Academic literature on the topic 'Mai 1968 - influence exercée'

Précis Si, aux yeux des rares Français qui la visitèrent durant les années 1960, la Hochschule für Gestaltung d'Ulm s'affirma comme un lieu d'étude exemplaire, le climat régnant au sein de cette prestigieuse école de design allemande allait irréversiblement se dégrader en 1968. La complicité qui semblait établie entre enseignants et étudiants allait être mise à mal au cours du mois de mai 1968. Des Français essayèrent néanmoins de faire infuser l'esprit de cet établissement allemand, descendant du Bauhaus, au sein des écoles d'art françaises. Lors des assemblées générales et des commissions pédagogiques de Mai 1968, ceux-ci contribuèrent à la création d'une unité d'enseignement et de recherche pluridisciplinaire animée par plusieurs membres de l'école d'Ulm et soutenue par André Malraux : l'Institut de l'environnement. Les grèves et révoltes étudiantes qui enflammèrent le Quartier latin eurent réciproquement une forte influence au sein de l'école d'Ulm, la conduisant à sa fermeture définitive. L'auteur analyse ici ces complexes effets de vases communicants. The few French visitors to the Ulm Hochschule für Gestaltung in the 1960s considered it an exemplary place to study. But the prevailing climate in this prestigious German school of design declined irreversibly in 1968. May ’68 challenged its atmosphere of productive collaboration between teachers and students. In France, however, some tried to instill the spirit of this Bauhaus‐affiliated German establishment in French art schools. On the one hand, during the general assemblies and educational commissions of May 1968, these individuals contributed to the creation of a multidisciplinary teaching and research unit led by several members of the Ulm school and supported by André Malraux: the Institut de l'Environnement. On the other hand, the student strikes and protests that raged through the Latin Quarter had a strong influence on the Hochschule für Gestaltung, leading to its final closure. The author analyzes this complex interdependence.

PrécisSur la base d'archives et de témoignages souvent « à vif », cet article entend constituer les émotions exprimées par les acteurs de mai–juin 68 en France en objet d'étude à part entière. En restituant par le bas l'expérience sensible du politique durant l'événement, il cherche à montrer que les affects sont étroitement liés aux propriétés de la dynamique de crise en même temps qu'ils participent à sa structuration. Joie du possible entrouvert, imputation de la peur à l'adversaire, colère mobilisatrice, haines croisées : les émotions sont parties prenantes du protagonisme qui s'empare d'individus découvrant la possibilité d'influer sur le cours de l'histoire, et de l'antagonisme qui façonne la conflictualité des camps en présence. L'article souligne ainsi l'intérêt croisé du prisme émotionnel dans l'étude des conjonctures critiques et des conjonctures critiques dans l'appréhension des émotions par les sciences sociales.Relying on archives and testimonies, this article focuses on the emotions expressed by participants in the May–June 1968 events in France and treats those emotions as an object of inquiry in their own right. By exploring the emotional experience of politics from below, this essay demonstrates that emotions helped establish the crisis atmosphere of May ’68 and shaped its unfolding dynamic. From joy aroused by the opening of a wide field of possibilities to propulsive anger, mutual hatred, and fear, emotions were at the core of the “protagonism” of people discovering their capacity to influence the course of history and of the antagonisms among political stakeholders. Thus the article emphasizes both the benefits of analyzing moments of crisis through the prism of emotions and the significance of crises for the study of emotions in the social sciences.

Le Cameroun, depuis la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, est un pays multiculturel. Ce multiculturalisme bien qu’imposé, est devenu un atout et a consolidé son intégration au monde moderne. Il s’ensuit que l’accession du pays à l’indépendance de ses deux territoires, le Cameroun oriental et le Cameroun occidental, jadis administrés respectivement par la France et l’Angleterre, a encore enrichi sa diversité culturelle. D’emblée, le premier Président Ahmadou Ahidjo a dû faire face à un dilemme concernant l’adhésion de l’État aux organisations internationales à caractère culturel, notamment à la Francophonie et au Commonwealth pour des raisons de stabilité interne. L’embarras d’Ahidjo peut se justifier par le fait qu’il était au centre de la gestion des indépendances, de la réunification, du fédéralisme et de l’unification du Cameroun. Le deuxième Président Paul Biya, arrivé au pouvoir en 1982, a attendu près d’une décennie avant que le pays soit accepté comme membre à part entière de la Francophonie. Pour y parvenir, c’est l’activisme de l’institution parlementaire à travers les élus du peuple qui a aussi déterminé la présence de l’État dès 1991 à la Francophonie. À l’explication, lors de la première rencontre de création de l’Association internationale des parlementaires de langue française du 17 au 18 mai 1967, l’Assemblée nationale du Cameroun faisait partie des membres fondateurs qui ont su mener la diplomatie parlementaire avec délicatesse au sein de l’AIPLF puis de l’APF. Un elfe parlementaire qui a influencé la politique étrangère du Cameroun. C’est ce qui permet d’émettre l’hypothèse selon laquelle le parlement est le maillon essentiel dans le fonctionnement d’un État au regard des insidieuses problématiques transnationales sur lesquelles il est appelé à donner son avis. Il travaille pour l’intérêt commun des citoyens, il fait recours au compromis pour la stabilité des institutions, il amende et vote tous les textes de lois nationaux et internationaux, il contrôle les autres institutions… Bref, il exerce l’autorité de l’État. Il convient donc d’étayer le travail des parlementaires camerounais pour ce qui est de leur marge de manœuvre dans la politique étrangère au sein de la Francophonie. La présente réflexion s’intéresse à la contribution des acteurs nationaux dans la définition de la politique étrangère des États vis-à-vis de la Francophonie.

Introduction Tiffany and Co. is an American luxury jewellery and specialty retailer with its headquarters in New York City. Each piece of jewellery, symbolically packaged in a blue box and tied with a white bow, encapsulates the brand’s unique diamond pieces, symbolic origin story, branded historical contributions and representations in culture. Cultural brands are those that live and thrive in the minds of consumers (Holt). Their brand promise inspires loyalty and trust. These brands offer experiences, products, and personalities and spark emotional connotations within consumers (Arvidsson). This case study uses Tiffany & Co. as a successful example to reveal the importance of understanding consumers, the influential nature of media culture, and the efficacy of strategic branding, advertising, and marketing over time (Holt). It also reveals how Tiffany & Co. earned and maintained its place as an iconic cultural brand within consumer culture, through its strong association with New York and products from abroad. Through its trademarked logo and authentic luxury jewellery, encompassed in the globally recognised “Tiffany Blue” boxes, Tiffany & Co.’s cultural significance stems from its embodiment of the expected makings of a brand (Chernatony et al.). However, what propels this brand into what Douglas Holt terms “iconic territory” is that in its one hundred and seventy-nine years of existence, Tiffany’s has lived exclusively in the minds of its consumers.Tiffany & Co.’s intuitive prowess in reaching its target audience is what allows it to dominate the luxury jewellery market (Halasz et al.). This is not only a result of product value, but the alluring nature of the “Tiffany's from New York” brand imagery and experience (Holt et al.), circulated and celebrated in consumer culture through influential depictions in music, film and literature over time (Knight). Tiffany’s faithfully participates in the magnetic identity myth embodied by the brand and city, and has become globally sought after by consumers near and far, and recognised for its romantic connotations of love, luxury, and New York (Holt). An American Dream: New York Affiliation & Diamond OriginsIt was Truman Capote’s characterisation of Holly Golightly in his book (1958) and film adaption, Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961) that introduced the world to New York as the infatuating “setting,” upon which the Tiffany’s diamond rested. It was a place, that enabled the iconic Holly Golightly to personify the feeling of being abroad in New York and to demonstrate the seductive nature of a Tiffany’s store experience, further shaping the identity myth encompassed by the brand and the city for their global audience (Holt). Essentially, New York was the influential cultural instigator that propelled Tiffany & Co. from a consumer product, to a cultural icon. It did this by circulating its iconography via celebrity affiliations and representations in music, film, and literature (Knight), and by guiding strong brand associations in the minds of consumers (Arvidsson). However, before Tiffany’s became culturally iconic, it established its place in American heritage through historical contributions (Tiffany & Co.) and pledged an association to New York by personifying the American Dream (Mae). To help achieve his dream in a rapidly evolving economy (Elliott), Charles Lewis Tiffany purportedly brought the first substantial gemstones into America from overseas, and established the first American jewellery store to sell them to the public (Halasz et al.). The Tiffany & Co. origin story personifies the alluring nature of products from abroad, and their influence on individuals seeking an image of affluence for themselves. The ties between New York, Tiffany’s, and its consumers were further strengthened through the established, invaluable and emblematic nature of the diamond, historically launched and controlled by South African Diamond Cartel of De Beers (Twitchell). De Beers manipulated the demand for diamonds and instigated it as a status symbol. It then became a commoditised measurement of an individual’s worth and potential to love (Twitchell), a philosophy, also infused in the Tiffany & Co. brand ideology (Holt). Building on this, Tiffany’s further ritualised the justification of the material symbolisation of love through the idealistic connotations surrounding its assorted diamond ring experiences (Lee). This was projected through a strategic product placement and targeted advertising scheme, evident in dominant culture throughout the brand’s existence (Twitchell). Idealistically discussed by Purinton, this is also what exemplified, for consumers, the enticing cultural symbolism of the crystal rock from New York (Halasz et al.). Brand Essence: Experience & Iconography Prior to pop culture portraying the charming Tiffany’s brand imagery in mainstream media (Balmer et al.), Charles Tiffany directed the company’s ascent into luxury jewellery (Phillips et al.), fashioned the enticing Tiffany’s “store experience”, and initiated the experiential process of purchasing a diamond product. This immediately intertwined the imagery of Tiffany’s with New York, instigating the exclusivity of the experience for consumers (Holt). Tiffany’s provided customers with the opportunity to participate in an intricately branded journey, resulting in the diamond embodiment which declared their love most accurately; a token, packaged and presented within an iconic “Tiffany Blue” box (Klara). Aligning with Keller’s branding blueprint (7), this interactive process enabled Tiffany & Co. to build brand loyalty by consistently connecting with each of its consumers, regardless of their location in the world. The iconography of the coveted “blue box” was crafted when Charles Tiffany trademarked the shade Pantone No. 1837 (Osborne), which he coined for the year of Tiffany’s founding (Klara). Along with the brand promise of containing quality luxury jewellery, the box and that particular shade of blue instantly became a symbol of exclusivity, sophistication, and elegance, as it could only be acquired by purchasing jewellery from a Tiffany’s store (Rawlings). The exclusive packaging began to shape Tiffany’s global brand image, becoming a signifier of style and superiority (Phillips et al.), and eventually just as iconic as the jewellery itself. The blue box is still the strongest signifier of the brand today (Osborne). Ultimately, individuals want to participate in the myth of love, perfection and wealth (Arvidsson), encompassed exclusively by every Tiffany’s “blue box”. Furthermore, Tiffany’s has remained artistically significant within the luxury jewellery landscape since introducing its one-of-a-kind Tiffany Setting in 1886. It was the first jewellery store to fully maximise the potential of the natural beauty possessed of diamonds, while connotatively reflecting the natural beauty of every wearer (Phillips et al.). According to Jeffrey Bennett, the current Vice President of Tiffany & Co. New York, by precisely perching the “Tiffany Diamond” upon six intricately crafted silver prongs, the ring shines to its maximum capacity in a lit environment, while being closely secured to the wearer’s finger (Lee). Hence, the “Tiffany Setting” has become a universally sought after icon of extravagance and intricacy (Knight), and, as Bennett further describes, even today, the setting represents uncompromising quality and is a standard image of true love (Lee). Alluring Brand Imagery & Influential Representations in CultureEmpirical consumer research, involving two focus groups of married and unmarried, ethnically diverse Australian women and conducted in 2015, revealed that even today, individuals accredit their desire for Tiffany’s to the inspirational imagery portrayed in music, movies and television. Through participating in the Tiffany's from New York store experience, consumers are able to indulge in their fantasies of what it would feel like to be abroad and the endless potential a city such as New York could hold for them. Tiffany’s successfully disseminated its brand ideology into consumer culture (Purinton) and extended the brand’s significance for consumers beyond the 1960s through constant representation of the expensive business of love, lust and marriage within media culture. This is demonstrated in such films as Gentlemen Prefer Blondes (1953), Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961), Sleepless in Seattle (1993), Legally Blonde (2001), Sweet Home Alabama (2002), The Great Gatsby (2013), and in the influential television shows, Gossip Girl (2007—2012), and Glee (2009—2015).The most important of these was the film Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961), and the iconic embodiment of Capote’s (1958) Holly Golightly by actress Audrey Hepburn (Wasson). Hepburn’s (1961) portrayal of the emotionally evocative connotations of experiencing Tiffany’s in New York, as personified by her romantic dialogue throughout the film (Mae), produced the image that nothing bad could ever happen at a Tiffany’s store. Thus began the Tiffany’s from New York cultural phenomenon, which has been consistently reiterated in popular media culture ever since.Breakfast at Tiffany’s also represented a greater struggle faced by women in the 1960s (Dutt); that of gender roles, women’s place in society, and their desire for stability and freedom simultaneously (Sheehan). Due to Hepburn’s accurate characterisation of this struggle, the film enabled Tiffany & Co. to become more than just jewellery and a symbol of support (Torelli). Tiffany’s also allowed filming to take place inside its New York flagship store to which Capote’s narrative so idealistically alludes, further demonstrating its support for the 1960s women’s movement at an opportune moment in history (Torelli). Hence, Tiffany’s from New York became a symbol for the independent materialistic modern woman (Wasson), an ideal, which has become a repeated motif, re-imagined and embodied by popular icons (Knight) such as, Madonna in Material Girl (1985), and the characterisations of Carrie Bradshaw by Sarah Jessica Parker, Charlotte York by Kristin Davis (Sex and the City), and Donna Paulsen by Sarah Rafferty (Suits). The iconic television series Sex and the City, set in New York, boldly represented Tiffany’s as a symbol of friendship when a fellow female protagonist parted with her lavish Tiffany’s engagement ring to help her friend financially (Sex and the City). This was similarly reimagined in the popular television series Suits, also set in New York, where a protagonist is gifted two Tiffany Boxes from her female friend, as a token of congratulations on her engagement. This allowed Tiffany & Co. to add friendship to its symbolic repertoire (Manning), whilst still personifying a symbol of love in the minds of its consumers who were tactically also the target audiences of these television shows (Wharton).The alluring Tiffany’s image was presented specifically to a male audience through the first iconic Bond Girl named Tiffany Case in the novel Diamonds Are Forever (Fleming). The film adaption made its cultural imprint in 1971 with Sean Connery portraying James Bond, and paired the exaggerated brand of “007” with the evocative imagery of Tiffany’s (Spilski et al.). This served as a reminder to existing audiences about the powerful and seductive connotations of the blue box with the white ribbon (Osborne), as depicted by the enticing Tiffany Case in 1956.Furthermore, the Tiffany’s image was similarly established as a lyrical status symbol of wealth and indulgence (Knight). Portrayed most memorably by Marilyn Monroe’s iconic performance of Diamonds Are a Girl’s Best Friend (Gentlemen Prefer Blondes). Even though the song only mentions Tiffany’s lyrically twice (Vito et al.), through the celebrity affiliation, Monroe was introduced as a credible embodiment of Tiffany’s brand essence (Davis). Consequently, she permanently attached her image to that of the alluring Tiffany Diamonds for the target audience, male and female, past and present (Vito et al.). Exactly thirty-two years later, Monroe’s 1953 depiction was reinforced in consumer culture (Wharton) through an uncanny aesthetic and lyrical reimagining of the original performance by Madonna in her music video Material Girl (1985). This further preserved and familiarised the Tiffany’s image of glamour, luxury and beauty by implanting it in the minds of a new generation (Knight). Despite the shift in celebrity affiliation to a current cultural communicator (Arvidsson), the influential image of the Tiffany Diamond remains constant and Tiffany’s has maintained its place as a popular signifier of affluence and elegance in mainstream consumer culture (Jansson). The main difference, however, between Monroe’s and Madonna’s depictions is that Madonna aspired to be associated with the Tiffany’s brand image because of her appreciation for Marilyn Monroe and her brand image, which also intrinsically exuded beauty, money and glamour (Vito et al.). This suggests that even a musical icon like Madonna was influenced by Tiffany & Co.’s hold on consumer culture (Spilski et al.), and was able to inject the same ideals into her own loyal fan base (Fill). It is evident that Tiffany & Co. is thoroughly in tune with its target market and understands the relevant routes into the minds of its consumers. Kotler (113) identifies that the brand has demonstrated the ability to reach its separate audiences simultaneously, with an image that resonates with them on different levels (Manning). For example, Tiffany & Co. created the jewellery that featured in Baz Luhrmann’s 2013 cinematic adaption of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s novel, The Great Gatsby (1925). Through representing a signifier of love and lust induced by monetary possessions (Fitzgerald), Tiffany’s truthfully portrayed its own brand image and persuaded audiences to associate the brand with these ideals (Holt). By illustrating the romantic, alluring and powerful symbolism of giving or obtaining love, armed with a Tiffany’s Diamond (Mae), Tiffany’s validated its timeless, historical and cultural contemporary relevance (Greene).This was also most recently depicted through Tiffany & Co.’s Will You (2015) advertising campaign. The brand demonstrated its support for marriage equality, by featuring a real life same-sex couple to symbolise that love is not conditional and that Tiffany’s has something that signifies every relationship (Dicker). Thus, because of the brand’s rooted place in central media culture and the ability to appeal to the belief system of its target market while evolving with, and understanding its consumers on a level of metonymy (Manning), Tiffany & Co. has transitioned from a consumer product to a culturally relevant and globally sought-after iconic brand (Holt). ConclusionTiffany & Co.’s place-based association and representational reflection in music, film, and literature, assisted in the formation of loyal global communities that thrive on the identity building side effects associated with luxury brand affiliation (Banet-Weiser et al.). Tiffany’s enables its global target market to revel in the shared meanings surrounding the brand, by signifying a symbolic construct that resonates with consumers (Hall). Tiffany’s inspires consumers to eagerly exercise their brand trust and loyalty by independently ritualising the Tiffany’s from New York brand experience for themselves and the ones they love (Fill). Essentially, Tiffany & Co. successfully established its place in society and strengthened its ties to New York, through targeted promotions and iconographic brand dissemination (Nita).Furthermore, by ritualistically positioning the brand (Holt), surrounding and saturating it in existing cultural practices, supporting significant cultural actions and becoming a symbol of wealth, luxury, commitment, love and exclusivity (Phillips et al.), Tiffany’s has steadily built a positive brand association and desire in the minds of consumers near and far (Keller). As a direct result, Tiffany’s earned and kept its place as a culturally progressive brand in New York and around the world, sustaining its influence and ensuring its survival in today’s contemporary consumer society (Holt).Most importantly, however, although New York has become the anchor in every geographically exemplified Tiffany’s store experience in literature, New York has also become the allegorical anchor in the minds of consumers in actuality (Arvidsson). Hence, Tiffany & Co. has catered to the needs of its global target audience by providing it with convenient local stores abroad, where their love can be personified by purchasing a Tiffany Diamond, the ultimate symbol of authentic commitment, and where they can always experience an allusive piece of New York. ReferencesArvidsson, Adam. Brands: Meaning and Value in Media Culture. New York: Routledge, 2006.Balmer, John M.T., Stephen A. Greyser, and Mats Urde. “Corporate Brands with a Heritage.” Journal of Brand Management 15.1 (2007): 4–17.Banet-Weiser, Sarah, and Charlotte Lapsansky. “RED Is the New Black: Brand Culture, Consumer Citizenship and Political Possibility.” International Journal of Communication 2 (2008): 1248–64. Breakfast at Tiffany’s. Blake Edwards. Paramount Pictures, 1961.Capote, Truman. Breakfast at Tiffany’s. New York: Random House, 1958.Chernatony, Leslie D, and Francesca Dall'Olmo Riley. “Defining a 'Brand': Beyond the Literature with Experts' Interpretations.” Journal of Marketing Management 14.5 (1998): 413–38.Material Girl. Performed by Madonna. Mary Lambert. Warner Bros, 1985. Music Video. Davis, Aeron. Promotional Cultures. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013.Diamonds Are Forever. Guy Hamilton. United Artists, 1971.Dicker, Ron. “Tiffany Ad Features Gay Couple, Rings in New Year in a Big Way.” The Huffington Post Australia, 11 Jan. 2015. Dutt, Reema. “Behind the Curtain: Women’s Representations in Contemporary Hollywood.” Department of Media and Communications (2014): 2–38. Elliott, Alan. A Daily Dose of the American Dream: Stories of Success, Triumph, and Inspiration. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1998.Fill, Chris. Marketing Communications: Interactivity, Communities and Content. 5th ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2009.Fitzgerald, F. Scott. The Great Gatsby. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1925.Fleming, Ian. Diamonds Are Forever, London: Jonathan Cape, 1956.Gemological Institute of America, “Diamond History and Lore.” GIA, 2002–2016. Gentlemen Prefer Blondes. Howard Hawks. 20th Century Fox, 1953.Glee. Prod. Ryan Murphy. 20th Century Fox. California, 2009–2015. Television.Gossip Girl. Prod. Josh Schwartz. Warner Bros. California, 2007–2012. Television.Greene, Lucie. “Luxury Brands and ‘The Great Gatsby’ Movie.” Style Magazine. 11 May. 2013.Halasz, Robert, and Christina Stansell. “Tiffany & Co.” International Directory of Company Histories, 8 Oct. 2006. Hall, Stuart. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: SAGE, 1997. Holt, Douglas B., and Douglas Cameron. Cultural Strategy: Using Innovative Ideologies to Build Breakthrough Brands. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2010.Holt, Douglas B. How Brands Become Icons: The Principles of Cultural Branding. Boston: Harvard Business P, 2004.Jansson, Andre. “The Mediatization of Consumption Towards an Analytical Framework of Image Culture.” Journal of Consumer Culture 2.1 (2002): 5–27.Keller, Kevin L. “Building Customer-Based Brand Equity: A Blueprint for Creating Strong Brands.” Marketing Science Institute (2001): 3–30.Klara, Robert. “How Tiffany’s Iconic Box Became the World’s Most Popular Package.” Adweek, 22 Sep. 2014. Knight, Gladys L. Pop Culture Places: An Encyclopedia of Places in American Popular Culture. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2014.Kotler, Philip. Principles of Marketing. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1983.Lee, Jane. “Deconstructing the Tiffany Setting.” Forbes video clip. YouTube, 3 Oct. 2012.Legally Blonde. Robert Luketic. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 2001.Mae, Caity. “A Love Letter to Tiffany & Co.” Blog post. Thought Catalogue, 7 May. 2014.Manning, Paul. “The Semiotics of Brand.” The Annual Review of Anthropology 39 (2010): 33–46.Nita, Catalina. “Tiffany & Co: Brand Image Linked with American Cinema.” Blog post. Impressive Magazine, 11 Aug. 2013.Osborne, Neil. “Bling in a Blue Box: How an Iconic Brand Delivers Its Promise.” Professional Beauty Magazine: Business Feature, Mar/Apr. 2015: 152–53.Phillips, Clare, and Tiffany and Company. Bejewelled by Tiffany. Connecticut: Yale UP, 2006.Purinton, Elizabeth F. “An Analysis of Consumers' Attitudes about Artificial Diamonds and Artificial Love.” Journal of Business and Behavior Sciences 24.3 (2012): 68–76.Rawlings, Nate. “All–TIME 100 Fashion Icons: Designers & Brands: Tiffany & Co.” Time, 2 Apr. 2012. Sex and the City. TV Series. Prod. Darren Star. Warner Bros. California, 1998–2004.Sheehan, Kim B. Controversies in Contemporary Advertising: Gender and Advertising. 2nd ed. New York: SAGE, 2013.Sleepless in Seattle. Dir. Nora Ephron. TriStar, 1993.Spilski, Anja, and Andrea Groeppel-Klein. “The Persistence of Fictional Character Images beyond the Program and Their Use in Celebrity Endorsement: Experimental Results from a Media Context Perspective.” Advances in Consumer Research 35 (2008): 868–70.Suits. TV series. Prod. Aaron Korsh. New York: NBC Universal, 2011-2016.Sweet Home Alabama. Dir. Andy Tennant. Touchstone, 2002. The Great Gatsby. Dir. Baz Luhrmann. Village Roadshow, 2013.Tiffany & Co. “The World of Tiffany: The Tiffany Story.” T&CO, 2016.Torelli, Carlos, J. Globalization, Culture, and Branding: How to Leverage Cultural Equity for Building Iconic Brands in the Era of Globalization. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.Twitchell, James B. 20 Ads That Shook the World: The Century’s Most Ground-Breaking Advertising and How It Changed Us All. New York: Three Rivers P, 2000.Vito, John D., and Frank Tropea. The Immortal Marilyn: The Depiction of an Icon. Maryland: Scarecrow P, 2006.Wasson, Sam. “How Holly Golightly Changed the World.” Harpers Bazaar, 14 Oct. 2011. Wharton, Chris. Advertising Critical Approaches. New York: Routledge, 2015.Will You. Advertisement. Tiffany & Co. New York: Ogilvy & Mather, 2015.

The article aims to analyze the adoption and implementation of the politics of ethnic-racial quotas at the State University of Campinas (Unicamp). In order to do, we describe the political and academic processes and disputes that culminated in the adoption of this affirmative action. Methodologically, we use as a guide the approach of "educational policy contexts", dividing the ways in which the quota debate has permeated the university: context of influence on the debate on quotas (external and internal); context of text production (elaborated policy); and the context of practice (effectiveness). In general, some conflicts were perceived in the three contexts, mainly by the discussion about the effectiveness of the inclusion mechanisms already implemented by the university to the detriment of quotas. The issue of merit in the academy was fought by student and social movements, as well as teachers favoring quotas, underscoring Unicamp's delay in its implementation in relation to the consolidation of affirmative actions in other Brazilian universities. Therefore, the approvals regarding the creation and approval of the “Working Group-Enter University” report could be carried out due to the context of influence (with strong support from student and social movements and current legislation), which emphasized the context of the production of text, with the insertion of the premises, and also, due to the window of opportunity is the national scenario, with important experiences, or the entry of a new management at Unicamp. ResumoO artigo tem como objetivo analisar a adoção e implementação da política de cotas étnico-raciais na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp). Para isso, buscou-se descrever os processos e disputas políticas e acadêmicas que culminaram na adoção desta ação afirmativa. Metodologicamente, utilizamos como guia a abordagem dos “contextos de políticas educacionais”, dividindo os caminhos pelos quais o debate das cotas perpassou à universidade: contexto de influência ao debate sobre cotas (externa e interna); contexto de produção de texto (política elaborada); e o contexto de prática (efetivação). De forma geral, percebeu-se alguns conflitos nos três contextos, sobretudo pela discussão acerca da efetividade dos mecanismos de inclusão já implementados pela universidade em detrimento das cotas. A questão do mérito na academia foi amplamente combatida pelos movimentos estudantis e sociais, bem como pelos docentes favoráveis às cotas, ressaltando o atraso da Unicamp em sua implementação em relação à consolidação de ações afirmativas em outras universidades brasileiras. Assim, as aprovações, referentes às deliberações de criação e de aprovação do relatório do GT-Ingresso, puderam ser realizadas por conta do contexto de influência (com forte apoio dos movimentos estudantis e sociais e das legislações vigentes), que deu a tônica ao contexto da produção de texto, com a inserção das premissas, e também, devido à janela de oportunidades seja do cenário nacional, com experiências importantes, seja pela entrada de uma nova gestão na Unicamp. Resumen El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la adopción e implementación de la política de cuotas étnico-raciales en la Universidad Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp). Para eso, se buscó describir los procesos y disputas políticas y académicas que culminaron en la adopción de esta acción afirmativa. Metodológicamente, utilizamos como guía el abordaje de los "contextos de políticas educativas", dividiendo los caminos por los cuales el debate de las cuotas atravesó a la universidad: contexto de influencia al debate sobre cuotas (externa e interna); contexto de producción de texto (política elaborada); y el contexto de práctica (efectividad). En general, se percibió algunos conflictos en los tres contextos, sobre todo por la discusión acerca de la efectividad de los mecanismos de inclusión ya implementados por la universidad en detrimento de las cuotas. La cuestión del mérito en la academia fue ampliamente combatida por los movimientos estudiantiles y sociales, así como por los docentes favorables a las cuotas, resaltando el atraso de la Unicamp en su implementación en relación a la consolidación de acciones afirmativas en otras universidades brasileñas. Así, las aprobaciones, referentes a las deliberaciones de creación y aprobación del informe del Grupo de Trabajo-Ingreso, pudieron ser realizadas por cuenta del contexto de influencia (con fuerte apoyo de los movimientos estudiantiles y sociales y de las legislaciones vigentes), que dio la tónica al contexto de la producción de texto, con la inserción de las premisas, y también, debido a la ventana de oportunidades sea del escenario nacional, con experiencias importantes, sea por la entrada de una nueva gestión en la Unicamp. Palavras-chave: Sistema de cotas, Ação afirmativa, Ensino superior, Unicamp. Keywords: Quota system, Affirmative action, Higher education, Unicamp.Palabras clave: Sistema de cuotas, Acción afirmativa, Enseñanza superior, Unicamp.ReferencesARBACHE, Ana Paula Ribeiro Bastos. A política de cotas raciais na universidade pública brasileira: um desafio ético. 2006. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC), São Paulo, 2006.BALL, S.J.; BOWE, R. Subject departments and the “implementation” of National Curriculum policy: an overview of the issues. Journal of Curriculum Studies, London, v. 24, n. 2, p. 97-115, 1992.BALL, Stephen J.; MAINARDES, Jefferson (Org.). Políticas educacionais: questões e dilemas. São Paulo: Cortez, 2011.BAYMA, Fátima. Reflexões sobre a Constitucionalidade das Cotas Raciais em Universidades Públicas no Brasil: referências internacionais e os desafios pós-julgamento das cotas. Ensaio: Avaliação e Políticas Públicas em Educação, v. 20, n. 75, p. 325-345, 2012.BERNARDINO, Joaze. “Ação afirmativa e a rediscussão do mito da democracia racial no Brasil”. Estud. afro-asiát., Rio de Janeiro, v. 24, n. 2, 2002.BITTAR, M.; ALMEIDA, C. E. M. Mitos e controvérsias sobre a política de cotas. Educar em Revista, Curitiba, n. 28, p. 141-159, 2006.BOWE, R.; BALL, S.; GOLD, A. Reforming education & changing schools: case studies in policy sociology. London: Routledge, 1992.BRASIL. Lei nº. 12.711. Dispõe sobre o ingresso nas universidades federais e nas instituições federais de ensino técnico de nível médio e dá outras providências. Brasília, 29 de ago. 2012. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2011-2014/2012/lei/l12711.htm>. Acesso em: 12 out. 2012.CARNEIRO, Sueli. A batalha de Durban. Revista Estudos Feministas, v. 10, n. 1, p. 209-214, 2002.CARVALHO, J. J. O confinamento racial do mundo acadêmico brasileiro. Revista USP, São Paulo, n. 68, p. 88-103, dezembro/fevereiro 2005-2006.CUNHA JÚNIOR, Henrique. A formação de pesquisadores negros: o simbólico e o material nas políticas de ações afirmativas. In: SILVA, Petronilha Beatriz Gonçalves; SILVÉRIO, Walter (Orgs.). Educação e ações afirmativas: entre a injustiça simbólica e a injustiça econômica. Brasília: Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira, p. 153-160, 2003. Disponível em:<http://etnicoracial.mec.gov.br/images/pdf/publicacoes/educacao_acoes_afirmativas.pdf>. Acesso em 28 mai. 2018. FERES JÚNIOR, João; CAMPOS, Luiz Augusto. Ação afirmativa no Brasil: multiculturalismo ou justiça social? Lua Nova, n. 99, 2016, p.257-293.GIRALDO, Jorge Enrique Celis. Las acciones afirmativas en educación superior: el caso de los Estados Unidos. Educación y Educadores, v.12, p.103-117, 2009.HERINGER, Rosana. Democratização da educação superior no Brasil: das metas de inclusão ao sucesso acadêmico. Revista Brasileira de Orientação Profissional, v. 19, n. 1, p. 7-17, 2018.IBGE. Censo Demográfico 2010: Educação e deslocamento: resultados da amostra. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2010. Disponível em: <https://ww2.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/censo2010/educacao_e_deslocamento/default.shtm>. Acesso em 4 mai. 2018.JACCOUD, L. Racismo e república: o debate sobre o branqueamento e a discriminação racial no Brasil. In: OSÓRIO, R.; SOARES. S; THEODORO, M. (Org.). As políticas públicas e a desigualdade racial no Brasil 120 anos após abolição. Brasília: Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA), p. 45-65, 2008. Disponível em: <http://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5605>. Acesso em 16 mai. 2018.MAGGIE, Yvonne; FRY, Peter. O debate que não houve: a reserva de vagas para negros nas universidades brasileiras. Enfoque: Revista Eletrônica, Rio de Janeiro, v.1, n. 1, p. 93-117, 2002.MAINARDES, Jefferson. Abordagem do ciclo de políticas: uma contribuição para análise de políticas educacionais. Educ. Soc., v. 27, n. 94, p. 47-69, 2006.MERA, Manuel Eduardo Góngora. Geopolíticas de la identidad: La difusión de acciones afirmativas en los Andes. Universitas humanística, n.77, p.35-79, 2014.MOSES, Michele. Moral and Instrumental Rationales for Affirmative Action in Five National Context. Educational Researcher, v. 39, n.3, p.211-228, 2010.MUNANGA, Kabengele. Políticas de ação afirmativa em benefício da população negra no Brasil: um ponto de vista em defesa de cotas. Sociedade e cultura, v. 4, n. 2, 2001, p. 31-43.MUNANGA, Kabengele. Cotas raciais na USP: um debate atropelado e “operação abafa”." Revista da Adusp, n. 47, 2010, p. 20-25.OLIVEN, Arabela Campos. Ações afirmativas, relações raciais e política de cotas nas universidades: Uma comparação entre os Estados Unidos e o Brasil. Educação, n.1, p.29-51, 2007.ORGANIZAÇÃO DAS NAÇÕES UNIDAS. Tratado Internacional - Convenção Internacional sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação Racial. 1968.PIOVESAN, Flávia. Ações afirmativas da perspectiva dos direitos humanos. Cadernos de Pesquisa, v. 35, n. 124, p. 43-55, jan./abr. 2005.REITER, Bernd; LAZEMA, Paula Lezama. Transferencias condicionales y políticas de acción afirmativa en latinoamérica: la diferencia que políticas de inclusión pueden hacer. Investigación & desarrollo, v.21, n.2, 2013.SANTOS, Adilson Pereira dos. Itinerário das ações afirmativas no ensino superior público brasileiro: dos ecos de Durban à Lei das Cotas. Revista de Ciências Humanas, Viçosa, v. 12, n. 2, p. 289-317, jul./dez. 2012.SANTOS, Dayane Brito Reis. Para além das cotas: a permanência de estudantes negros no ensino superior como política afirmativa. 2009. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA), Salvador, Bahia, 2009.SUPERIOR TRIBUNAL FEDERAL. Audiência pública sobre política de cotas em universidades públicas tem 38 expositores habilitados. 2010a. Disponível em: <http://www.stf.jus.br/portal/cms/verNoticiaDetalhe.asp?idConteudo=118350&caixaBusca=N>. Acesso em: 15 mar. 2019.SUPERIOR TRIBUNAL FEDERAL. Ministro garante isonomia entre debatedores e convida presidentes das CCJs da Câmara e Senado para audiência pública sobre cotas. 2010b. Disponível em: <http://www.stf.jus.br/portal/cms/verNoticiaDetalhe.asp?idConteudo=121006>. Acesso em: 15 mar. 2019.SUPERIOR TRIBUNAL FEDERAL. STF realiza audiência pública sobre adoção de critérios raciais para a reserva de vagas no ensino superior. 2010c. Disponível em: <http://www.stf.jus.br/portal/cms/verNoticiaDetalhe.asp?idConteudo=120788&caixaBusca=N>. Acesso em: 15 mar. 2019.UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE CAMPINAS - UNICAMP. Conselho Universitário. Deliberação CONSU-A-008/2017, de 30/05/2017. Disponível em: <https://www.pg.unicamp.br/deliberacoes_consu.php?ano=2017>. Acesso em 11 jun. 2018.UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE CAMPINAS - UNICAMP. Gabinete da Reitoria. Portaria GR-036/2017, de 20/06/2017. Disponível em:<https://www.pg.unicamp.br/portarias.php?ano=2017&pagina=4>. Acesso em 11 jun. 2018.UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE CAMPINAS - UNICAMP. Conselho Universitário. Deliberação CONSU-A-032/2017, de 21/11/2017. Disponível em: <https://www.pg.unicamp.br/deliberacoes_consu.php?ano=2017>. Acesso em 11 jun. 2018.UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE CAMPINAS - UNICAMP. Conselho Universitário. Relatório Grupo de Trabalho - Organização das Audiências Públicas para debater a Política de Cotas na UNICAMP. Portaria GR - 050/2016, de 06/09/2016. Disponível em:< https://www.sg.unicamp.br/pautas/p2017/consu/1-extraordinaria/relatorio-gt-cotas-anexos.pdf>. Acesso em 04 abr. 2018.UNFPA. Conferência Mundial contra o Racismo, Discriminação Racial, Xenofobia e Intolerância Correlata. 2001. Disponível em: <http://www.unfpa.org.br/novo/index.php/biblioteca/publicacoes/onu/410-declaracao-de-durban>. Acesso em 12 out. 2017.

Culture: Its Many Meanings One of the problems we encounter in dealing with culture is that there are so many different meanings and definitions attached to the term. We think of culture two ways: first, in terms of aesthetic matters (relative to thearts) and second, as a concept used by anthropologists to describe the way people live. There are, so I understand, something like a hundred different definitions of culture used by anthropologists. The Origins of the Term "Culture" The word 'culture' comes from the Latin cultus, which means 'care', and from the French colere which means 'to till' as in 'till the ground'. There are many terms that stem from the word culture. For example, there is the term 'cult' which suggests some kind of a religious organisation. We are continually amazed at the power cults have to shape our behavior, to brainwash us -- to turn intelligent and educated people into fanatics. Here we are dealing with the power of charismatic personalities and of groups over individuals. If cults can exercise enormous power over individuals and groups of people, can't we say that cultures also can do the same thing, though usually not to the same extreme degree? There is also the term 'cultivated', which means something that has been grown or, in the realm of aesthetics and the arts, sophisticated taste. Just as plants only exist because they are cared for by some cultivator, over a period of time, so people's taste and cultivation only are developed by education and training. It takes time to develop a refined sensibility, to become discriminating, to appreciate texts that are difficult and complex and not immediately satisfying. Bacteriologists also speak about cultures, but they use the term to describe the bacteria that are grown in Petri dishes if they are given suitable media (sources of nourishment). This matter of bacteria growing in media may be an important metaphor for us: just as bacteria need media to grow into culture, so do human beings need cultures to survive and develop themselves. We don't do it all on our own. In the chart below I show the interesting parallels: Bacteriology Bacteria Grow in media Form cultures Sociology/Anthropology Humans Affected by media Form cultures Of course we are much more complex than bacteria; in truth, each of us form a kind of medium for countless kinds of bacteria that inhabit our mouths and various other parts of our bodies. Bacteriology involves the cultivation and study of micro-organisms (bacteria) in prepared nutrients and the study of media (and what is often called cultural criticism nowadays) involves the study of individuals and groups in a predominantly, but not completely, mass-mediated culture. Not all culture is mass mediated. An Anthropological Definition of Culture Let me offer a typical anthropological definition of culture. It is by Henry Pratt Fairchild and appeared in his Dictionary of Sociology and Related Sciences: A collective name for all behavior patterns socially acquired and transmitted by means of symbols; hence a name for all the distinctive achievements of human groups, including not only such items as language, tool-making, industry, art, science, law, government, morals and religion, but also the material instruments or artifacts in which cultural achievements are embodied and by which intellectual cultural features are given practical effect, such as buildings, tools, machines, communication devices, art objects, etc. (80) Let's consider some of the topics Fairchild mentions. Behavior Patterns. We are talking about codes and patterns of behavior here that are found in groups of people. Socially Acquired. We are taught these behavior patterns as we grow up in a family in some geographical location and are profoundly affected by the family we are born into, its religion, and all kinds of other matters. Socially Acquired. We are taught these behavior patterns as we grow up in a family in some geographical location and are profoundly affected by the family we are born into, its religion, and all kinds of other matters. The Distinctive Achievements of Human Groups. It is in groups that we become human and become enculturated or acculturated (two words for the same thing, for all practical purposes). We have our own distinctive natures but we are also part of society. Artifacts in which cultural achievements are embodied. The artifacts we are talking about here are the popular culture texts carried in the various media and other non-mediated aspects of popular culture (or not directly mediated) such as fashions in clothes, food preferences, artifacts (what anthropologists call 'material culture'), language use, sexual practices and related matters. We know that a great deal of our popular culture, while not carried by the media, is nevertheless profoundly affected by it. We can see, then, that culture is a very complicated phenomenon that plays some kind of a role in shaping our consciousness and our behavior. You may think you are immune from the impact of the media and popular culture, but that is a delusion that is generated, I would suggest, by the media. We think we are not affected in significant ways by the media and popular culture (sometimes called mass mediated culture) and culture in general but we are wrong. Culture affects us but it doesn't necessarily determine every act we do; though some scholars, who believe the media are very powerful, might argue with this point. Falling Off the Map: What Travel Literature Reveals For a graphic example of how cultures differ, let me offer two quotations from the travel writer Pico Iyer from his book Falling Off the Map: Some Lonely Places of the World, a collection of travel articles about seldom-visited places (by American travelers, at least). Saigon: the only word for Saigon is 'wild'. One evening I counted more than a hundred two-wheel vehicles racing past me in the space of sixty seconds, speeding around the jam-packed streets as if on some crazy merry-go-round, a mad carnival without a ringmaster; I walked into a dance club and found myself in the midst of a crowded floor of hip gay boys in sleeveless T-shirts doing the latest moves to David Byrne; outside again, I was back inside the generic Asian swirl, walking through tunnels of whispers and hisses. "You want boom-boom?" "Souvenir for you dah-ling?" "Why you not take special massage?" Shortly before midnight, the taxi girls stream out of their nightclubs in their party dresses and park their scooters outside the hotels along 'Simultaneous Uprising' Street. (134-5) Compare his description of Saigon with his portrait of Reykjavik, Iceland, equally as fascinating and fantastic but considerably different from Saigon. Even 'civilization' seems to offer no purchase for the mind here: nothing quite makes sense. Iceland boasts the largest number of poets, presses, and readers per capita in the world: Reykjavik, a town smaller than Rancho Cucamonga, California, has five daily newspapers, and to match the literary production of Iceland, the U.S. would have to publish twelve hundred new books a day. Iceland has the oldest living language in Europe; its people read the medieval sagas as if they were tomorrow's newspaper and all new concepts, such as 'radio' and 'telephone', are given poetical medieval equivalents. Roughly three eldest children in every four are illegitimate here, and because every son of Kristjan is called Kristjansson, and every daughter Kristjansdottir, mothers always have different surnames from their children (and in any case are rarely living with the fathers). The first day I ever spent in 'Surprise City' (as Reykjavik is called), I found golden-haired princesses and sword-wielding knights enacting fairy-tale sagas on the main bridge in the capital. (67-8) We can see that there are considerable differences between Saigon and Reykjavik, though just as (to be fair) Iyer points out the incredible differences between cities in Vietnam, such as the differences between Saigon and Hue. Iyer's description of the landscape of Iceland may help explain the national character of the Icelanders. As he writes: I knew, before I visited, a little about the epidemic oddness of the place: there was no beer in Iceland in 1987, and no television on Thursdays; there were almost no trees, and no vegetables. Iceland is an ungodly wasteland of volcanoes and tundra and Geysir, the mother of geysirs, a country so lunar that NASA astronauts did their training there. (67) There has to be some influence of this remarkable landscape and climate, of the Iceland geographical location, the amount of light and darkness in which people live, upon the people who live there and there has to be some influence of the jungle and the climate of Vietnam on its people. What we become is, it seems to me, due to some curious combination of factors involving our natures (that is, the hard-wired elements of our personalities) and our cultures, with the matter of chance playing a big role as well. What we become is, it seems to me, due to some curious combination of factors involving our natures (that is, the hard-wired elements of our personalities) and our cultures, with the matter of chance playing a big role as well. References Fairchild, Henry Pratt. Dictionary of Sociology and Related Sciences. Totawa, NY: Littlefield, Adams & Co., 1967. Iyer, Pico. Falling Off the Map: Some Lonely Places of the World. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Arthur Asa Berger. "The Meanings of Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meaning.php>. Chicago style: Arthur Asa Berger, "The Meanings of Culture," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 2 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meanings.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Arthur Asa Berger. (2000) The meanings of culture. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(2). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meaning.php> ([your date of access]).

With the emergence and expansion of post-manufacturing knowledge economies, formerly industrial inner cities in the West have become intensified staging grounds for a range of spatial claims. Among these are processes of residential gentrification, the cultural politics of heritage preservation, the struggles for community development, and the growth of creative industries, such as art, design, architecture, publishing and film, which I focus on here.1 Throughout the last two decades in the UK, inner cities and central city fringe districts have been subject to an assortment of strategies that have endeavored to revitalize them economically and socially. Prominent among these attempts has been the encouragement of new, and the incubation of existing, small-scale creative enterprises. Regeneration executives choose these enterprises for a range of reasons. Creative activities are associated with popular culture that disaffected, unemployed youth find appealing; they are able to occupy and rehabilitate underused existing building stock and to sensitively recycle historic buildings, thereby preserving urban scales; and, as a number of scholars have pointed out, they exhibit transaction-rich, network-intensive organization (Castells 1992; Lash and Urry 1994; Scott 2000). As a result, concerted efforts to design creative industry quarters have sprung up across the UK, including Sheffield, Manchester, Glasgow, and Birmingham. In London, a whole band of formerly industrial, inner-city districts from King's Cross, down through Clerkenwell, Hoxton, Shoreditch and Spitalfields, and along the wharves of the Thames's South Bank, are being or have been revitalized in part through the strategic deployment of creative industries. Certainly, how creative industries and economies develop varies. At King's Cross, nonprofit and commercial creative companies have emerged quietly in a context of protracted struggle over the future of the Railway Lands, which will be reshaped by the coming terminus of the Channel Tunnel Rail Link. At Spitalfields, high-profile conversions of Truman Brewery and the Spitalfields Market site into artisanal stalls, creative businesses, and leisure (café, restaurant, and sport) facilities are generating a new local creative economy, bringing in visitors and creating new customer bases for Spitalfields' Bangladeshi restaurant keepers and garment entrepreneurs.2 Whatever the conditions for growth, creative industries have been aided by the rhetoric of Cool Britannia and New Labour's cultural -- or more accurately --creative industrial policy. I would even put forth that, in the form of the creative quarter, the creative industries represent the urbanist logic of Cool Britannia, threatening to elaborate, following the other logics of BritArt and BritPop, a BritSpace. Now, according to some of Britain's foremost cultural critics, Cool Britannia was born sometime in 1996 in the Sunday Times, and died two years later, soon after a piece in the New Musical Express that showcased young musician discontent with New Labour creative industrial policy (Hewison 1996; McRobbie 1999, 4). Yet, before we close the casket, I want to suggest that Cool Britannia be understood as a symptom of a range of 'causes' that have been transforming the idioms of politics, governance, culture, citizenship, social organization; and, as the creative quarter evokes, the city. An itinerary of these causes would include: the expansion of a consumer-driven service/knowledge economy; the growth and globalization of communication and information technologies; the 'flexibilization' of regimes of production; the mutation of the function of the welfare state and corresponding meaning of citizenship; and, the dominance of intellectual property notions of culture. While these shifts are transforming societies around the world, in the UK, they became closely identified with New Labour and its attempts to institutionalize the rhetoric of the Third Way during the late 1990s (e.g., Blair 1998; Giddens 1998). In imagining itself as a force of change, New Labour capitalized on two events that gave birth to Cool Britannia: (1) the glamorization of British art and young British artists in the mid-1990s; and (2) the emergence of a discourse of 'rebranding' Britain, disseminating from reports from brand specialists Wolff Olins and think tank Demos (Bobby 1999).3 The first, producing the nBA (new British Art) and the yBAs (young British Artists) are media events with their own genealogies that have received copious critical attention (e.g., Ford 1996; McRobbie 1999; Roberts 1996, 1998; Stallabrass 1999; Suchin 1998). This glamorization involved the discovery of the artists by the mainstream media and a focus on artistic entrepreneurship in creating, shaping and responding to an enlarged market for cultural products. In the process, some of these artists effectively became brands, authoring, legitimating and licensing a certain kind of ironic, post-political art that was palatable to the international art market.4 The second cause stems from responses to anxiety over post-imperial Britain's future in a post-manufacturing, globalized, knowledge economy. For both the Demos thinkers and Wolff Olins consultants, these were centered on the need to re-imagine British national subjectivity as if it were a commercial brand. The discourse of branding is tangential to that of intellectual property, in which brands are value codings managed through networks of trademarks, patents, copyrights and royalties. Rosemary Coombe (1998) has written, albeit in a different political context, on the increasing dominance of notions of culture defined through intellectual property, and adjudicated by international trade experts. Indeed, New Labour creative industrial policies, as demonstrated in former Culture Secretary, Chris Smith's, essays that linked creativity, entrepreneurship and economic growth (Smith 1998) and initiatives under the Creative Industries Mapping Document (DCMS 2001) reveal how the relationship between the state and national culture is being renegotiated. Less meaningful is the state that served as sponsor or patron of cultural activities for its citizens. Rather, under New Labour, as Nikolas Rose argues (1999), and critics of New Labour cultural policy interrogate (Greenhalgh 1998; Littler 2000), the state is an enabler, partnering with entrepreneurs, small-scale firms, and multinational enterprises to promote the traffic in cultural property. How such a shift affects the production of urban space, and the future meanings attached to the British city remain to be explored. In the context of the American city, M. Christine Boyer (1995), elaborates how an iterative regime of architectural styles and planning ethics functions as a late capitalist cultural logic of urbanism that discards elements, often in decaying and abandoned sections, that cannot be easily incorporated. Borrowing on Kevin Lynch's (1960) notion of the imageable city, she writes: physically, these spaces are linked imaginatively to each other, to other cities, and to a common history of cultural interpretations (82). Within this scenario, the elements of the creative quarter copy, print, art supply and film developing stores, hip cafes and restaurants, galleries, studios, loft conversions and street furniture are gradually linked together to form a recognizable and potentially iterative matrix, overlaid on the disused former industrial district. Moreover, as a prominent, coordinated technique in the revitalization strategies of British cities, and given the aftermath of Cool Britannia, the creative quarter must be seen also as a symptom of a symptom. For, if Cool Britannia is itself produced through the application of branding discourse to the level of national subjectivity, and to the glamorization of the artist, then it is only a short step to contemplate the urbanist logic of the creative quarter as BritSpaceâ„¢. Notes 1. A creative industry is one that has its origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which [has] a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property. I am following the definition of creative industries used by the UK Department of Culture, Media and Sport. It was first used in the Creative Industries Mapping Document, released in November 1998 and was maintained in the second, more extensive mapping exercise in February 2001. The list of activities designated as creative are: advertising, architecture, art and antiques, crafts, design, designer fashion, film and video, interactive leisure software, music, the performing arts, publishing, software and computer services, television and radio. 2. I discuss the emergence of creative enterprises at King's Cross and Spitalfields at length in my doctoral dissertation (Deckha 2000). 3. As Bobby (1999) reports, the Wolff Olins consultants commented that looking at business attitudes towards national identity and UK industry found that 72% of the world's leading companies believe a national image is important when making purchase decisions. In light of this, and worryingly for British business, only 36% of our respondents felt that a 'made in the UK' label would influence their decision positively. 4. Lash and Urry describe this process of branding in the creative or cultural industries: What (all) the culture industries produce becomes increasingly, not like commodities but advertisements. As with advertising firms, the culture industries sell not themselves but something else and they achieve this through 'packaging'. Also like advertising firms, they sell 'brands' of something else. And they do this through the transfer of value through images (1994, 138). References Blair T. (1998) The Third Way: New Politics for a New Century. The Fabian Society, London. Bobby D. (1999) Original Britain' could succeed where 'Cool Britannia' failed Brand Strategy November 22: 6. Boyer M C. (1995) The Great Frame-Up: Fantastic appearances in contemporary spatial politics, Liggett H., Perry D. C., eds. Spatial Practices. Sage, New York. 81-109. Castells M. (1992) The Rise of the Network Society. Blackwell, Oxford. Coombe R. (1998) The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties. Duke University Press, Durham, NC. Deckha N. (2000) Repackaging the Inner City: Historic Preservation, Community Development, and the Emergent Cultural Quarter in London. Unpublished MS, Rice University. Department of Culture, Media and Sport [DCMS]. (2001) Creative industries mapping document [http://www.culture.gov.uk/creative/pdf/p...] Ford S. (1996) Myth Making Art Monthly March: 194. Giddens A. (1998) The Third Way. Polity, Cambridge. Greenhalgh L. (1998) From Arts Policy to Creative Economy Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy, 87, May: 84-94. Hewison R. (1996) Cool Britannia Sunday Times, 19 May. Lash S. and Urry J. (1994) Economies of Signs and Space. Sage, London. Littler J. (2000) Creative Accounting: Consumer Culture, The 'Creative Economy' and the Cultural Policies of New Labour in Bewes T. and Gilbert J. eds. Cultural Capitalism. Lawrence & Wishart, London. 203-222. Lynch K. (1960) The Image of the City. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. McRobbie A. (1999) In the Culture Society. Routledge, London. Roberts J. (1996) Mad for it!: Philistinism, the everyday and new British art Third Text, 35 (Summer): 29-42. Roberts J. (1998) Pop Art, the Popular and British Art of the 1990s in McCorquodale D. et al, eds. Occupational Hazard. Black Dog, London. 53-78. Rose N. (1999) Inventiveness in politics: review of Anthony Giddens, The Third Way Economy and Society, 28.3: 467-493. Scott A.J. (2000) The Cultural Economy of Cities. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. Smith C. (1998) Creative Britain. Faber and Faber, London. Stallabrass J. (1999) High Art Lite. Verso, London. Suchin P. (1998) After a Fashion: Regress as Progress in Contemporary British Art in McCorquodale D. et al, eds. Occupational Hazard. Black Dog, London. 95-110. Links http://www.culture.gov.uk/creative/pdf/part1.pdf Citation reference for this article MLA Style Deckha, Nityanand. "Britspaceâ„¢?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/britspace.php>. Chicago Style Deckha, Nityanand, "Britspaceâ„¢?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/britspace.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Deckha, Nityanand. (2002) Britspaceâ„¢?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/britspace.php> ([your date of access]).

La revue Tel Quel était une plateforme du maoïsme en France autour de Mai 68. Le maoïsme de Tel Quel est non seulement un phénomène politique, mais aussi un phénomène culturel. Il y a trois thèmes de recherche sur le maoïsme de Tel Quel : le maoïsme de Tel Quel et le marxisme; le maoïsme de Tel Quel et la critique du bureaucratisme; et enfin le maoïsme et la culture chinoise (classique). Malgré la fascination des maoïstes "telqueliens" pour la Chine dans les domaines de la politique et de la culture, surtout avec la Révolution culturelle qui intégra les révolutions politiques au nom de la culture, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est un imaginaire sur la Chine. C'était une introjection de la Chine en France avec une négation de la réalité de la Chine de Mao. De plus, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est une critique des intellectuels sur l’aliénation de la modernité. En conséquence, l’observation du maoïsme en France est une réflexion sur le rôle de l’intellectuel, et aussi une réflexion sur la société française autour de Mai 68
Tel Quel is one of the important platforms of Maoism around the May 1968 in France. The Maoism of Tel Quel is not only a phenomenon of politics but also a phenomenon of culture. There are there parts of this thesis: Maoism and Marxism, Maoism and the critiques on bureaucratism, and Maoism and Chinese traditional culture.Although Tel Quel showed great interest to the Chinese politics and culture, especially to the Culture Revolution in China, the Maoism it carried out was the imagination of China. The fact is that the intellectuals utilized the imagined China which reflected the political needs to criticize the social realities in France, but they ignored the true China. Otherwise, the Maoism of Tel Quel is the intellectuals’ criticism to the alienation of modernism in France. Therefore, the investigation on Tel Quel is the investigation of the role that intellectuals played in May 1968 and the perspective of the whole French society around the May 1968 in France

L'étude porte sur les conflits d'interprétation concernant le caractère et les effets supposés du mouvement 68 en France et en Allemagne dans les années 1970 et 1980. Elle prend comme point de départ le mouvement 68 lui-même pour analyser les luttes d'interprétation entendues comme les luttes mémorielles d'un mouvement social. Ces luttes mémorielles sont issues de la structure et de l'histoire même du mouvement 68 désintégré. Elles ont abouti à la genèse d'une interprétation du mouvement 68 qui s'est imposée en France ainsi qu'en Allemagne : le mouvement aurait échoué sur le plan politique, mais aurait conquis la sphère culturelle. Mettant en rapport la position des acteurs dans les conflits d'interprétation et leur place au sein du mouvement 68, la recherche montre que la relation entre le mouvement désintégré et les conflits d'interprétation était un processus dynamique, une lutte permanente menée sur trois niveaux : celui de la perception du temps tout d'abord ; après la désintégration du mouvement 68, son rapport spécifique à l'avenir structure ses luttes mémorielles ; celui de l'orientation cognitive ensuite, dans la mesure où les débats internes des anciens groupes et réseaux porteurs du mouvement 68 sur les stratégies d'action et les formes d'organisations légitimes, c'est-à-dire le « politique » du mouvement, se poursuivent après sa fin et se concentrent, à partir des années 1980 sur la formulation de son échec politique et de son succès culturel. Enfin, cette lutte mémorielle s'affirme autour des positions de porte-parole qui se livrent une concurrence féroce revendiquant chacun la légitimité d'interpréter et d'organiser l'histoire du mouvement 68
The study focuses on the interpretation battles concerning the character and the supposed effects of the 68 movement in France and Germany during the 1970s and 1980s. It takes as its starting point the 68 movement to analyze the interpretation battles, understood as the memory battles of a disintegrated social movement. These memory struggles emerge from the structure and history of the 68 movement itself. They led, both in France and Germany, to the genesis of an identical interpretation of the 68 movement which is that the movement would have failed politically, but had conquered the cultural sphere. By relating the position of the interpretation battles' actors and their place in the 68 movement, the research shows that the relationship between the former 68 movement and the later interpretation battles can be analyzed as a dynamic process and a permanent struggle on three levels

Pour explorer les conséquences biographiques de la participation aux événements de Mai-Juin 68, dans un va-et-vient permanent entre effort d'objectivation (par l'analyse statistique) et effort de compréhension (fondé sur l'analyse de récits de vie), une enquête quantitative et qualitative a été menée auprès d'un échantillon apparié de personnes ayant participé aux événements et de leurs enfants scolarisés dans deux écoles alternatives à Paris et à Nantes. De façon générale, il s'agissait d'étudier les incidences des rencontres entre trajectoires individuelles et événement politique et leurs effets potentiels sur la « deuxième génération » (celle des enfants). La première partie propose une sociogenèse des dispositions contestataires analysant les déterminants de l'engagement en Mai 68 et les registres de participation à l'événement. La deuxième partie étudie les incidences biographiques de la participation à Mai 68, à partir d'une analyse longitudinale et processuelle des trajectoires post soixante-huitardes, fondée sur des indicateurs d'inflexion des trajectoires (politiques, professionnelles et privées). Dans une démarche proche de celle de Doug McAdam dans Freedom Summer, ces deux premières parties mettent en évidence l'hétérogénéité des micro-unités de génération trop souvent confondues dans une « génération Mai 68 », en repérant ce qui tient aux histoires de vie antérieures et aux expositions différenciées à l'événement. La troisième partie poursuit l'enquête auprès des « enfants de soixante-huitards » pour identifier les effets des événements de Mai-Juin 68 sur la « deuxième génération », via notamment les socialisations familiale et scolaire contre-culturelles et la transmission intergénérationnelle d'héritages de Mai 68.

Cette thèse aborde la question de la politisation de l'art, tout en interrogeant le rapport entre art et politique tel qu’il s'est manifesté à travers trois films à contenu politique, dont la production et la réception en France coïncide avec la période post Mai 68 : Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège de Costa-Gavras. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence les mécanismes sociaux qui se trouvent au fondement de la politisation du cinéma à l’époque en France. L’enquête de terrain a pris en considération la trajectoire sociale des films, de leur création à leur réception. La construction sociale de la diégèse s’articule avec la réception critique des films, donnant lieu à un jeu d’étiquetage qui constitue le cristallisateur de cette politisation. Un changement advient dans les critères de jugements de la critique cinématographique et un espace de débat autour de la définition du politique dans le cinéma est créé. La méthodologie appliquée combine l’observation des films, l’étude des archives de la Cinémathèque Française et de l’INA, l’analyse des scénarii et la réalisation d’entretiens originaux avec le cinéaste. Enfin, une étude de la critique menée par la presse écrite – généraliste et spécialisée –, en France est réalisée, ainsi que dans les pays porteurs des faits réels (Grèce, Tchécoslovaquie, Uruguay), dans une posture comparative, afin de mettre en avant les spécificités de la réception en France. Cette étude a pour but, in fine, de comprendre le passage de la prescription d’une catégorie de réception empirique par la presse — celle du « cinéma politique » — à la « fiction politique » comme conception théorique d’un genre, dont le film Z de Costa-Gavras est considéré l’initiateur
This thesis questions the politicisation of art, while at the same time investigating the relationship between art and politics as manifest in three political films, the production and the reception of which in France coincided with the post-68 period: Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège directed by Costa-Gavras. My research aims to demonstrate what social mechanisms are at the basis of the politicisation of film at this time in France by examining the social trajectory of these films, from their creation to their reception. The social construction of the diegesis is linked to the critical reception of these films, creating a playing field of definitions which shored up this politicisation. A change occurs in the judgement criteria used in film criticism and a space of debate is created about the definition of the political in cinema. The methodology applied combines the close-reading of films, research in the archives of the Cinémathèque française and INA, the analysis of scenarios and author-interviews with the filmmaker. Finally, I undertake a comparative study of the criticism in the French press—both general and specialist—, as well as in the countries where the events took place (Greece, Czechoslovakia, Uruguay), before focusing on the specificities of reception in France. This study aims to understand the how a category of empirical reception was prescribed by the press – that of “Political Cinema” to “Political Fiction’ as the theoretical conception of a genre, of which Costa-Gavras’s film, Z, is considered the first example

Screening involves testing asymptomatic individuals who have risk factors, or individuals who are in the early stages of a disease, in order to decide whether further investigation, clinical intervention, or treatment is warranted. Therefore, screening is classically a primary prevention strategy which aims to capture disease early in its course, but it can also involve secondary prevention in individuals with established disease. In the words of Geoffrey Rose, screening is a ‘population’ strategy. Examples of screening programmes are blood pressure monitoring in primary care to screen for hypertension, and ultrasound examination to screen for abdominal aortic aneurysm. The effectiveness and feasibility of screening are influenced by several factors. First, the diagnostic accuracy of the screening test in question is crucial. For example, exercise ECG testing, although widely used, is not recommended in investigation of chest pain in current National Institute for Health and Care Excellence guidelines, due to its low sensitivity and specificity in the detection of coronary artery disease. Moreover, exercise ECG testing has even lower diagnostic accuracy in asymptomatic patients with coronary artery disease. Second, physical and financial resources influence the decision to screen. For example, the cost and the effectiveness of CT coronary angiography and other new imaging modalities to assess coronary vasculature must be weighed against the cost of existing investigations (e.g. coronary angiography) and the need for new equipment and staff training and recruitment. Finally, the safety of the investigation is an important factor, and patient preferences and physician preferences should be taken into consideration. However, while non-invasive screening examinations are preferable from the point of view of patients and clinicians, sometimes invasive screening tests may be required at a later stage in order to give a definitive diagnosis (e.g. pressure wire studies to measure fractional flow reserve in a coronary artery). The WHO’s principles of screening, first formulated in 1968, are still very relevant today. Decision analysis has led to ‘pathways’ which guide investigation and treatment within screening programmes. There is increasing recognition that there are shared risk factors and shared preventive and treatment strategies for vascular disease, regardless of arterial territory. The concept of ‘vascular medicine’ has gained credence, leading to opportunistic screening in other vascular territories if an individual presents with disease in one territory. For example, post-myocardial infarction patients have higher incidence of cerebrovascular and peripheral arterial disease, so carotid duplex scanning and measurement of the ankle–brachial pressure index may be valid screening approaches for arterial disease in other territories.