Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mainz (Electorate)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Mainz (Electorate)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Mainz (Electorate)"

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Buzykina, Irina N., Yulia N. Buzykina, Marina Perst, Alexandra D. Golovkova, and Zoya Yu Metlitskaya. "Incunable from the Book collection of Metropolitan Pitirim (Nechayev) (Monastery of St Joseph of Volokolamsk). The first attempt of attribution." Russian Journal of Church History 1, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2020-2-24.

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The following notice is the first draft description of the incunable, the famous Peregrinatio in terram sanctam, written by German nobleman, cathedral dean and politician in the Electorate of Mainz, Bernhard von Breidenbach, which had been discovered in the April 2020 in the library of St Joseph of Volokolamsk Monastery. This example is a German translation into early modern standard German dialect. By the comparison of the discovered book with the digital images of the editions of 1486 (Peter Schöffer of Mainz) and circa 1500 (Peter Drach of Speyer) collected in the European libraries it was identified as one of the copies printed circa 1500. Digitized copies are available in Bayerische Staatsbibliothek und Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel.
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Julia, Dominique. "The Construction of Confessional Identities in Eighteenth-Century Germany." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 04 (December 2013): 797–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000182.

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Christophe Duhamelle’s La frontière au village. Une identité catholique allemande au temps des Lumières is part of the rich field of studies devoted to confessionalization in the Holy Roman Empire. The book is, however, innovative on at least three levels. First, it moves away from macrohistorical perspectives favoring an overarching point of view, instead analyzing confessional identity as an interaction and constant tension between attempts at standardization imposed from above and appropriations by communities themselves. Its guiding thread is not the confessional norm, but an exploration of the different ways that individuals establish a sense of membership within a community. Discontinuities and areas of uncertainty persist along the frontiers between Catholics and Lutherans, and confessional identity is characterized by its specular nature, feeding off of what it borrows from its opponents. Second, Duhamelle’s study focuses on the second half of the eighteenth century, in contrast to other studies predominantly dealing with the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Lastly, Eischsfeld, an exclave of the Archbishopric-Electorate of Mainz, was a rural territory, while most studies have essentially been devoted to towns.
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Schultze, Rainer-Olaf. "Die bayerische Landtagswahl vom 14. Oktober 2018: Signal für nachhaltigen Wandel auch im Bund?" Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 2 (2019): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-223.

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The outcome of the election marks a deep shift not only in Bavarian politics but also corresponds to Germany’s ongoing restructuring of its electorate and the changing configuration of its party system at large: (1) The two catch-all parties suffered dramatic losses of more than ten percentage points; the conservative CSU lost its parliamentary majority in the state legislature, tallying less than 40 percent, the social-democratic SPD even less than ten percent of the total vote . (2) The voting behaviour is characterised by high volatility and processes of polarisation, caused by growing cleavages between town and country, between the generational as well as religious divides and the ongoing occupational differentiation in the electorate . Ideologically, these divides correlate with liberal and cosmopolitan mind-sets and (post-)modern urban lifestyles, the main electoral base of the Green party, on the one hand versus the more conservative and traditional rural electorates on the other . Their influence on the newly formed coalition between the CSU and the “Free Voters” will be more pronounced, while the populist and in part anti-pluralist electorate rallies behind the right-wing AfD . (3) In Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria and Hesse, the Green party has now replaced the SPD as the main electoral contender of the Christian-democratic parties; it remains to be seen whether their electoral fortunes can be extended to the northern and eastern parts of the country in the near future .
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Lin, Pei-Chun, and Chiu Cheng. "Electorate redistricting for a single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system: Taiwan’s electoral reform." Yugoslav Journal of Operations Research 24, no. 1 (2014): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/yjor110210002l.

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In this study, we formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with Taiwan?s electoral reforms, minimizing legislative seats for the main opposition party in Taipei City. The model is compared with historical election data to establish characteristics that are most contested and germane to the reform. Examination of the constituency demarcation for the Seventh Legislator Election ascertains that electorate demarcation can/can not be manipulated to create electoral advantage. Demonstrable evidence of a bias toward disproportionate representation in the single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system ultimately attests the importance of scenario analysis before adopting new electorate systems.
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MASLOVA, ELENA. "ITALIAN WOMEN IN FRONT OF THE BALLOT BOX (ON THE POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE FEMALE ELECTORATE)." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-81-85.

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The paper focuses on the political preferences of the female electorate in the Italian Republic. In particular, the main factors that affect the electoral behavior of women are considered, data on gender preference are given in the last parliamentary elections of 2018 and European 2019. The author concludes that the main trend - the low involvement of women in the political life of the country has remained since the First Republic. Given this, the female electorate represents an unrealized resource that can be used by political forces and Italian parties in the struggle for voter votes.
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VAN HEERDE, JENNIFER, MARTIN JOHNSON, and SHAUN BOWLER. "Barriers to Participation, Voter Sophistication and Candidate Spending Choices in US Senate Elections." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 745–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000391.

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Costs associated with voting affect an individual's willingness to turn out for an election as well as aggregate rates of voting across political jurisdictions. Barriers to participation also skew the social and economic composition of electorates. In this Research Note, we suggest that the costs of participation affect candidate behaviour as well – the strategic purposes of their appeals to voters and the media they choose to deliver messages. Why? By making the trip to the ballot box more or less difficult, electoral laws select voters with respectively less or more interest in and thus knowledge of politics. Given the systematic variations in how people with different levels of political knowledge learn during a campaign, we anticipate that election laws ultimately influence the communication tools that candidates use.We propose that the costs of voting have a compositional effect on electorates: as voting becomes increasingly difficult, the average level of political knowledge and interest among voters should decrease. This is not due to a micro-level effect in which registration laws somehow make individual voters smarter or better informed. Institutionally imposed costs simply affect who can and will vote. For a brief example, if one state charged its citizens £50 to vote while another paid its citizens £50 at their polling site, we would expect quite sizeable differences in turnout and composition of the electorate across the two states. The main contribution of this note, however, is our recognition that campaigns adapt to these differences in systematic ways. Real world differences in the cost of voting are not as great as these financial disparities, but the idea is the same: costs borne by individuals will have selection effects that produce different types of electorates and prompt different campaign styles by candidates.
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Gamboa, Ricardo, and Mauricio Morales. "Deciding on the Electoral System: Chile's Adoption of Proportional Representation in 1925." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 2 (2015): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00269.x.

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AbstractIn 1925 a new electoral system was introduced in Chile. This reform changed the electoral formula from a cumulative voting system to a proportional one (d'Hondt) and established new rules about district magnitude and form of voting. It has been argued that this reform was motivated by the emergence of new parties or the expansion of the electorate. This article offers an alternative explanation: in the case of Chile, the main reason for the electoral reform was the parties' need to solve problems of strategic coordination stemming from the characteristics of the Chilean cumulative voting system. In this context, the Chilean case shows that there are many routes to proportionality.
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Balakireva, Olga, Tetiana Bondar, and Dmytro Dmytruk. "Electoral orientation and electorate behavior during the elections of people’s deputies of Ukraine in October 28, 2012." Ukrainian society 2012, no. 4 (2012): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2012.04.213.

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The article analyzes the electoral behavior of voters at the recent parliamentary elections, especialities of the electorate of the main political forces,as well as evaluation of the results by voters. This article also provides a comparative analysis of the results of the exit poll obtained by different methods of data collection: direct survey and imitation of the ballot voting.
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ANTSZEWSKI, Andrzej. "Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.1.6.

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Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.
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Jensen, Thomas, and Andreas Madum. "Partisan optimism and political bargaining." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816630435.

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Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimistic electoral expectations make costly bargaining delay look more favourable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Party decision makers should take this into account when bargaining. We set up and analyse a simple game theoretic model to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do not in themselves cause inefficient bargaining delay.
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Books on the topic "Mainz (Electorate)"

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Commission, Electoral. Main supply estimate 2003-04 for the year ending 31 March 2004: Supply estimate Electoral Commission. London: Stationery Office, 2003.

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IEEE International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques & Applications (4th 1996 Mainz, Germany). 1996 IEEE 4th International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques and Applications: Technical program, proceedings, September 22-25, 1996, Electoral Palace, Mainz, Germany. [New York]: Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, 1996.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. Electoral Systems and Economic Policy. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0040.

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This article discusses recent empirical and theoretical research on the electoral rule, which is one feature of modern democracies. It determines that the electoral rule systematically shapes economic policy. An outline of some key objectives of electoral rules is presented in the first section; it further notes the stability and systematic selection that characterize real-world constitutions. It then introduces the main concepts that categorize different electoral rules, and explains how these elements help shape the accountability of government and the size of political rents and corruption. Finally, the article deals with representation in government and a variety of fiscal policy choices.
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State, Maine Secretary of, ed. Women in elective office in Maine 1995: A report on the gender composition of municipal, county and legislative electoral offices in the State of Maine. [Augusta, Me.]: Secretary of State, 1995.

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Grofman, Bernard. The Impact of Electoral Laws on Political Parties. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0006.

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This article looks at the impact of electoral laws on political parties. It focuses on empirical research, rather than on the implicitly normative foundations of different voting rules or on formal modeling results. The discussion presents comparisons of a limited number of polar electoral system types. The article lists forms of proportional election methods and plurality elections, which are considered to be two of the most important methods of voting. Finally, the article serves to report the results of one of the four main concerns of the field by observing the electoral system effects on the number of parties, etc.
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Main Supply Estimate 2006-07: For the Year Ending 31 March 2007 Supply Estimate: The Electoral Commission. Stationery Office, 2006.

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1996 IEEE 4th International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques and Applications: Technical program, proceedings, September 22-25, 1996, Electoral Palace, Mainz, Germany. May be ordered from IEEE Service Center, 1996.

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8

Gallagher, Michael. 10. Elections and referendums. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0012.

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This chapter focuses on the two main opportunities that people have to vote in most societies: elections and referendums. Elections are held to fill seats in parliaments or to choose a president, whereas referendums allow citizens to decide directly on some issue of policy. Elections are the cornerstone of representative democracy, and referendums are sometimes regarded as the equivalent of ‘direct democracy’. In practice, referendums are used only as an option in systems of representative democracy. The chapter first provides an overview of elections and electoral systems, focusing on electoral regulations and the main categories of electoral systems, namely: single-member plurality, alternative vote, two-round system, and proportional representation. It then examines the rules under which elections are held as well as the consequences of this variation. It also considers the use of the referendum and its potential impact on politics.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 3. Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do? Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190458164.003.0003.

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‘Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do?’ examines each of those questions and reveals that political party organizations in the United States reflect the nation's federal system. The party is organized at each electoral level. The main purpose of the party is to assist their candidates to get into office. The party organization does not define party policy nor do its leaders exercise much authority of those elected under the party label. This is a situation that has changed quite markedly over the last century as changes have taken place in the electoral process.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 3. Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do? Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780195301229.003.0003.

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‘Party Organisations: What do they look like? What do they do?’ examines each of those questions and reveals that political party organizations in the US reflect the nation's federal system. The party is organized at each electoral level. The main purpose of the party is to assist their candidates to get into office. The party organization does not define party policy nor do its leaders exercise much authority of those elected under the party label. This is a situation that has changed quite markedly over the last century as changes have taken place in the electoral process.
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Book chapters on the topic "Mainz (Electorate)"

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Dulak, Michał. "Pro-Europeans and ‘Euro-Realists’: The Party-Voters Linkage and Parties’ Political Agendas in Poland, 2004–2019." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 157–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_7.

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Abstract Poland’s European policy and its struggles with EU institutions since 2015 may lead to the conviction that the country’s illiberal turn is accompanied by a process of de-Europeanisation which is fostered by the government to undermine the country’s presence in the EU. Drawing on the party-voters linkage concept, this chapter examines whether such assumptions can be confirmed. It covers societal attitudes and manifestos of the main ruling party and main opposition parties in Poland, PO and PiS, in the period from 2004 to 2019. The chapter shows that party manifestos do not show signs of radical de-Europeanisation (like, for example, calls for withdrawal from the EU) but a limited refocusing of EU issues. One exception was PiS’s open rejection to accept the Euro currency in the future. This mixed strategy is explained by differentiated positions among the party’s electorate over EU issues.
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Pannia, Paola. "Tightening Asylum and Migration Law and Narrowing the Access to European Countries: A Comparative Discussion." In IMISCOE Research Series, 49–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67284-3_3.

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AbstractThis chapter aims to explore and analyse the tangled interplay of political discourses, policies and legislations in the field of asylum and migration that runs across the countries under scrutiny (the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Italy, Switzerland and the UK, hereinafter SIRIUS countries). Building on empirical evidence, we highlight some main trends registered across SIRIUS countries: the narrowing and slowing down of access to international protection that results from the recourse to push-back operations and the construction of fences, but also procedures provided by the EU asylum acquis, such as the accelerated procedure. This restraining tendency is even more acute in the field of economic-related migration, where in most of the SIRIUS countries legal entry channels are mostly reserved for those who are considered eligible due to their economic resources or talent, such as high-skilled workers, investors or rich entrepreneurs. These restrictive measures often rely on narratives that question the sincerity of the asylum claim, and criminalise migration and humanitarian assistance. Meanwhile, legislative landscapes on migration and asylum are increasingly populated by symbolic laws, which downgrade foreigners’ rights and weaken standards. Their explicit aim is to dissuade migrants from coming to the country, while catering for natives’ fears and responding to domestic electoral consensus-building.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "On the campaign trail." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the way parties present themselves – and are presented – to Russia’s electorate during election campaigns. In the first part of the chapter, examination is made of the approaches that the main parties take to campaign strategy and political marketing. There was a gradual professionalisation of the electoral process in the 1990s and early 2000s, with amateur candidates and campaigners gradually being replaced by professional political consultants. The use made of product-, sales- and market-oriented approaches is examined. The second part of the chapter analyses how election campaigns are covered in the media, using content analysis of television and other media coverage. Finally, public attitudes to election campaigning and media usage are assessed, with the aid of post-election surveys from each of the post-Soviet State Duma elections.
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Fieldhouse, Edward, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Hermann Schmitt, and Cees van der Eijk. "Conclusions." In Electoral Shocks, 188–200. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800583.003.0010.

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This chapter summarizes the main arguments of the book and discusses how each of the five shocks shaped the outcomes of the 2015 and 2017 general elections. We reflect on the role played by the three different mechanisms identified in our theory—salience, competence, and party image—which had varying degrees of importance in the impact of each shock. We consider whether the changes might be long-lasting and how new identities may (or may not) replace fading party identities, and the implications our book has for the future of British politics, and for a more general understanding of electoral change.
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Fieldhouse, Edward, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Hermann Schmitt, and Cees van der Eijk. "Brexit and the Reshaping of British Electoral Politics." In Electoral Shocks, 163–87. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800583.003.0009.

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In this chapter we show how the vote to leave the EU in 2017 brought about a return to two-party politics and a fundamental shift in the social and geographical alignment of party support. Electoral competition between the two main parties previously dominated by concerns relating to redistribution, taxation, and an emphasis on the free market versus social protection now also focused almost equally on the EU, immigration, and liberal–authoritarian values. For the first time in modern history, economic left–right competition between Labour and the Conservatives was accompanied by a commensurate emphasis on a second cultural, or social, dimension of politics. This was also reflected in changes in the demographic patterns of party support, especially age and education.
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Curtice, John. "The Electoral System." In The British Constitution in the Twentieth Century. British Academy, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263198.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the changes in the electoral system in Great Britain during the twentieth century, focusing on elections to the House of Commons, and considers franchise, the translation of votes into seats, and the rules about campaigning. It describes the main features and the principal changes that occurred during the course of the twentieth century, and attempts to explain why the electoral system came to have the characteristics it did.
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Pilet, Jean-Benoit, and Alan Renwick. "1. Electoral Systems." In Comparative European Politics, 11–30. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198811404.003.0001.

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This chapter examines the variety of electoral systems in Europe. Electoral systems lie at the heart of democratic politics, influencing who citizens’ representatives are and having profound effects upon politics at large. The authors start by presenting the variety of electoral systems used across Europe, focusing on three key dimensions: electoral formulas, district magnitudes, and ballot structures. Then they discuss some of the main developments in electoral systems in Europe since 1945, highlighting shifts towards limited proportional systems and more ‘personalized’ systems. Finally, they probe deeper into the consequences of electoral systems, looking at effects on the nature of competition both between and within political parties.
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Levin, Dov H. "Why They Meddle in Elections—And What Are the Effects on the Results." In Meddling in the Ballot Box, 20–52. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197519882.003.0002.

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Chapter 2 lays out in detail the theoretical arguments on the causes and effects of partisan electoral interventions. It also notes the main theoretical assumptions underlying these theoretical arguments, some of which are non-obvious in many political science approaches. It then provides a description of the main methods for testing these theoretical arguments. It first describes how the main historical case studies were chosen and how the data for them was collected. It then concludes by briefly explaining how the definition of electoral interventions was operationalized and how the dataset of partisan electoral interventions (PEIG) utilized for the main statistical analyses was constructed.
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Kaur, Manpreet, and Rajesh Verma. "Social Media." In Media Influence, 1–8. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3929-2.ch001.

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Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Facebook is the prime social networking site which is used by 96% of urban users, followed by Google Plus (61%), Twitter (43%) and LinkedIn (24%). This extensive use of social media by the public had attracted the attention of the politicians to use it for election campaigns and has given researchers a reason to find out how politicians are engaging the public through this platform. Influence of Social media on the electorate has been proved from its successful use in the US presidential election in 2008 and by political parties in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in India. This paper intends to explore the use of social media and its effectiveness in political elections through an extensive literature review. Social media has become an effective tool for political engagement and political participation as it is a low cost media as compared to traditional media. The low cost of this media has made it one of the main source to get information for advanced analysis and in-depth understanding of the electoral process. This paper will provide an insight to politicians, political analysts, journalists and electoral candidates regarding social media usage. The paper will also present a future research agenda to study how political parties can benefit from use of social media and change their strategies to engage workers and the voters.
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Farrell, David M., and Luke Field. "6. Beyond Electoral Representation." In Comparative European Politics, 119–40. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198811404.003.0006.

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This chapter examines some of the main alternatives to representative methods of democratic decision-making practised in contemporary Europe. The chapter first focuses on referendums, providing an overview of their use across Europe’s democracies and examining how much scope is given to citizens to control when they are held and what they are about. The chapter then reviews the wider panoply of democratic innovations that, in combination, see democracies move beyond being merely ‘vote-centred’ representative processes. This includes the relatively recent emergence of deliberative forms of democracy, in which citizens are brought into the heart of debates on key policy issues through their involvement in ‘deliberative mini-publics’ such as citizens’ assemblies.
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Conference papers on the topic "Mainz (Electorate)"

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Ahmedov, Ruslan, and Daria Zubkova. "LEGAL REGULATION OF instruments FOR DIGITALIZATION OF THE ELECTORAL PROCESS." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02058-6/120-127.

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The paper is devoted to one of the significant problems for modern Russian society, namely, the peculiarities of the implementation of the electoral process. The main aspects where digital technologies are quite actively used to organize universal access to electoral technologies for citizens are considered.
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Santos, Jéssica S., Flávia Bernardini, and Aline Paes. "Measuring the Degree of Divergence when Labeling Tweets in the Electoral Scenario." In Brazilian Workshop on Social Network Analysis and Mining. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/brasnam.2021.16131.

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Analyzing electoral trends in political scenarios using social media with data mining techniques has become popular in recent years. A problem in this field is to reliably annotate data during the short period of electoral campaigns. In this paper, we present a methodology to measure labeling divergence and an exploratory analysis of data related to the 2018 Brazilian Presidential Elections. As a result, we point out some of the main characteristics that lead to a high level of divergence during the annotation process in this domain. Our analysis shows a high degree of divergence mainly in regard to sentiment labels. Also, a significant difference was identified between labels obtained by manual annotation and labels obtained using an automatic annotation approach.
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Ahmad, Shamall. "Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp290-310.

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The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).
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Herta, Adrian-Alexandru. "INSIDE THE COBWEB OF CALCULATIONS, COEFFICIENTS, HIDDEN PURPOSES AND FEARS: ROMANIAN ELECTORAL LAW FROM MARCH 1926 IN THE VIEW OF THE MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s01.013.

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Tleulesova, A. Sh, and A. N. Nugumanova. "STYLISTIC FEATURES OF RUSSIAN AND KAZAKHSTAN PRE-ELECTION POLITICAL SLOGANS." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7257.

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Such a specific element of political communication as a slogan, which is often used within the election campaign, has been to the present day a less studied issue in the Russian and Kazakh political linguistics. Nowadays this genre of political text is being mainly mastered by the sociologists, politologists, image-makers, etc., dealing with the issues of electoral technologies. This article deals with the study of stylistic features of a political slogan which are characteristic for the election campaigns of Russia and Kazakhstan held in the period of recent decades. The results of the study show that the main purpose of their use is to enhance the expressiveness of the statement. This allows us to conclude that the language of political slogans has great opportunities and resources to implement this impact. It also becomes apparent that persuasiveness is one of the key functions of the slogan's pragmatic functions.
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Saeed, Nawsherwan. "Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?" In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183.

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Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.
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