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1
Commission, Electoral. Main supply estimate 2003-04 for the year ending 31 March 2004: Supply estimate Electoral Commission. London: Stationery Office, 2003.
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2
IEEE International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques & Applications (4th 1996 Mainz, Germany). 1996 IEEE 4th International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques and Applications: Technical program, proceedings, September 22-25, 1996, Electoral Palace, Mainz, Germany. [New York]: Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, 1996.
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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. Electoral Systems and Economic Policy. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0040.
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This article discusses recent empirical and theoretical research on the electoral rule, which is one feature of modern democracies. It determines that the electoral rule systematically shapes economic policy. An outline of some key objectives of electoral rules is presented in the first section; it further notes the stability and systematic selection that characterize real-world constitutions. It then introduces the main concepts that categorize different electoral rules, and explains how these elements help shape the accountability of government and the size of political rents and corruption. Finally, the article deals with representation in government and a variety of fiscal policy choices.
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State, Maine Secretary of, ed. Women in elective office in Maine 1995: A report on the gender composition of municipal, county and legislative electoral offices in the State of Maine. [Augusta, Me.]: Secretary of State, 1995.
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5
Grofman, Bernard. The Impact of Electoral Laws on Political Parties. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0006.
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This article looks at the impact of electoral laws on political parties. It focuses on empirical research, rather than on the implicitly normative foundations of different voting rules or on formal modeling results. The discussion presents comparisons of a limited number of polar electoral system types. The article lists forms of proportional election methods and plurality elections, which are considered to be two of the most important methods of voting. Finally, the article serves to report the results of one of the four main concerns of the field by observing the electoral system effects on the number of parties, etc.
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Main Supply Estimate 2006-07: For the Year Ending 31 March 2007 Supply Estimate: The Electoral Commission. Stationery Office, 2006.
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7
1996 IEEE 4th International Symposium on Spread Spectrum Techniques and Applications: Technical program, proceedings, September 22-25, 1996, Electoral Palace, Mainz, Germany. May be ordered from IEEE Service Center, 1996.
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8
Gallagher, Michael. 10. Elections and referendums. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0012.
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This chapter focuses on the two main opportunities that people have to vote in most societies: elections and referendums. Elections are held to fill seats in parliaments or to choose a president, whereas referendums allow citizens to decide directly on some issue of policy. Elections are the cornerstone of representative democracy, and referendums are sometimes regarded as the equivalent of ‘direct democracy’. In practice, referendums are used only as an option in systems of representative democracy. The chapter first provides an overview of elections and electoral systems, focusing on electoral regulations and the main categories of electoral systems, namely: single-member plurality, alternative vote, two-round system, and proportional representation. It then examines the rules under which elections are held as well as the consequences of this variation. It also considers the use of the referendum and its potential impact on politics.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 3. Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do? Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190458164.003.0003.
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‘Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do?’ examines each of those questions and reveals that political party organizations in the United States reflect the nation's federal system. The party is organized at each electoral level. The main purpose of the party is to assist their candidates to get into office. The party organization does not define party policy nor do its leaders exercise much authority of those elected under the party label. This is a situation that has changed quite markedly over the last century as changes have taken place in the electoral process.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 3. Party organizations: What do they look like? What do they do? Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780195301229.003.0003.
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‘Party Organisations: What do they look like? What do they do?’ examines each of those questions and reveals that political party organizations in the US reflect the nation's federal system. The party is organized at each electoral level. The main purpose of the party is to assist their candidates to get into office. The party organization does not define party policy nor do its leaders exercise much authority of those elected under the party label. This is a situation that has changed quite markedly over the last century as changes have taken place in the electoral process.
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Caramani, Daniele. 13. Party systems. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0015.
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This chapter examines how competition between political parties gives rise to different party systems. In liberal democracies, competition for power is based on popular votes. The shape and dynamics of party systems are determined by the electoral game, with parties as main actors. A party system is thus essentially the result of competitive interactions between parties. A party system has three main elements: which parties exist, how many parties exist and how big they are, and how parties behave. An obvious but important point is that party systems must be composed of more than one political party. The chapter begins with a discussion of the origins of party systems, followed by an analysis of the format of party systems, such as two-party systems and multiparty systems. It then considers the influence of the electoral system on party systems before concluding with an assessment of the dynamics of party systems.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideological Challenges and the Decline of the Congress Party. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.003.0010.
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The Congress party that governed India for most of the period since independence suffered its worst electoral loss in 2014. This chapter revisits the history of the Congress and questions whether identity assertion and the ostensible organizational atrophying of the Congress suffice to explain its decline. We attribute the electoral weakness of the Congress party to the shrinking ideological space for the party in many parts of India. The Congress in the past few decades has moved away from the ideological center. The clearest evidence for this comes from the states where the Congress is an electoral force and others where it has no significant impact on the outcome of the election. In states where two centrist parties have emerged the Congress has virtually no presence. The only states where the Congress retains significant support is in states where the BJP is its main opponent.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. American Political Parties and Elections. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190458164.001.0001.
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American Political Parties and Elections: A Very Short Introduction examines the electoral process in the United States and explains why it is widely misunderstood. Why is participation in elections so much lower in the United States than in other mature democracies? What role do the political parties play in the electoral process? And why do unregulated groups such as 527 advocacy organizations have as much, if not more, influence than candidates' campaign organizations? This VSI examines these and other issues to provide an insider's view of how the system actually works and why there remain only two main political parties, despite the fact that many citizens claim allegiance to neither and think badly of both.
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Listhaug, Ola, and Tor Georg Jakobsen. Foundations of Political Trust. Edited by Eric M. Uslaner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.013.14.
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Research on political trust has been through a period of strong growth and now constitutes an important field within political behavior. The research growth is driven at least partly by access to new sources of data, which are relevant for testing many of the explanations of political trust discussed in the research literature. Research has moved in several directions. Overall, we observe that research on political trust is strongly integrated into mainstream research on political behavior with an emphasis of attitudes and other political psychology constructs. Complementing the micro-level approach, there is also a movement toward macro-level studies, with strong links to institutions. The institutional approach is primarily linked to electoral institutions and serves to test main hypotheses about differences between electoral systems.
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Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0009.
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This chapter tests the theory through a quantitative analysis of populist electoral success. It conducts a statistical analysis of the performance of populist candidates in all democracies across Asia, Europe, the, and Australasia. This analysis shows that as subnational units gain autonomy, the electoral performance of populist politicians is enhanced in patronage democracies but not in non-patronage democracies. This finding suggests that there exists a pathway to populist success that is distinctive to patronage democracies. To deal with the high number of cases in which populists receive no votes, the main analysis is a “double-hurdle” model. To control for the endogeneity of these decentralizing processes to party-system stability, the chapter employs an instrumental variables (IV) estimation strategy, in which autonomy is instrumented for by a number of structural features of a polity (area, population, and territorial contiguity). The model also holds up to this IV estimation.
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Heal, Bridget. The Desire for Images. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737575.003.0004.
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Chapter 3 examines in detail the impact of Calvinist reform on Lutheran attitudes towards images in the two territories that form the main focus of this study: Electoral Saxony and Brandenburg. It shows that images served as confessional markers not only for Lutheran theologians but also for laypeople. In Saxony, where Elector Christian I introduced short-lived Calvinist reforms in 1586–91, members of the political elite expressed their loyalty to Lutheranism through the epitaphs and altarpieces that they commissioned. In Brandenburg, where Elector Johann Sigismund attempted to introduce a fully fledged Calvinist Reformation in 1615, there was widespread resistance to iconoclasm. In April 1615, Berlin’s Lutheran inhabitants rioted, in part in response to the stripping of the city’s main church. The chapter analyzes accounts of this riot and considers its legacy, arguing that during this period conflict served to embed images even more firmly in Lutheran confessional consciousness.
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Brennan, Geoffrey, and Alan Hamlin. Constitutions As Expressive Documents. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0018.
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This article looks at constitutions as expressive documents. Two concepts are the main focus of this article: the constitution and the notion of expressiveness. The article tries to clarify these concepts by appeal of a contrast, which will be between a constitution as a legal document and the more general idea of a constitution, which is envisaged by the Constitutional Political Economy (CPE). It also tries to clarify the notion of expressive activity, followed by a discussion on the issue of how expressiveness operates in electoral politics. Finally, a simple two-by-two matrix is used to explore the role of expressive elements in constitutions.
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Packer, Ian. Whigs and Liberals. Edited by David Brown, Gordon Pentland, and Robert Crowcroft. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198714897.013.6.
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This chapter examines some of the main historiographical trends in interpreting the nature, achievements, and fortunes of the Whig groupings of the early to mid-nineteenth century and then the Liberal party from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. In doing so it takes a fresh look at the many controversies that have raged over Whig and Liberal ideology, their perceptions of the political system, their actions in government, party organization, and their electoral successes and failures. It also reviews the fraught problem of whether and how these developments can be related to changes in society, the British political system, and prevalent intellectual trends.
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Heal, Bridget. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737575.003.0001.
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The introduction outlines the book’s key themes and methodological approaches. It situates the study within recent scholarly discussions of confessional culture and identity, and demonstrates the importance of incorporating images and other types of visual evidence into these discussions. The introduction also provides an overview of recent work on the history of Lutheran art, and argues that we need to move beyond the still-widespread assumption that it served primarily polemical and pedagogical purposes. The introduction outlines the chronological and geographical scope of the whole study, and gives brief histories of the two territories that lie at its heart: Electoral Saxony and Brandenburg. Finally, it explains the book’s structure, providing an overview of its three main sections: the confessional image, the devotional image, and the magnificent image.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.003.0003.
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The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.
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Jesse, Eckhard, Tom Mannewitz, and Isabelle-Christine Panreck, eds. Populismus und Demokratie. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845294773.
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The current populist wave of electoral success has put democracy under pressure. Yet, whereas the tension between populism and democracy appears to be the main challenge of our times, the conflict over the basic principles of constitutional democracy is part of a long historical development. Which conflicts shape democracy today and have shaped it in the past? How do populist actors alter the dispute over democracy in times of globalisation? This anthology analyses the complex interaction between the theory and practice of democracy in Germany, Europe and the US. For the sake of interdisciplinarity, the book unites contributions from political science, communication science, law and research into contemporary history. With contributions by et al Sandra Wirth, Felix Rhein, Robin Graichen, Jens Weinhold-Fumoleau
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Lacey, Joseph. Democratic Process and Democratic Purpose. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796886.003.0002.
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Theories of democracy have been refined to two main types by the latter part of the twentieth century, namely competitive and deliberative theories. This chapter attempts to provide an improved articulation of democracy by highlighting two concepts commonly overlooked by both schools of thought. These are the voting space that structures public discourse and the democratic difference principle that regulates power inequalities in a democratic system. The author’s conception of democratic legitimacy can be briefly summarized as prescribing the maximization of citizen control over the decisions in which they have a stake, through a moderate proliferation of voting spaces and the opinion formation processes they engender. In practical terms, this may be translated as the need for multilevel electoral bodies and corresponding multifaceted direct democratic institutions.
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Bedock, Camille. Bundling the Bundles. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779582.003.0009.
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The failed constitutional reform and the successful electoral reform occurring in Italy between 2003 and 2006 constitute archetypical examples of the dynamics behind divisive institutional reforms conducted through a majoritarian process. The main argument of this chapter is that the very presence of four coalition partners with different priorities has led to the formulation and negotiation of an ever wider bundle of institutional reforms. First, this large bundle has been built in order to accommodate the diverging priorities and preferences of the government coalition by giving something to each party. Second, the very dynamic of trade-offs and the anticipation of the effects of the reforms have led the reformers to include more and more provisions in the deal, eventually evidencing the crucial importance of time management in the final outcome of the two reforms.
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Monaco, Nicholas J. Taiwan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0006.
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Taiwan is a country with a rich history and cultural ties to mainland China. Though there has been much research and effort dedicated to propaganda and censorship in the People’s Republic of China over the years, less attention has been paid to the digital propaganda sphere in Taiwan. This report explores computational propaganda in Taiwan and finds that digital propaganda in Taiwan can be divided into two types: (1) internal propaganda on domestic political issues and campaigns, and (2) cross-Strait propaganda—emanating from the mainland and promoting reunification of the two countries. Furthermore, recent computational and social research points to manual propaganda being the main method used in campaigns in both countries. The use of two political bots in Taiwan, an anti-fake news bot and an intelligence-gathering crawler bot used in a 2014 electoral campaign, is explored in detail.
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Karakoç, Ekrem. Cross-National Test of the Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826927.003.0003.
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The previous chapter posed the primary research question and offered a new theory that encompassed two interrelated arguments. This chapter produces three hypotheses derived from the new theory offered in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 tests these arguments in a large-N study using multivariate statistical analysis. The first section discusses the operationalization of our main dependent and independent variables. It will also briefly outline a set of control variables and what the literature predicts regarding their effect on spending and inequality. These factors range from economic factors (globalization, inflation, female labor participation, economic development), political factors (partisanship, electoral systems, election cycle), and demographic factors. To correct for problems associated with the nature of panel data models, such as endogeneity, heteroskedasticity, and autocorrelation, it uses the Arellano-Bond estimation, which uses the Generalized Method of Moments. The rest of the chapter presents the results and offers its interpretation and conclusion.
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Widfeldt, Anders. The Radical Right in the Nordic Countries. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.27.
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This chapter deals with the Nordic countries of Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. For many years these four countries were neatly split into a dichotomy, with relatively strong populist radical right parties in Denmark and Norway and less successful counterparts in Finland and Sweden. Since about 2010, however, the populist radical right now has a firmly established foothold in all four countries. In addition, populist radical right parties have moved from isolation to acceptance in three of the studied countries, entering government in Norway and Finland and exerting considerable policy influence in Denmark. Exploring this development, the chapter deals with the origins, ideologies, electoral support, and political impact of the main Nordic populist radical right parties. It is argued that they will not disappear from the political center stage, and that the Swedish radical right can be expected to eventually obtain a position of legitimacy and influence.
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Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.
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How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
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Waylen, Georgina. Democracy, Democratization, and Gender. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.383.
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Democracies and the processes surrounding recent transitions to democracy are gendered in a variety of ways. Recently, feminist scholars have questioned the exclusionary ways in which democracy is both theorized and operationalized and how these have resulted in women and men being incorporated into democratic polities. They have demonstrated how processes of democratization, particularly the third wave of democratization that has taken place over the last three decades, are gendered. They have also shown that women’s movements were key actors in the broad opposition coalitions against many nondemocratic regimes. In order both to understand the differing role of organized women in the subsequent transitions to democracy and the ways in which transition paths affect gender outcomes, feminist scholars have begun to focus on the complex and sometimes contradictory interaction of four variables: the transition; women activists; political parties and politicians involved in the transition; and the institutional legacy of the nondemocratic regime. Two main areas that have been explored in relation to the political outcomes of transitions to democracy are women’s participation in competitive electoral politics and major changes in gender policy. In order to expand one important emerging area of research that is looking at how attempts to establish democracy in post-conflict settings are gendered, feminist scholars with expertise in third wave transitions to democracy need to analyze not only women’s roles in post-conflict institution building but also the ways that the outcomes have gendered implications more systematically.
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Charnock, Emily J. The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.001.0001.
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This book explores the origins of political action committees (PACs) in the mid-twentieth century and their impact on the American party system. It argues that PACs were envisaged, from the outset, as tools for effecting ideological change in the two main parties, thus helping to foster the partisan polarization we see today. It shows how the very first PAC, created by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1943, explicitly set out to liberalize the Democratic Party by channeling campaign resources to liberal Democrats while trying to defeat conservative Southern Democrats. This organizational model and strategy of “dynamic partisanship” subsequently diffused through the interest group world—imitated first by other labor and liberal allies in the 1940s and 1950s, then adopted and inverted by business and conservative groups in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Previously committed to the “conservative coalition” of Southern Democrats and northern Republicans, the latter groups came to embrace a more partisan approach and created new PACs to help refashion the Republican Party into a conservative counterweight. The book locates this PAC mobilization in the larger story of interest group electioneering, which went from a rare and highly controversial practice at the beginning of the twentieth century to a ubiquitous phenomenon today. It also offers a fuller picture of PACs as not only financial vehicles but electoral innovators that pioneered strategies and tactics that have come to pervade modern US campaigns and helped transform the American party system.
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Lacey, Joseph. Centripetal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796886.001.0001.
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Centripetal democracy is the idea that legitimate democratic institutions set in motion forms of citizen practice and representative behaviour that serve as powerful drivers of political identity formation. Partisan modes of political representation in the context of multifaceted electoral and direct democratic voting opportunities are emphasized on this model. There is, however, a strain of thought predominant in political theory that doubts the democratic capacities of political systems constituted by multiple public spheres. This view is referred to as the lingua franca thesis on sustainable democratic systems (LFT). Inadequate democratic institutions and acute demands to divide the political system (through devolution or secession), are predicted by this thesis. By combining an original normative democratic theory with a comparative analysis of how Belgium and Switzerland have variously managed to sustain themselves as multilingual democracies, this book identifies the main institutional features of a democratically legitimate European Union (EU) and the conditions required to bring it about. Part I presents a novel theory of democratic legitimacy and political identity formation on which subsequent analyses are based. Part II defines the EU as a demoi-cracy and provides a thorough democratic assessment of this political system. Part III explains why Belgium has largely succumbed to the centrifugal logic predicted by the LFT, while Switzerland apparently defies this logic. Part IV presents a model of centripetal democracy for the EU, one that would greatly reduce its democratic deficit and help to ensure that this political system does not succumb to the centrifugal forces expected by the LFT.
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Della Porta, Donatella, Lorenzo Cini, and César Guzmán-Concha. Contesting Higher Education. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208627.001.0001.
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This close investigation of student protests represents the first comparative review of the subject. Setting the wave of demonstrations within the contexts of student activism, social issues, and political movements, the book casts new light on their impact on higher education and on the broader society. The book begins with an overview of the analysis of transformation in higher education (HE) policies and student politics, linking them to research on the policy outcomes of social movements. HE policies have been shaped by various waves of student mobilization. Students have often been important actors in contentious politics, mobilizing on all main cleavages in society and often stimulating spin-off movements, as well as affecting institutional politics at large. Student protests are therefore affected by public policies at least as much as they affect them. The book focuses on these complex interactions, aiming at understanding the development of student protests within neoliberal universities. It explores four episodes of student contestation over HE reforms, which have recently taken place in Chile, Quebec, England, and Italy. In light of the findings, the book reflects on the impacts of neoliberal policies in contentious politics and point at the relevance of coalitions for a sustained impact of mobilization campaigns. The discussion also points toward the student movements' effects in terms of empowerment, the triggering of spill-over movements, and transformations in electoral and party politics. Offering sophisticated new theoretical arguments based on fascinating empirical work, the insights and conclusions revealed in this study are of value to anyone with an interest in social, political, and related studies.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.5.
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This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Europe at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: • The COVID-19 pandemic arrived in a largely democratic Europe. Only 4 countries in the region (10 per cent) are not democracies, while many of the democracies are high performing. • Democracy in Europe, however, has in recent years experienced erosion and backsliding. More than half of European democracies have eroded in the last 5 years. In particular, 3 countries—Hungary, Poland and Serbia—have registered a more severe form of erosion, called democratic backsliding, with Hungary regressing on its democratic standards for the past 14 years. • The pandemic has intensified these pre-existing concerns. The 3 backsliding countries in Europe have implemented a number of measures to curb the pandemic that are concerning from a democracy standpoint. • The main democratic challenges caused by the pandemic in Europe pertain to the disruption of electoral cycles, curtailment of civil liberties, the use of contact tracing apps, the increase in gender inequality and domestic violence, risks to vulnerable groups, executive aggrandizement, protest waves, corruption cases and challenges in the relationship between local and national governance. • Europe’s democracies have mostly showed resilience, and opportunities for furthering the integrity of elections, for digitalization and for innovative social protests have arisen. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.