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Journal articles on the topic 'Magistrat romain'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Kołodko, Piotr. "UWAGI NA TEMAT ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚCI ‘MAGISTRATUS POPULI ROMANI’ W ŚWIETLE PRAWA PRYWATNEGO ORAZ PRAWA PUBLICZNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 3 (2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.3.06.

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SOME REMARKS ON THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE MAGISTRATUS POPULI ROMANI IN THE LIGHT OF PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LAWSummaryThe article presents the immunity process for the magistratus populi Romani on the grounds of ius privatum and ius publicum. In view of the source material which has been preserved this subject is generally discussed in terms of the magistratus maiores and magistratus minores (senior and junior magistrates). I show that under private law senior magistrates, who were vested with imperium, were protected against in ius vocatio summons during their term in office. On the other hand, th

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Kulhavy, Gabriela. "André-Jean Boucher d’Argis, Lettres d’un magistrat de Paris à un magistrat de province sur le droit romain et la manière dont on l’enseigne en France. Con una nota di lettura di Witold Wolodkiewicz." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 102, no. 1 (1985): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.1985.102.1.421a.

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Koptev, Aleksandr. "THE FIVE-DAY INTERREGNUM IN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (2016): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881600032x.

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In the Roman Republic, in the case of the death of both consuls or a situation which made it impossible to proceed with the election of their successors, the Senate would decide to establish an interregnum. For that the senators chose several persons of patrician dignity from among their midst, and awarded them the auspices and the signs of magisterial power. The interreges had the task of preparing for the elections of new consuls and hold the electoral assembly. Although the interreges had been chosen by the Senate, rather than elected by the People, and were in power for a short period, the

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Roth, Ulrike. "WAS CAMILLUS RIGHT? ROMAN HISTORY AND NARRATOLOGICAL STRATEGY IN LIVY 5.49.2." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 212–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000385.

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This article deals with one particular aspect of Livy's narrative of the Gallic Sack of Rome, told in Book 5, and traditionally placed in 390 b.c.—namely the issue over the validity of the ransom agreement struck by the Romans with the Gauls. The broader context is well known—and needs only brief reiteration here. When the Gauls march on Rome, the Romans give battle at the river Allia, leading to a resounding Gallic victory. Most of the Romans flee the battlefield and then the city, except for a small group of both old and young, male and female, who hold out on the Capitoline Hill. That hill

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Tellegen-Couperus, Olga. "Pontiff, praetor, and iurisdictio in the Roman republic." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 74, no. 1-2 (2006): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181906776931162.

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AbstractIt is generally assumed that from 367 BC the praetor was charged with iurisdictio, i.e. the supervision of civil litigation, and that, before that time, this task was performed by some other magistrate. Pontiffs were legal experts who served as advisers. However, new research has shown that the praetor originally had military duties and that it was only around 200 BC that he became involved in administering the law. In this paper the author suggests that, up to 200 BC, it was the College of Pontiffs which was responsible for supervising civil litigation. Mitchell put forward a similar

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Lanfranchi, Thibaud. "Edicts and Decrees during the Republic: A Reappraisal." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 136, no. 1 (2019): 47–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2019-0004.

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Abstract In this paper, edicts and decrees are examined from the perspective of their meaning and their relations. After a brief overview of the literature, this article aims at setting out the difference between edicts and decrees and its evolution during the Roman Republic, mainly focusing on Latin sources. As Praetors' edicts and decrees are rather wellknown, this article focuses on edicts and decrees by other magistrates and in literary sources. Edictum appears to be originally a kind of order, decided by the sole magistrate and linked to his coercitio, whereas decretum is a collective dec

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Luciani, Franco. "PUBLIC SLAVES IN ROME: ‘PRIVILEGED’ OR NOT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 368–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000506.

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In the Roman world, slavery played a crucial role. Besides private slaves, owned by individual masters, and—from the beginning of the Principate—imperial slaves, who were the property of the emperors, there were also the so-called public slaves: non-free individuals who were owned by a community, such as the Roman people as a whole in Rome (serui publici populi Romani), or the citizen body of a colony or a municipium in Italy or in the provinces (serui ciuitatum). Public slaves in Rome were employed for numerous public services and acted under the authority of the Senate as assistants to publi

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8

Lauxerois, Roger. "Un nouveau magistrat de la colonie romaine de Vienne." Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise 33, no. 1 (2000): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ran.2000.1547.

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9

Spaar, Sherill L., and Leonard A. Curchin. "The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain." Classical World 85, no. 2 (1991): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351040.

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10

Van haeperen, Françoise. "Auspices d’investiture, loi curiate et légitimité des magistrats romains." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 23, no. 1 (2012): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2012.1770.

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11

Bernard, Seth G., Cynthia Damon, and Campbell Grey. "Rhetorics of Land and Power in the Polla Inscription (CIL I2 638)." Mnemosyne 67, no. 6 (2014): 953–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12301416.

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The famous inscription from Polla reporting a Roman magistrate’s management of problems and opportunities in Italian and provincial contexts is a perennial tease: its information is rich but contradictory. In this paper we accept a second centurybcedate for the inscription and the events it reports but leave the much discussed question of the dedicator’s identity aside in order to focus on the inscription’s rhetoric: by looking at the grounds on which the magistrate claims the esteem of his audience, rather than at how the information he provides ‘is consistent with’ some other set of facts, b

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12

Elsner, John. "Cult and Sculpture: Sacrifice in the Ara Pacis Augustae." Journal of Roman Studies 81 (November 1991): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300488.

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On 30 January 9 B.C., two thousand years ago this year, the Senate dedicated the Ara Pacis Augustae. This paper celebrates that anniversary by putting forward a new interpretation of the altar's significance. Rather than focusing on a discussion of iconography or the identification of individuals portrayed on the altar, I shall explore the sacrificial implications of what was, after all, an important site for sacrificial cult in Rome. We may note that the earliest Roman accounts of the Ara Pacis both emphasize sacrificial rite. In the Res Gestae, Augustus comments (12.2):Cum ex Hispania Gallia

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Adamo, Mario. "THE LAPIS POLLAE: DATE AND CONTEXTS." Papers of the British School at Rome 84 (September 20, 2016): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246216000027.

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The article discusses the date, content and historical context of the lapis Pollae, a Latin inscription set alongside the road from Capua to Regium, recording the distance to various places and listing the achievements of an unknown Roman magistrate. Comparison with a milestone associated with the same road prompts a dating earlier than 131 bc, and internal evidence suggests a date prior to the Servile Wars, which broke out around 138 bc. It is further argued that by listing his achievements the magistrate was attempting to secure the political support of the colonial elites of Lucania. The ar

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Salway, Benet. "What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300873.

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Perusal of over a thousand years of the fasti of the Romans' eponymous magistracy is sufficient to demonstrate that Roman onomastic practice did not stand still. Why, then, is there a tendency to see the system of three names (tria nomina, i.e. praenomen, nomen gentilicium, and cognomen) as the perfection and culmination of the Roman naming system rather than as a transitory stage in an evolutionary process? The simple answer is probably that usage of the tria nomina happens to be typical of the best documented class in one of the best documented, and certainly most studied, eras of Roman hist

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15

McCORMICK, JOHN P. "Contain the Wealthy and Patrol the Magistrates: Restoring Elite Accountability to Popular Government." American Political Science Review 100, no. 2 (2006): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062071.

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Modern republics neglect to establish formal institutions that prevent wealthy citizens from exerting excessive political influence and they abandon extra-electoral techniques traditionally employed to keep office-holders accountable. Inspired by Guicciardini's and Machiavelli's reflections on the Roman, Venetian, and Florentine constitutions, this article highlights three forgotten practices that facilitate popular control ofbotheconomic and political elites: magistrate appointment procedures combining lottery and election, offices or assemblies excluding the wealthy from eligibility, and pol

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Loska, Elżbieta. "Rola konsula i pretora w procesie legislacyjnym okresu republiki." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 2 (2016): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1554.

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The purpose of this article is to show the key role of co-operation between magistrates and people’s assemblies in the law-making process in the Roman Republic. The paper defines also the basic concepts related to the legislation.

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17

Barnes, T. D., T. Robert S. Broughton, Michel Christol, and Marie-Therese Raepsaet-Charlier. "The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, Volume 3: Supplement." Phoenix 41, no. 4 (1987): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088719.

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18

Steinhauer, George. "Unpublished lists of gerontes and magistrates of Roman Sparta." Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (November 1998): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400003555.

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Fourteen unpublished inscriptions from Sparta are discussed in this article. They were found in 1950–1980 by the Fifth Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities and date from the Roman period, first century BC—second century AD. Eight of the inscriptions are lists of gerontes.

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Palmer, Robert E. A., and T. R. S. Broughton. "The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, Vol. III: Supplement." American Journal of Philology 109, no. 4 (1988): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295089.

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20

Cohen, Elizabeth S., and Thomas V. Cohen. "Camilla the go-between: the politics of gender in a Roman household (1559)." Continuity and Change 4, no. 1 (1989): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000003593.

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A partir des témoignages devant un magistrat de la cour papale, instruisant un cas de proxénétisme, nous pouvons dénouer les fils d'une intrigue amoureuse et domestique. Cette affaire oppose un mari brutal et jaloux à la frêle coalition d'une épouse adultère et de sa servante qui connive avec elle. Une lecture serreé des textes – les évènements domestiques et les termes employés pour les décrire – permet de reconstituer les stratégies des trois antagonistes. De l'interaction des intérêts personnels et des responsabilités de chacun d'eux, de l'éthique sociale et des structures légates naît une

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21

ZARECKI, JONATHAN. "The Cypriot Exemption from Evocatio and the Character of Cicero's Proconsulship." Greece and Rome 59, no. 1 (2012): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000234.

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Q. Volusium, tui Tiberi generum, certum hominem et mirifice abstinentem, misi in Cyprum ut ibi pauculos dies esset, ne cives Romani pauci qui illic negotiantur ius sibi dictum negarent; nam evocari ex insula Cyprios non licet. (Cic. Att. 5.21.6)I sent Quintus Volusius, the son-in-law of your friend Tiberius, a man both trustworthy and extraordinarily moderate, to Cyprus for only a couple of days, lest the few Roman citizens who do business there should claim that they had no legal recourse available to them, since it is not permitted for Cypriots to be summoned off the island.Scholars have tak

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22

TUORI, KAIUS. "GREEK TYRANNY AND ROMAN EMPERORS DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD: A CASE STUDY OF P. COL. 123 AND SEG XVII 759." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, no. 2 (2012): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.00046.x.

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Abstract Greek and Hellenistic models were central to the formulation of the position and capabilities in law of the Roman Emperor during the Principate. The purpose of this article is to argue that the ideological response to Greek tyranny by Roman authors and the impact of the narrative tradition on tyrants both influenced what the Emperors could do and what was expected of them. Through the narrative tradition which existed on tyranny in the ancient world, Roman Emperors were presented with modes of behaviour on how the interplay and the relationship between the ruler and the ruled took pla

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23

Strubbe, Johan. "Young Magistrates in the Greek East." Mnemosyne 58, no. 1 (2005): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525053420770.

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AbstractThis article challenges the current view that young men (before the age of 22 or 25) institutionally participated in the government of their cities in the Greek East during the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. First, the laws and Imperial edicts concerning the age of officeholders (magistrates and liturgists) in the East are presented. Then the inscriptions mentioning young officeholders are critically examined and discussed; only thirteen cases are recorded with certainty. In the conclusion it is argued that office holding by children and young men was not a structural phenomen

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24

Spawforth, A. J. S. "Excavations at Sparta: the Roman stoa, 1988–91. The inscriptions." Annual of the British School at Athens 89 (November 1994): 433–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015471.

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Nineteen Greek inscriptions from the recent excavations at the Roman stoa and Roman theatre at Sparta are published. They include two honorific inscriptions of imperial date, one for a previously unknown Octavia Agis, ‘descendant of the founder gods of the city Heracles and Lycurgus’, and at least four fragments from Romanperiod lists of civic magistrates. Two of these were found in situ and reveal that the proedria of the theatre, as well as the orchestra drain and east parodos, were inscribed with documents of this type.

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Gabarashvili, G. D. "SPECIFICS OF THE LEGISLATIVE SYSTEM IN THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR HADRIAN." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 31, no. 1 (2021): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2021-31-1-138-143.

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The reign of Hadrian (117-138 A.D.) is characterized by important changes in the legal system. This article examines the activities of Hadrian and his lawyers concerning the systematization of the edicts of the praetors and preparation of Edictum perpetuum, a key source for the further development of not only Roman, but also world law. In particular, extracts from the works of Salvius Julianus, Hadrian's leading lawyer, were included in Justinian's Digests. Hadrian's attempts to centralize legislative power in the hands of the Princeps are noted, on the one hand, and the weakening of the influ

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Kamińska, Renata. "KONTROWERSJE WOKÓŁ URZĘDÓW I URZĘDNIKÓW MIASTA RZYMU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 15, no. 3 (2016): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2015.15.3.10.

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CONTROVERSIES CONCERNING THE OFFICES ANDMAGISTRATES OF THE CITY OF ROMESummaryThe offices of the curatores were one of the most characteristic elements of public administration during the Principate. Their originsgo back to the Republic, when the magistrates responsible for administration and supervision in the city of Rome were the aediles andcensors. Augustus, the first emperor, institutionalised the offices of thecuratores responsible for particular sectors of the urban administration.The powers and careers of some of the Roman magistrates have beendescribed by Katarzyna Kapłoniak in her bo

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Revell, Louise. "The Roman life course: a view from the inscriptions." European Journal of Archaeology 8, no. 1 (2005): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957105058209.

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Epitaphs inscribed on stone record biographical information about the deceased, and in certain cases, the age at death. However, it has been demonstrated that these ages on Roman epitaphs are not an accurate reflection of the demographics of death, but are subject to cultural bias. Using the idea of the ‘life course’, this article explores these cultural biases and their relationship to age and gender structures. Material from Italy suggests that these are tied into ideologies of gender, with adulthood defined by the transition to magistrate for men and wife for women. Material from other area

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Gridin, S. I. "Administrative proceedings in Roman law." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 6 (September 25, 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2021.82.6.133-144.

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The article deals with the issues of administrative proceedings in Roman law. Its beginning was laid in the 5th century BC by the laws of ХII tables. They briefly deal with the issues of legal proceedings, which at that time was called court agreement. Free citizens gathered at the forum (city square), where the plaintiff presented claims to the defendant. In Roman law, the rule was established to make claims through claims, which the magistrate (praetor) had to support. The judges were elected by the people. Gradually, the praetors changed the formulas of claims, which contributed to the deve

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Armstrong, Jeremy. "The Consulship of 367bcand the Evolution of Roman Military Authority." Antichthon 51 (2017): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.9.

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AbstractA tension exists within the literary sources for early Rome, between the supposedly static nature of military authority, embodied by the grant ofimperiumwhich was allegedly shared both by archaicregesand republican magistrates, and the evidence for change within Rome’s military hierarchy, with the early republican army being commanded by a succession of different magistrates including the archaicpraetores, the so-called ‘consular tribunes,’ and the finally the consuls and praetors of the mid-fourth centuryBC. The differences between the magistracies and the motivations driving the evol

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Coles, Amanda Jo. "Roman Colonies in Republic and Empire." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340007.

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Abstract The Romans founded colonies throughout Italy and the provinces from the early Republic through the high Empire. Far from being mere ‘bulwarks of empire,’ these colonies were established by diverse groups or magistrates for a range of reasons that responded to the cultural and political problems faced by the contemporary Roman state and populace. This project traces the diachronic changes in colonial foundation practices by contextualizing the literary, epigraphic, archaeological, and numismatic evidence with the overall perspective that evidence from one period of colonization should

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Alarcão, Jorge de. "[Recensão a] Leonard A. CURCHIN, The local magistrates of Roman Spain." Conimbriga: Revista de Arqueologia 29 (1990): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8657_29_11.

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Алексей Мартемьянов, Алексей. "Veterans of the Roman army – magistrates and priests in Lower Moesia." Res Historica 38 (July 24, 2015): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2014.0.11.

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Kaizer, Ted. "Capital punishment at Hatra: Gods, magistrates and laws in the Roman-Parthian period." Iraq 68 (2006): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001224.

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This paper deals with gods, magistrates and laws. It centres on one example from the Roman-Parthian period. Its title derives from five Hatrean Aramaic inscriptions which record legal statements on capital punishment at Hatra, a city in the steppe of northern Mesopotamia that came to flourish suddenly (and briefly) in the second and early third century AD. I will argue that the information in these inscriptions about the divine world, institutional aspects and legislation can contribute to our understanding of the interaction of various cultural spheres of influence at Hatra. As such, this inf

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Glass, Dorothy F. "Magistri doctissimi Romani: Die römischen Marmorkünstler des Mittelalters. Peter Cornelius Claussen." Speculum 64, no. 2 (1989): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2851958.

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Pina Polo, Francisco. "Magistrates without Pedigree: TheConsules Suffectiof the Triumviral Age." Journal of Roman Studies 108 (May 7, 2018): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435818000278.

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AbstractThe use of the suffect consulship began to change with Caesar in 45b.c., after a number of decades in which no suffect consul had been elected. The office altered dramatically during the triumviral period. The triumvirs openly made use of the suffect consulship as a means of rewarding loyalty. Many of the suffect consuls, who were no longer elected by the people, but designated in advance by the triumvirs, werehomines noviwho belonged to previously unknown and insignificant Roman or Italian families. Increasing the number of consuls each year eliminatedde factothe traditional annuality

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Churchill, J. Bradford. "Ex qua quod vellent facerent: Roman Magistrates' Authority over Praeda and Manubiae." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 129 (1999): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284425.

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Rodger, Alan. "The Lex Irnitana and Procedure in the Civil Courts." Journal of Roman Studies 81 (November 1991): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300490.

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The procedural rules of civil courts stimulate interest among few except the lawyers who practise in them. The procedures of the courts of the Roman world may therefore not seem an enticing topic. But procedure lies at the heart of any legal system and the Roman legal system is no exception. So when the discovery of the Lex Irnitana brought us fresh material about the jurisdiction and procedure of the local magistrates and courts at Irni, it added greatly to our understanding of one of the central institutions of the first-century Roman world. But the information is not always easy to interpre

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Lloris, Francisco Beltrán. "An Irrigation Decree from Roman Spain: The Lex Rivi Hiberiensis." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 147–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016242.

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The article presents an edition of and commentary on a Latin bronze inscription (152 lines long) from the time of Hadrian, found at Agón, near Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza), in ancient Hispania Citerior. The inscription contains a set of regulations (lex riui Hiberiensis) governing an irrigation community consisting of rural districts (pagi) from two different cities (Caesaraugusta and Cascantum) which shared a canal, the riuus Hiberiensis. The lex was produced in accordance with an agreement of the pagani after the intervention of the provincial governor [—Fun]ndanus Augustanus Alpinus. It provide

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Seyfrid, Brigitte. "Polyphonie, plurilinguisme et vision carnavalesque du monde dans D’Amour, P.Q. de Jacques Godbout." Études 21, no. 3 (2006): 544–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/201263ar.

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Résumé D'Amour, P. Q., qui pose directement la question de la production et de la réception du texte littéraire, continue de susciter l'intérêt du lectorat. La critique a d'abord été sensible aux aspects idéologiques de ce roman godboutien, écrit dans la foulée des événements d'octobre 1970. Notre relecture, qui s'appuie sur la théorie bakhtinienne, propose quant à elle de dégager l'esthétique du choc et de l'éclatement qui caractérise cette oeuvre. Si, quelque vingt ans après sa première publication, D'Amour, P. Q. retient toujours l'attention du lecteur; c'est parce qu'il s'agit fondamentale

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Kamińska, Renata. "OCHRONA DRÓG PUBLICZNYCH PRZEZ URZĘDNIKÓW RZYMSKICH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 8, no. 2 (2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2008.8.2.04.

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Roman Magistrates’ Activity in Protection of the Public RoadsSummaryThe article treats of the competences of the Roman magistrates responsible for the public roads. In the Republic the public roads, buildings, sewers and drains were the responsibility of the aediles and censors. They were helped by the quattuorviri viis in urbe purgandis and the duumviri viis extra urbem purgandis from some unknown date (probably Caesarian). The former were appointed only to the streets and roads in Rome, the latter outside the walls of the City. Occasionally, special commissioners were appointed.In the early

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Smith, Christopher. "Ayelet Haimson Lushkov: Magistracy and the Historiography of the Roman Republic.Politics in Prose." Gnomon 89, no. 4 (2017): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2017-4-340.

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Doerfler, Maria E. "The Holy Man in the Courts of Rome." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 2 (2019): 192–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.2.192.

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Scholars of Late Antiquity have long recognized that bishops played an influential role in the formation and execution of Roman law. Such was the case even in the Syrian realm, traditionally considered the exotic hinterland of the Roman Empire. Fifth- and sixth-century sources, such as the Syro-Roman Lawbook, early exemplars of canon legislation, and homilies and hagiographic narratives, point to a considerable preoccupation with matters of law and justice for Syrian clergy. This article examines a particularly well-attested slice of this data surrounding Rabbula, the fifth-century bishop of E

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Ciccone, S., A. Di Leo, and M. Tallini. "Groundwater exploitation for public and private uses in the towns of the Roman province: the emblematic example of Formia (Latium adiectum: central Italy)." Water Supply 10, no. 3 (2010): 394–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2010.108.

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Formia was a Roman municipality (central Italy) and one of the Roman notables' favourite holiday destinations from the 2nd century B.C. to the 1st century A.C. The town was also a strategic hub for sea and land trade and drew its strength from its geographic position, climate and abundance of spring waters near the sea. This wealth of freshwater, managed by special magistrates (curator aquarum), had multiple public and private uses: (i) intake structures (draining tunnels, cistern and an octagonal hall/musaeum/nymphaeum which may have been used as a model for the most famous octagonal hall of

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Ridley, Ronald T. "‘A fanatical yet rational devotion’ Augustus and the Legions." Antichthon 39 (2005): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001556.

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There is surely no one any more who requires convincing that the basis of the Augustan principate was the control of the legions. Augustus may have paraded his tribunician power and played down his potestas as a magistrate, but the Res Gestae is above all else the record of the generalissimo in control of the entire military resources of the empire. That control remained almost unchallenged for forty-four years.William Harris brilliantly demonstrated that under the Republic military glory was the preeminent virtue of Roman politicians. The state was now in the control of one man, but nothing h

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Long, Pamela O. "Hydraulic Engineering and the Study of Antiquity: Rome, 1557–70*." Renaissance Quarterly 61, no. 4 (2008): 1098–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0320.

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This article investigates the relationships between hydraulic engineering and antiquarian studies in Rome in the long decade between the devastating Tiber River flood of 1557 and the completion of the repair of an ancient aqueduct, the Acqua Vergine, in 1570. The essay focuses on the physician Andrea Bacci (1524–1600), the engineer Antonio Trevisi (d. 1566), the jurist and Roman magistrate Luca Peto (1512–81), and the antiquarian Pirro Ligorio (ca. 1510–83). These individuals from both learned and practical backgrounds approached urgent problems of hydraulic engineering by studying ancient tex

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Landrea, Cyrielle. "Ayelet H. Lushkov, Magistracy and the Historiography of the Roman Republic. Politics in Prose." Anabases, no. 26 (November 1, 2017): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.6264.

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Andrade, Nathanael. "Local authority and civic Hellenism: Tarcondimotus, Hierapolis-Castabala and the cult of Perasia." Anatolian Studies 61 (December 2011): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008802.

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AbstractIn the mid first century BC, a dynast named Tarcondimotus asserted his authority over parts of Smooth Cilicia. Tarcondimotus' successful accommodation of the differing expectations of Roman magistrates, local Greeks and Cilicians was connected to his patronage of the Greekpolisof Hierapolis-Castabala. Through such patronage, he collaborated with municipal elites to interweave Greek and local traditions into the city's culture and cult in ways that produced innovative expressions of civic Hellenism. Likewise, while Hierapolis-Castabala was under Tarcondimotus' protection, its cult to th

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Schiffman, Zachary Sayre. "An Anatomy of the Historical Revolution in Renaissance France*." Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 507–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862081.

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In his Dessein de l'histoire nouvelle des françois, Lancelot Voisin de La Popelinière offered a blueprint for a French history of broader range and deeper reach than any previous effort. He divided his proposed work into three parts: pre-Roman Gaul, Roman Gaul, and the kingdom of France from the Merovingians to the present. Part one would concern “the form of government, public and private, of the Gauls living in liberty before the Romans had envied, undermined, and eventually seized their dominion.” It would detail their religion (its priests and rituals), their nobility (its composition, pri

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Delgado Delgado, José Antonio. "Caput in iecore non fuit. La ‘cabeza’ de los cónsules por la salvación de la República." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 14 (May 16, 2018): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3987.

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Resumen: Los dioses de Roma eran tenidos por los romanos como sus conciudadanos y sus intereses se identificaban plena y totalmente con los de la ciudad. A ellos les correspondía el papel de guías y consejeros de las acciones de los hombres, particularmente de los hombres de estado. Cuando la guerra alteraba el curso natural de la vida cívica y amenazaba la paz social, las divinidades tomaban las riendas de la situación previniendo a los romanos de las grandes y graves calamidades que se avecinaban y advirtiendo de los esfuerzos extraordinarios que habrían de hacer para acometerlas y minimizar

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Buzykina, I. N. "Roman Virtues in the Christian Context of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 3 (2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-62-75.

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The topic of this paper is the continuity of major religious, moral and ethical concepts of Roman culture in following periods. These are the virtues of the citizen, namely virtus, fides and pietas — which distinguish the Roman citizen as a brave warrior, honest magistrate and pious pater familias. The central one was the duty to the City. Some traces of this tradition can be observed in the most influental sources of the Christian Patristic period, although the very intention of morals has changed: res publica, a common/communal duty, was replaced by the adoration of God. With the view to a r

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