, 1979, 1991) ; F. Raison Jourde (1977) ; N. Rajaonarimanana (2000)]. As an extension of these works, this thesis deals with the cultural and intellectual history of the first lexicographical repertoires (1603-1773) and the bilingual-printed or manuscript dictionaries produced throughout the 19th century (1816-1896) which are not very well-known and little studied. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first focalises on historical witnesses of the Malagasy language with the analysis of the founding works of Houtman (1603), Flacourt (1658), Drury (1729), Challan (1773)and Froberville (1816). The second part deals with the birth of modern Malagasy lexicography (1818-1835) and historical and metalexicographical analyses of the first bidirectional dictionary of Johns and Freeman (1835). The final part focuses on the typology and the formal study (macrostructure and microstructure) of the 19th century dictionaries. This study aims at placing each lexicographical work in the context of its production from a historical, cultural and linguistic point of view
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Rakotondrabe, Modeste. "L'inculturation du christianisme a madagascar : histoire et perspectives." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987STR20060.
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L'indigenisation du christianisme a laquelle veut s'attacher resolument l'eglise malgache depuis le synode national de 1975, n'etait-elle pas deja la preoccupation des premiers missionnaires ? l'inculturation du christianisme en general, dont on parle tant aujourd'hui, est-elle une realite aussi nouvelle que d'aucuns ont tendance a le croire ? le fait meme d'implanter l'eglise en un lieu n'est-il pas deja une maniere d'inculturation ? l'objet essentiel du present travail est d'etudier, dans l'histoire de l'eglise qui est a madagascar, les aspects les plus significatifs du processus d'inculturation de la foi, depuis les premiers contacts prolonges du christianisme avec la culture malgache, au dix-septieme siecle, jusqu'a nos joursWas not the integration of christianity, which the malagasy church has been set upon realizing since the national synod of 1975, already the preoccupation of the first missionaries ? is the inculturation which people discuss frequently nowadays, as new as some believe it to be ? is not establishment of the church in any place, already a way of inculturation ? this work intends to study, in the history of madagascar's church, the most significant aspects of the process of the inculturation of faith since the first prolonged contacts of christianity with malagasy culture, in the 17th century, until our days
Books on the topic "Madagascar – History"
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1953-, Ellis Stephen, ed. Madagascar: A short history. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
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Phillip, Kottak Conrad, and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Symposium, eds. Madagascar: Society and history. Durham, N.C: Carolina Academic Press, 1986.
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Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Woman's Presbyterian Board of Missions of the Northwest, ed. Madagascar. Chicago: Woman's Presbyterian Board of Missions of the Northwest, 1986.
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Auguste, Benyowsky Maurice. Madagascar. Edited by Serdián Miklós György 1954-. Budapest, Hungary: Editio plurilingua, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Madagascar – History"
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Wake, Clive. "Madagascar." In Comparative History of Literatures in European Languages, 141–51. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/chlel.vi.14wak.
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Regnier, Denis. "Three lenses: ethnography, history and cognition." In Slavery and Essentialism in Highland Madagascar, 16–26. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: London school of economics monographs on social anthropology: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003086697-2.
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Roberts, Stephen H. "Madagascar." In The History of French Colonial Policy 1870–1925, 375–419. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429057502-10.
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Randrianarivony, T. N., N. H. Rakotoarivelo, and F. Rakotoarivony. "ETHNOBOTANY OF MADAGASCAR." In The New Natural History of Madagascar, 231–38. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2ks6tbb.34.
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Goodman, S. M., B. Ramasindrazana, and M. C. Schoeman. "BATS OF MADAGASCAR." In The New Natural History of Madagascar, 1894–911. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2ks6tbb.263.
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Zięba, Albert. "Tajemnice malgaskiego pisma sorabe." In Jedność z różnorodności. Zbiór studiów nad różnymi aspektami dziejów Afryki, 49–58. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556565.pp.49-58.
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Sorabe is a unique system of writing based on the Arabic alphabet, adapted to the specific needs of the Malagasy language. The author, who is a collector of historic artefacts from Madagascar based permanently in the country, tries to shed some light on the mysteries of the sorabe manuscripts, their history and importance for Madagascar’s culture.
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"Hanes Madagascar Index." In David Griffiths and the Missionary "History of Madagascar", 1057–75. BRILL, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004195189_058.
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Jury, M. R. "THE CLIMATE OF MADAGASCAR." In The New Natural History of Madagascar, 91–98. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2ks6tbb.18.
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Jones, J. P. G., O. S. Rakotonarivo, and J. H. Razafimanahaka. "FOREST CONSERVATION ON MADAGASCAR:." In The New Natural History of Madagascar, 2130–40. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2ks6tbb.304.
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Farris, Z. J., B. D. Gerber, A. Murphy, and E. Wampole. "CAMERA TRAPPING ON MADAGASCAR." In The New Natural History of Madagascar, 1806–11. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2ks6tbb.249.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Madagascar – History"
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Milsom, John, Phil Roach, Chris Toland, Don Riaroh, Chris Budden, and Naoildine Houmadi. "Comoros – New Evidence and Arguments for Continental Crust." In SPE/AAPG Africa Energy and Technology Conference. SPE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/afrc-2572434-ms.
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ABSTRACT As part of an ongoing exploration effort, approximately 4000 line-km of seismic data have recently been acquired and interpreted within the Comoros Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Magnetic and gravity values were recorded along the seismic lines and have been integrated with pre-existing regional data. The combined data sets provide new constraints on the nature of the crust beneath the West Somali Basin (WSB), which was created when Africa broke away from Gondwanaland and began to move north. Despite the absence of clear sea-floor spreading magnetic anomalies or gravity anomalies defining a fracture zone pattern, the crust beneath the WSB has been generally assumed to be oceanic, based largely on regional reconstructions. However, inappropriate use of regional magnetic data has led to conclusions being drawn that are not supported by evidence. The identification of the exact location of the continent-ocean boundary (COB) is less simple than would at first sight appear and, in particular, recent studies have cast doubt on a direct correlation between the COB and the Davie Fracture Zone (DFZ). The new high-quality reflection seismic data have imaged fault patterns east of the DFZ more consistent with extended continental crust, and the accompanying gravity and magnetic surveys have shown that the crust in this area is considerably thicker than normal oceanic and that linear magnetic anomalies typical of sea-floor spreading are absent. Rifting in the basin was probably initiated in Karoo times but the generation of new oceanic crust may have been delayed until about 154 Ma, when there was a switch in extension direction from NW-SE to N-S. From then until about 120 Ma relative movement between Africa and Madagascar was accommodated by extension in the West Somali and Mozambique basins and transform motion along the DFZ that linked them. A new understanding of the WSB can be achieved by taking note of newly-emerging concepts and new data from adjacent areas. The better-studied Mozambique Basin, where comprehensive recent surveys have revealed an unexpectedly complex spreading history, may provide important analogues for some stages in WSB evolution. At the same time the importance of wide continent-ocean transition zones marked by the presence of hyper-extended continental crust has become widely recognised. We make use of these new insights in explaining the anomalous results from the southern WSB and in assessing the prospectivity of the Comoros EEZ.