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Journal articles on the topic 'Mainz (Electorate)'
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1
Buzykina, Irina N., Yulia N. Buzykina, Marina Perst, Alexandra D. Golovkova, and Zoya Yu Metlitskaya. "Incunable from the Book collection of Metropolitan Pitirim (Nechayev) (Monastery of St Joseph of Volokolamsk). The first attempt of attribution." Russian Journal of Church History 1, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2020-2-24.
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The following notice is the first draft description of the incunable, the famous Peregrinatio in terram sanctam, written by German nobleman, cathedral dean and politician in the Electorate of Mainz, Bernhard von Breidenbach, which had been discovered in the April 2020 in the library of St Joseph of Volokolamsk Monastery. This example is a German translation into early modern standard German dialect. By the comparison of the discovered book with the digital images of the editions of 1486 (Peter Schöffer of Mainz) and circa 1500 (Peter Drach of Speyer) collected in the European libraries it was identified as one of the copies printed circa 1500. Digitized copies are available in Bayerische Staatsbibliothek und Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel.
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Julia, Dominique. "The Construction of Confessional Identities in Eighteenth-Century Germany." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 04 (December 2013): 797–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000182.
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Christophe Duhamelle’s La frontière au village. Une identité catholique allemande au temps des Lumières is part of the rich field of studies devoted to confessionalization in the Holy Roman Empire. The book is, however, innovative on at least three levels. First, it moves away from macrohistorical perspectives favoring an overarching point of view, instead analyzing confessional identity as an interaction and constant tension between attempts at standardization imposed from above and appropriations by communities themselves. Its guiding thread is not the confessional norm, but an exploration of the different ways that individuals establish a sense of membership within a community. Discontinuities and areas of uncertainty persist along the frontiers between Catholics and Lutherans, and confessional identity is characterized by its specular nature, feeding off of what it borrows from its opponents. Second, Duhamelle’s study focuses on the second half of the eighteenth century, in contrast to other studies predominantly dealing with the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Lastly, Eischsfeld, an exclave of the Archbishopric-Electorate of Mainz, was a rural territory, while most studies have essentially been devoted to towns.
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Schultze, Rainer-Olaf. "Die bayerische Landtagswahl vom 14. Oktober 2018: Signal für nachhaltigen Wandel auch im Bund?" Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 2 (2019): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-223.
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The outcome of the election marks a deep shift not only in Bavarian politics but also corresponds to Germany’s ongoing restructuring of its electorate and the changing configuration of its party system at large: (1) The two catch-all parties suffered dramatic losses of more than ten percentage points; the conservative CSU lost its parliamentary majority in the state legislature, tallying less than 40 percent, the social-democratic SPD even less than ten percent of the total vote . (2) The voting behaviour is characterised by high volatility and processes of polarisation, caused by growing cleavages between town and country, between the generational as well as religious divides and the ongoing occupational differentiation in the electorate . Ideologically, these divides correlate with liberal and cosmopolitan mind-sets and (post-)modern urban lifestyles, the main electoral base of the Green party, on the one hand versus the more conservative and traditional rural electorates on the other . Their influence on the newly formed coalition between the CSU and the “Free Voters” will be more pronounced, while the populist and in part anti-pluralist electorate rallies behind the right-wing AfD . (3) In Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria and Hesse, the Green party has now replaced the SPD as the main electoral contender of the Christian-democratic parties; it remains to be seen whether their electoral fortunes can be extended to the northern and eastern parts of the country in the near future .
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Lin, Pei-Chun, and Chiu Cheng. "Electorate redistricting for a single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system: Taiwan’s electoral reform." Yugoslav Journal of Operations Research 24, no. 1 (2014): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/yjor110210002l.
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In this study, we formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with Taiwan?s electoral reforms, minimizing legislative seats for the main opposition party in Taipei City. The model is compared with historical election data to establish characteristics that are most contested and germane to the reform. Examination of the constituency demarcation for the Seventh Legislator Election ascertains that electorate demarcation can/can not be manipulated to create electoral advantage. Demonstrable evidence of a bias toward disproportionate representation in the single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system ultimately attests the importance of scenario analysis before adopting new electorate systems.
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MASLOVA, ELENA. "ITALIAN WOMEN IN FRONT OF THE BALLOT BOX (ON THE POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE FEMALE ELECTORATE)." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-81-85.
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The paper focuses on the political preferences of the female electorate in the Italian Republic. In particular, the main factors that affect the electoral behavior of women are considered, data on gender preference are given in the last parliamentary elections of 2018 and European 2019. The author concludes that the main trend - the low involvement of women in the political life of the country has remained since the First Republic. Given this, the female electorate represents an unrealized resource that can be used by political forces and Italian parties in the struggle for voter votes.
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VAN HEERDE, JENNIFER, MARTIN JOHNSON, and SHAUN BOWLER. "Barriers to Participation, Voter Sophistication and Candidate Spending Choices in US Senate Elections." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 745–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000391.
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Costs associated with voting affect an individual's willingness to turn out for an election as well as aggregate rates of voting across political jurisdictions. Barriers to participation also skew the social and economic composition of electorates. In this Research Note, we suggest that the costs of participation affect candidate behaviour as well – the strategic purposes of their appeals to voters and the media they choose to deliver messages. Why? By making the trip to the ballot box more or less difficult, electoral laws select voters with respectively less or more interest in and thus knowledge of politics. Given the systematic variations in how people with different levels of political knowledge learn during a campaign, we anticipate that election laws ultimately influence the communication tools that candidates use.We propose that the costs of voting have a compositional effect on electorates: as voting becomes increasingly difficult, the average level of political knowledge and interest among voters should decrease. This is not due to a micro-level effect in which registration laws somehow make individual voters smarter or better informed. Institutionally imposed costs simply affect who can and will vote. For a brief example, if one state charged its citizens £50 to vote while another paid its citizens £50 at their polling site, we would expect quite sizeable differences in turnout and composition of the electorate across the two states. The main contribution of this note, however, is our recognition that campaigns adapt to these differences in systematic ways. Real world differences in the cost of voting are not as great as these financial disparities, but the idea is the same: costs borne by individuals will have selection effects that produce different types of electorates and prompt different campaign styles by candidates.
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Gamboa, Ricardo, and Mauricio Morales. "Deciding on the Electoral System: Chile's Adoption of Proportional Representation in 1925." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 2 (2015): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00269.x.
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AbstractIn 1925 a new electoral system was introduced in Chile. This reform changed the electoral formula from a cumulative voting system to a proportional one (d'Hondt) and established new rules about district magnitude and form of voting. It has been argued that this reform was motivated by the emergence of new parties or the expansion of the electorate. This article offers an alternative explanation: in the case of Chile, the main reason for the electoral reform was the parties' need to solve problems of strategic coordination stemming from the characteristics of the Chilean cumulative voting system. In this context, the Chilean case shows that there are many routes to proportionality.
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Balakireva, Olga, Tetiana Bondar, and Dmytro Dmytruk. "Electoral orientation and electorate behavior during the elections of people’s deputies of Ukraine in October 28, 2012." Ukrainian society 2012, no. 4 (2012): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2012.04.213.
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The article analyzes the electoral behavior of voters at the recent parliamentary elections, especialities of the electorate of the main political forces,as well as evaluation of the results by voters. This article also provides a comparative analysis of the results of the exit poll obtained by different methods of data collection: direct survey and imitation of the ballot voting.
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ANTSZEWSKI, Andrzej. "Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.1.6.
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Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.
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Jensen, Thomas, and Andreas Madum. "Partisan optimism and political bargaining." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816630435.
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Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimistic electoral expectations make costly bargaining delay look more favourable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Party decision makers should take this into account when bargaining. We set up and analyse a simple game theoretic model to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do not in themselves cause inefficient bargaining delay.
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Monsalvo Mendoza, Edwin Andrés. "Entre leyes y votos. La legislación electoral en la Nueva Granada durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 4, no. 8 (July 1, 2012): 12–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v4n8.32449.
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El presente artículo muestra —a partir del análisis de las normas electorales compiladas en la Codificación Nacional—, el papel que jugó la legislación electoral colombiana en los comicios durante la primera mitad de siglo XIX. El interés principal se centra en la descripción y análisis de los requisitos para ser sufragante y elector, el desarrollo de las elecciones parroquiales, las transgresiones a las normas y el papel de los jueces durante los comicios. Nuestra hipótesis es que las normas se iban construyendo en la medida que las prácticas electorales hacían necesario su regulación.Palabras claves: legislación electoral, elecciones, electores, Nueva Granada.Between Legislation and Votes. The Electoral Legislation in the Nueva Granada During the First Half of the 19th CenturyAbstractThis article shows —from the analysis of compiled electoral standards in national encoding— the role played by the Colombian electoral legislation on the elections during the first half of the 19th century. The main interest focuses on the description and analysis of the requirements to be an elector, the development of the local elections, the violations to the rules and the role of judges during these elections. Our hypothesis is that standards were building to the extent that electoral practices made it necessary to its regulation. Keywords: electoral legislation, elections, voters, New Granada.
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Krambia-Kapardis, Maria. "Perception of political corruption as a function of legislation." Journal of Financial Crime 21, no. 1 (December 20, 2013): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-04-2013-0025.
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Purpose – The main aim of the paper is to determine whether countries with enacted legislation on electoral accountability issues (such as conflict of interest, revolving doors, asset disclosure, lobbying, immunity, political party funding and a code of conduct for politicians) have lower corruption perception than countries that do not have legislation on those variables. Design/methodology/approach – The author utilised the corruption reports developed by the corruption country experts appointed by the EU DG Home and carried a correlation analysis between the above variables and the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) developed by Transparency International. Findings – A correlation was only found for the asset disclosure variable and CPI. Alternative factors borne out of the literature are briefly discussed and suggestions for future research are made. Research limitations/implications – Due to the small sample size (n=26), the statistical analysis that could be carried out was limited. Practical implications – One policy implication of the negative finding obtained is that politicians are well advised to invest in measures that will enhance the electorate's trust in them. Passing anti-corruption legislation alone does not yield low corruption perception. Originality/value – This is the first study of its kind addressing corruption correlates by looking at electorate accountability.
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Fernández-Esquer, Carlos. "El sistema electoral de Bélgica y sus reformas electorales." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27144.
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El presente artículo aborda el estudio del sistema electoral de la Cámara de Representantes belga y sus reformas electorales. Bélgica fue el primer país europeo en adoptar un sistema de representación proporcional y, desde entonces, sus elementos centrales han exhibido una extraordinaria estabilidad. Sin embargo, con el cambio de siglo, el gobierno de coalición liderado por el liberal Guy Verhofstadt situó el debate sobre las reformas institucionales en el centro de la agenda política. Ello condujo a una reforma electoral que supuso la «provincialización» del mapa electoral, el establecimiento de una barrera electoral del 5 por ciento y la reducción a la mitad del peso de voto de lista. En 2012, se produjo la última reforma electoral, que consistió en la división de la polémica circunscripción de Bruselas-Halle-Vilvoorde. Este último episodio evidencia la complejidad del modelo federal belga, de carácter consociacional, bipolar y con dinámicas centrífugas.This paper deals with the study of the electoral system of the Belgian House of Representatives and its electoral reforms. Belgium was the first European country to adopt an electoral system of proportional representation and, since then, its main elements have exhibited extraordinary stability. However, with the turn of the century, the coalition government headed by the liberal Guy Verhofstadt put the debate on institutional reforms at the center of the political agenda. This led to an electoral reform that involved several novelties: the «provincialization» of the electoral map, the establishment of a 5 percent threshold and the reduction of the list vote weight by half. In 2012, there was the last electoral reform, which consisted of the division of the controversial constituency of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde. This last episode shows the complexity of the Belgian federal model, consociational, bipolar and with centrifugal dynamics.
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Vignati, Rinaldo. "Da Formentini a Sala." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 76, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 8–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9249.
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The article retraces the last 20 years of direct mayoral election in Milan. It shows how the changes in institutional and electoral settings influenced both the party system and the voters' electoral responses. The first part of the article retraces the strategies of alliances and the choice of candidates made by the main coalitions. The second part estimates the flows of votes using the Goodman model. In order to quantify the mobility of Milanese electorate a typology of voters is proposed (stable, converted, absent, etc.). The third part analyses some indexes to assess the degree of bipolarism, fragmentation and personalisation of the city party system. In a context more and more volatile and tripolar, Milan is now one of the more bipolar city in Italy.
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Zemskova, Anastasiya Yu. "On the history of researching electoral sociology." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 30, no. 3 (2019): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2019.30.3.595.
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In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology’s development, from “straw polls” to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930’s and 1940’s, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as “post-Gallup” theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology’s development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.
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Mietzner, Marcus. "Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia: Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation?" Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, no. 1 (2009): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003644.
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The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debates about the competitiveness, credibility and representativeness of these ballots. The main focus of such discussions has understandably been on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates and voters. But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: that is, the remarkable proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diversity of views expressed in them – have challenged many of the conventional wisdoms held about the Indonesian electorate. The picture that emerges from the rapid spread of opinion polls in recent years, and from their profound impact on the political elite, points to an increasingly sophisticated (and diversified) electorate. The rise of opinion polls as key elements in electoral politics has been so fast and so consequential that Indonesia now faces the same dilemmas typically associated with the dominance of pollsters in consolidated Western democracies. This article discusses the implications of the rising importance of opinion polling for Indonesia’s consolidating democracy.
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Slipetska, J. M. "Electoral parties: the ideological positioning of parliamentary parties in Ukraine." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 12 (February 4, 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718159.
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The article defines the main theoretical and methodological approaches to the analysis of the concept of «electoral party», investigates how this political institution evolved and which subspecies can be distinguished. Revealed that the electoral political party is a modern type of political party, characterized by erosion of the boundaries of the social base, professionalization and personalization of politics, de-ideologization of the party program, and recognition of the leading role of the electoral function. The main sub-types of electoral parties include: electoral-professional parties, cartel parties, strataghia, modern personnel parties, program parties, business-party parties, and «big tents».The ideological component of parliamentary parties in Ukraine according to the results of the last elections in 2014 has been analyzed. The methodology of content analysis of party programs by the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko, the Narodnyj Front, Samopomisch, the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, the Radical Party and the Opposition Bloc, using the formula of Chi Min Kim and Richard Fording, determined the ideological positioning each of them. Revealed that parliamentary parties in Ukraine have weak ideological articulation, the vast majority of parliamentary parties tend to centralism.According to a number of formal signs, determined that modern parliamentary parties in Ukraine are electoral in their essence - with blurred ideological positions, the main purpose of which is to reach the widest possible electorate and gain maximum representation in parliament. Determined that Ukrainian political parties are «parties for all» with a blurred social base and de-ideologization. Analyzing the programs of Ukrainian parliamentary parties, was found common to all parties, namely, the abuse of populism and attempts to take a centrist stand.
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Lyubarev, Arkady. "Correlation analysis of voting results in the Russian federal and regional elections of 2011–2018." Political Science (RU), no. 1 (2021): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.01.09.
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Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.
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Miller, Susan M., Christopher Witko, and Neal D. Woods. "How the Unorganized Mass Public (Sometimes) Gets Represented in Regulatory Politics." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 17, 2017): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917724005.
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Many scholars have argued that because consumers are poorly organized, regulatory enforcement will tend to be lax and serve the interests of industry. Considering, however, that elections are one of the main mechanisms by which the public exerts control over policy, surprisingly few studies have examined how electoral incentives may spur the government to regulate vigorously on behalf of consumers. We argue that when the threat of electoral accountability is greater, regulatory activities will serve the interests of the public, even if they impose costs on industry. We test this theoretical expectation by analyzing state regulatory activity in the wake of exogenous storms and natural disasters, which provide us with important theoretical and causal leverage. We find that a more “pro-regulation” electorate and elected chief regulators acting in close proximity to elections are associated with pro-consumer regulatory action.
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Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (June 29, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.
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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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JOU, WILLY. "Partisan Bias in Japan's Single Member Districts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 1 (April 2009): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003368.
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AbstractThe delineation of constituency boundaries and variations in vote distribution across districts often favor certain parties at the expense of others. Applying a hitherto under-utilized formula (Brookes, 1959; Johnston et al., 1999), this study investigates whether the mechanism translating votes into seats in Japan's single-member districts results in systematic partisan advantage that may influence election outcomes. Simulations are conducted for the 2003 and 2005 general elections under two scenarios: where the governing coalition and the main opposition party receive equal vote shares, and where their vote shares are reversed from the actual results. Components of electoral bias are then disaggregated into size and distribution effects, and the impact of malapportionment, electorate size, turnout, and the role of third party/independent candidates on overall electoral bias is examined. Results show that while partisan bias exists, disadvantages toward one party in some components are likely to cancel out benefits derived from others, producing a relatively small net effect. Furthermore, electoral bias in Japan is found to award sectoral rather than partisan seat bonuses.
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Bojar, Abel. "Biting the Hand that Feeds: Reconsidering the Partisan Determinants of Welfare Spending in Times of Austerity." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (April 3, 2017): 621–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.3.
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The New Politics of the welfare state suggests that periods of welfare retrenchment present policymakers with a qualitatively different set of challenges and electoral incentives compared to periods of welfare expansion. An unresolved puzzle for this literature is the relative electoral success of retrenching governments in recent decades, as evidenced by various studies on fiscal consolidations. This article points to the importance of partisan biases as the main explanatory factor. I argue that partisan biases in the electorate create incentives for incumbent governments to depart from their representative function and push the burden of retrenchment on the very constituencies to which they owe their electoral mandate (‘Nixon-goes-to-China’). After offering a simple model on the logic of partisan biases, the article proceeds by testing the unexpected partisan hypotheses that the model generates. My findings from a cross-section time-series analysis in a set of 23 OECD countries provide corroborative evidence on this Nixon-goes-to-China logic of welfare retrenchment: governments systematically inflict pain on their core constituencies. These effects are especially pronounced in periods of severe budgetary pressure.
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Apostoaie, Constantin-Marius. "Relevant Determinants of the Political Parties’ Environmental Preference." Scientific Annals of Economics and Business 63, s1 (December 1, 2016): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/saeb-2016-0135.
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Abstract An instrument that political parties use to inform the electorate with regard to their policy preference (including preference towards the environment) is the electoral manifest. This paper analyses some important drivers that push political parties towards adopting pro-environmental attitudes by analysing the content included in their electoral manifestos (using the Comparative Manifesto Dataset). As explanatory factors we consider various socio-economic, ideological and international related variables, but our main focus is on environmental related determinants. We proceed as such because the paper aims to test the validity of ‘the ecological approach’ given that the current literature overlooks this issue or doesn’t succeed in providing strong evidence of its existence. Our dataset covers 49 countries worldwide and a total of 190 national electoral years, occurring between 2000 and 2015. The resulting evidence, which might confirm the validity of ‘the ecological approach’, is rather weak, but there is nonetheless strong evidence to prove the existence of an opportunistic behaviour of the political parties (confirming the validity of the ‘opportunistic political cycle’).
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Omidiora, Oluwasegun, Esther Ajiboye, and Taiwo Abioye. "Political Communication and Popular Literature: An Analysis of Political Jingles in Nigerian Electoral Discourse." Journal of Creative Communications 15, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258619886161.
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To win the support of the electorates, Nigerian politicians engage diverse resources during electoral campaigns. Some of these resources include political jingles. This study examines political discursive practices and their socio-cognitive functions in the political jingles of the 2015 general elections in Nigeria. This is to illuminate the politicians’ sociopolitical evaluations of the electorates. The data for this study comprise 50 political jingles of the presidential campaigns of the two major political parties in the country, the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the main opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC). This study is anchored on linguistic and literary theoretical perspectives using Critical Discourse Analysis and Sociology of Literature, respectively, to reveal the inherent meanings in, and socio-cultural implications of, the discourse of the sampled political jingles. Data analysis identifies political jingles as face-saving, assertive and educative acts. It also notes that implicatures, names, lexemes, religious allusions, evidentiality and code-switching are ideologically employed in the political jingles to enhance the politicians’ personalities and acceptance among the electorates.
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Lupulescu, Grigoreta-Iulia. "The End of Françafrique? A Study Case on Benin’s 2016 Presidential Elections." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.1.02.
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"The elections that took place in 2016 in Benin are very significant in defining the new framework of the French-African relations per se. The so-called candidate of Françafrique, Lionel Zinsou, lost the elections mainly because he promoted during the electoral campaign a vision still devoted to maintaining close connections with the former colonial power, France. On the other side, Patrice Talon fiercely advocated for a new and strong position both in what regards the domestic affairs as well as externally, portraying himself as «le candidat de la rupture». In the end, this way of positioning during the electoral campaign brought him the victory in elections, besides France’s support towards the other candidate. Taking into consideration all these elements, the main purpose of the paper is that of analysing the impact of the 2016 elections ‘result on redefining and maybe even ending the French-African relations, long time known as Françafrique. In this approach, the analysis will mainly focus on the electoral campaign itself and especially on the way in which the colonial past and the reference to France have been used by the candidates as means of winning votes from the electorate and to positioning to one another during that period of time. Keywords: Benin, presidential elections, electoral campaign, colonial history, Françafrique "
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McCrea, Rod, Zoe Leviston, Iain Walker, and Tung-Kai Shyy. "Climate Change Beliefs Count: Relationships With Voting Outcomes at the 2010 Australian Federal Election." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.376.
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Climate change is a political as well as an environmental issue. Climate change beliefs are commonly associated with voting behaviour, but are they associated withswingsin voting behaviour? The latter are arguably more important for election outcomes. This paper investigates the predictive power of these beliefs on voting swings at the 2010 Australian federal election after controlling for a range of other related factors (demographic characteristics of voters, different worldviews about nature and the role of government, and the perceived opportunity cost of addressing climate change). Drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys of voters and data from the Australian Electoral Commission, this paper investigates relationships between climate change beliefs and voting swings at both the individual and electorate levels. At an individual level, a hypothetical 10% change in climate change beliefs was associated with a 2.6% swing from a conservative Coalition and a 2.0% swing toward Labor and 1.7% toward the Greens party, both left on the political spectrum. At the electorate level, this equates to a shift of 21 seats between the two main political parties (the Coalition and Labor) in Australia’s 150 seat parliament, after allocating Green preferences. Given many seats are marginal, even modest shifts in climate change beliefs can be associated with changes in electoral outcomes. Thus, climate change is expected to remain a politically contested issue in countries like Australia where political parties seek to distinguish themselves, in part, by their responses to climate change.
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Grzymala-Busse, Anna. "The programmatic turnaround of communist successor parties in East Central Europe, 1989–1998." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(01)00024-1.
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The communist parties’ adaptation to democracy is one of the more remarkable developments of post-1989 politics in East Central Europe. Ironically, unresponsive and incompetent ruling communist parties have in some cases spawned successors that have been able to respond to democratic electoral cleavages and convince large portions of the electorate of their ability to govern democratically and competently. This paper argues that the main factor underlying this ability has been organizational transformation of the communist parties: specifically, the extent to which these parties centralized and streamlined their organizations, while breaking with a discrediting past. This transformation is itself a function of elite skills developed under communism.
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Peszyński, Wojciech. "Presidentialization of Electorate’s Behavior in the Election to Voivodeship Sejmiks in 2018." Political Preferences, no. 24 (November 18, 2019): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.24.27-44.
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The main category in this article is electoral presidentialization, understood as a tendency of voters’ behavior to mirror the decisions typical for presidential elections. Here, the category under consideration is analyzed in two dimensions: leader effect and social approval for the organization of television debates of the leaders of two most important parties. The author explains the process in question on the basis of quantitative and percentage distribution of answers to two questions to be found in three editions of the nation-wide electorate study “Political Preferences”. This article concerns voters’ preferences in a survey that was conducted just after the self-government election in 2018. In order to grasp the specificity of electoral behavior in this particular voting, the analysis was conducted in a comparative manner, and the subject of comparison was the 2015 election to the Sejm. The results of studies organized in 2012 and 2013, when no election was organized in Poland, were also referred to in a necessary scope.
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E.V. Efanova, E. V. x. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL FEATURES OF REGIONAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN RUSSIA." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-179-185.
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The article presents a structural and functional analysis of election campaigns in Russia. It is obvious that electoral campaigns of candidates are unfolding during the election period, which, through interaction with citizens, enlist their support and sympathy, which contributes to their achievement of the main goal - victory in the elections and, therefore, the seizure and retention of power. The election campaign, being a structural element of the electoral process, is a set of events carried out by various subjects of this process in order to win the election by attracting the votes of the electorate. In general, the electoral company, on the one hand, is a set of measures for organizing elections, regulated by law and carried out by election commissions, and, on the other, a set of actions of political actors involved in the electoral process. It was established that election campaigns have a typical structure, organizational features, political, administrative and socio-cultural characteristics at the federal and regional levels of the electoral process. Among the regional organizational and functional features of domestic election campaigns are: a high degree of intensity of the election process, the dependence of the success of regional election campaigns on the electoral activity of citizens, the orientation of candidates to the needs of the residents of the region, and a prompt response to criticism from the electoral community. The study of the features of the implementation of regional election campaigns is important for Russian reality, especially in the conditions of the ongoing formation and intensive development of the democratic political process in the Russian Federation at the present stage.
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Belluati, Marinella. "Signs of Europeanization?: the 2014 EP election in European newspapers." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 2 (May 19, 2016): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.10.
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Taking into account the European public sphere and the EU democratic deficit theories, and utilizing the European elections as an evidence, this article demonstrates that despite appearances the European public sphere is showing signs of Europeanization. In the last European electoral campaign, the electorate has gained a more direct voice in the selection of the President of the European Commission. For the first time, EP parties (or party groups) have selected candidates for this position, hence structuring the electoral campaign and giving visibility to such candidates, as suggested by the European Parliament resolution document issued on 4 July 2013. Through political communication approaches, the article explores the impact these guidelines had in the domestic electoral strategies. It does so drawing on a comparative perspective approach. Descriptive content analysis tools are utilized to examine the online edition of articles related to the European election campaign in five European newspapers: The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais, La Stampa, and Süddeutche Zeitung. The research focused on (i) coverage of European campaign, (ii) main issues and topics of the electoral debate, (iii) visibility of European and national leaders, and (iv) impact of Eurosceptic perspective in the European election debate. Special attention is given to comparing the different journalistic approaches about gender balance and Euroscepticism. The results of this comparative analysis show a strengthening of the Europeanization of the public sphere.
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Kubánek, Martin. "Role populismu ve volebním marketingu hnutí ANO před parlamentními volbami v roce 2013." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 319–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2016.4.319.
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The text provides an analysis of the practical use of populism in electoral marketing by the movement ANO before the last election to the Czech Parliament in 2013. Its main goal is to link two heretofore unconnected concepts in political science and develop new insights and approaches in political research in the area of political marketing and populism.The first part describes theoretical approaches found in populism and electoral marketing, which are later applied to a case study reflecting the role of populism in the electoral marketing of ANO. In the following empirical part, we analyze how the election campaign staff of ANO implemented and formulated their electoral strategy, used internal market research, classified the electorate, and identified key segments of voters. In the next part, we focus on an analysis of the critical rhetoric of ANO leaders against the whole political establishment, including populist features in various arguments. The research of populism in ANO’s campaign is based on content analysis of the main party documents as well as an analysis of semi-structured interviews with ANO’s election strategists. We confirm that populism was a part of the identity of the movement, which helped it successfully mobilize the segment of disgruntled voters. The author’s perception of populism is based on the proto-political marketing concept, formulated by Henneberg and Eghbalian in 2002. This form of populism’s catch-all strategy of undifferentiated targeting, as well as a lack of clear or dominant ideological roots in ANO’s party profile (identity), would characterize the position of ANO as “The Tactical Populist” party in Henneberg’s typology. However, we question the significance Henneberg assigned to the Tactical Populist category.
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Baranov, A. "Spain’s party system development trends in the context of the electoral cycle 2019." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-4-36-42.
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The topicality of the article is that the party system of Spain is undergoing serious transformations, the positioning of political forces and their ideologies, the organizational structure are changing significantly. National parliamentary elections are held for the fourth time in 4 years, which is unique to the countries of consolidated democracy. Trends in the development of Spain are relevant for cross- national comparisons of party systems. Methods – systems approach, synchronous comparative analysis, a secondary analysis of the results of opinion polls, mapping of party support in the elections. Materials: regulations; statements by party leaders; pre-election programs; results of sociological surveys; statistics on the results of elections. Results: The crisis of the party system in Spain is peculiar to the transition from a bipartisan model to a model of moderate pluralism, increased fragmentation, significant volatility, and the dependence of the main national parties on the support of regional parties. In the electoral cycle of 2019, the party system of Spain is a system of moderate pluralism (5 leading actors) with the growing role of regional parties, pragmatic coalitions are inevitable for creating a government. The economic recovery of 2014–2019 influenced the decline in the influence of “Unidos Podemos”, their electorate partially returned to the PSOE. In European and subnational elections, these trends are even more pronounced due to the format of electoral systems and the isolation of regional party systems. The threefold structure of the Spanish electorate, distributed mainly among left-leaning centers, center-right and regional nationalists, is preserved. An analysis of the statistical results of the elections and questionnaires proves an inversely correlated relationship between the level of support for the PSOE and “Unidos Podemos” in the center-left segment, and the level of support for the People’s Party, “Citizens” and “Vox” in the center-right camp. The influence of parties is extremely uneven across autonomous communities, and unevenness is increasing. The increase in the instability of the party system in Spain is predicted due to the growing influence of new parties and the underdeveloped culture of parliamentary coalitions. This process increases the chances of Catalan nationalists. A radical reform of the political system of Spain is brewing; the electorate of the left parties expresses the greatest demand for reform.
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Fesenko, Vladimir, and Liliya Detochenko. "Territorial Analysis of Political Preferences of the Population (Based on the Lower Volga Mesoregion of the Southern Federal District of Russia)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.13.
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Introduction. In modern Russian society, understanding of elections as an important component of the country’s social and political life in the context of differences in political orientations of the population is increasingly affirmed. This statement makes it possible to consider the geography of elections both in individual regions and in the country as a whole, as well as to conduct a deep historical analysis to better understand the current political processes in the country. Methods. It seems most important to consider this problem in the context of the federal elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation using the statistical method. The comparative and cartographic methods contribute to a better understanding of geographical features of political preferences of the electorate. Analysis. The study shows that the development of any process, including political one, is seriously influenced by the regional specificity of the territory, affecting all of its spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to single out the reasons for the nature of changes in electoral preferences of voters in the territory under study. Results. The authors trace the dynamics of the electoral activity of the population of the Lower Volga mesoregion in the presidential elections. The researchers reveal the change of electoral preferences of voters for the period under review. The paper presents the territorial analysis of the political preferences of the population identified in the process of federal elections; marks their multidirectional nature. The authors identify the main reasons for the changes in electoral preferences of voters in the Lower Volga mesoregion at the presidential elections.
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Decker, Frank, and Lazaros Miliopoulos. "From a Five to a Six-Party System? Prospects of the Right-wing Extremist NPD." German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270207.
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Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.
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Michalak, Bartłomiej. "Mixed Electoral Systems: A Hybrid or a New Family of Electoral Systems?" World Political Science 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0012.
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AbstractThe main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportional systems into one system), mechanics (multi-formula and multiple-tiered seat allocation mechanism), multiplicity of variants and detailed technical solutions (presence or lack of mandate transfer and/or of vote transfer between majoritarian and proportional subsystems). The distinctiveness of mixed electoral systems is, however, determined primarily by self-relevant political consequences generated within strategies of nominating party candidates (the number of candidates listed within single-mandate constituencies of the majority part has a positive effect on the party’s results in proportional subsystem), electorate voting behaviors (the psychological effect is acting on voters toward honest and not strategic voting), the level of disproportionality of election results (the mixed system are in general less proportional than traditional systems of proportional representation, however, they are more proportional than the majoritarian voting systems) and the degree of party dispersion (the mixed systems are usually correlated with three-body format of the party system).
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Aldrich, John H., and Daniel J. Lee. "Why Two Parties? Ambition, Policy, and the Presidency." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (September 21, 2015): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.48.
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Duverger’s Law suggests that two parties will dominate under first-past-the-post (FPTP) within an electoral district, but the law does not necessarily establish two-party competition at the national level. United States is unique among FPTP countries in having the only durable and nearly pure, two-party system. Following this observation, we answer two questions. First, what contributes to the same two parties competing in districts all across the country and at different levels of office? Second, why is the US two-party system so durable over time, dominated by the same two parties? That is, “Why two parties?” As an answer, we propose the APP: ambition, the presidency, and policy. The presidency with its national electorate and electoral rules that favor two-party competition establishes two national major parties, which frames the opportunity structure that influences party affiliation decisions of ambitious politicians running for lower offices. Control over the policy agenda helps reinforce the continuation of a particular two-party system in equilibrium by blocking third parties through divergence on the main issue dimension and the suppression of latent issue dimensions that could benefit new parties. The confluence of the three factors explains why the United States is so uniquely a durable two-party system.
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Masi, Beniamino. "Looking through the mirror: representativeness of the Italian party system before the 2018 General Election." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 84, no. 1 (July 20, 2021): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-10237.
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The use of the Internet and communication technologies has dramatically increased in recent times. This change has affected every aspect of political life, with electoral campaigns and parties making no exception. One of the most significant advancements on the theme is the spread of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). These tools are developed before elections to match users’ policy preferences to those of the parties running. By looking at the dataset created with the answers of the users of an Italian VAA, Navigatore Elettorale, this study aims at understanding the representativeness of the six main parties running in the 2018 General Election. Through the development of a Representative Deficit Index, the study will also assess the key policy areas in which each of these parties performed best in the eyes of the electorate. The finding shows a diversified pattern of (in)successes for each of the parties, with some unexpected results.
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Andreadis, Ioannis, and Heiko Giebler. "Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0012.
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AbstractLocating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.
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Amirzhanova, А. М. "EVOLUTION OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE ELECTION PROCESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: POLITICAL ANALYSIS." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 74, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-2.1728-8940.20.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the evolution features of the formation and development of representational bodies through the institution of elections, which is one of the most important and urgent issues in the context of democratization in modern Kazakhstan. The main purpose of the scientific article is to analyze the elections in the formation of representative authority in Kazakhstan from the standpoint of political science. This is related to the fact that the electoral process in the country is developing in accordance with the democratic regime, undergoing legislative reforms and difficulties in improving. Thus, the article examines the issues of the evolutionary development of elections by the methods of comparative analysis, cross-temporal comparison, and identifies the features of development. Also, the structure of a representative government formed on the basis of elections in independent Kazakhstan, the peculiarities of the participation of the electorate in elections, the proportion of women in the Mazhilis, the number of parties, and the average age were compared. Elections are one of the main indicators in the formation of representative power.
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Mason, David S., and Svetlana Sidorenko-Stephenson. "Public Opinion and the 1996 Elections in Russia: Nostalgic and Statist, Yet Pro-Market and Pro-Yeltsin." Slavic Review 56, no. 4 (1997): 698–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502118.
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Between 1991 and 1996 Russia underwent a precipitous economic and social decline with decreases in production, gross national product, and wages, and increases in inequality, crime, and corruption. Most people experienced a decline in their standard of living, and many fondly recalled the security and stability of the communist era. Nevertheless, in the two main cases when the Russian electorate was confronted with a choice of directions in economic policy–the referendum of 1993 and the presidential elections of 1996–the majority chose reform. Writing about Boris Yeltsin's surprising victory in the 1996 presidential elections, a Pravda commentator mused: “Logically, he should have lost, since he was unable to fully solve any of the problems that have piled up: the stagnation of production, the impoverishment of a majority of the people, growing unemployment, the chronic nonpayment of wages, the decline in science, culture and education, the continuing conflict in Chechnya, etc. Nevertheless, Yeltsin received a majority of the electorate's votes.”
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Alekseevna, Dmitrienko Nadezhda, and Kotlyarova Viktoria Valentinovna. "Students’ electoral behaviour in small Russian towns as the main criterion of patriotic upbringing." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v5i5.3672.
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This study is aimed at estimating the existed students’ patriotic level in a small town of Rostov region. The main components of patriotism are selected among important personal, social and professional characteristics that can be stimulated in electoral campaign and improved in education process. The authors’ model of evaluating students’ patriotism is based on the comparative analyses of students’ electoral behaviour during different electoral campaigns as integrity of sociological survey and pedagogic theory. The correlation data between electoral behaviour and levels of patriotic upbringing are pointed out. Scientific novelty of the paper consists in a methodological unity of psychological and pedagogic principles expanded by the synergy approach explaining the development of students’ patriotism. The article presents theoretical justification and experimental analyses proving the necessity to develop electoral culture as the methodological principle of improving patriotic upbringing. The article is of practical use for teachers, scientists elaborating methodology of improving patriotism based on election culture in educational environment of technical university.Keywords: Electoral behaviour, synergy, models of electoral behaviour, youth, the average Russian town.
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García Mahamut, Rosario. "Partidos políticos y derecho a la protección de datos en campaña electoral: tensiones y conflictos en el ordenamiento español = Political Parties and data protection in electoral campaigns: tensions and conflicts in the Spanish legal system." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14921.
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The fast development and use of new information and communication technologies (especially, the Internet) has changed traditional ways and tools of electoral propaganda and information of political parties and candidates in electoral campaigns. The use of new technologies in electoral campaigns carried out by political parties raises serious conflicts with voters personal data safeguards (especially when using citizens personal data to send them political messages through emails, mobile phone messages, voice messages, automated phone calls, etc.). This research is focused on answering key issues as how to make data protection right compatible with direct and personalized campaign or how to avoid that technological development breaches the main principles of the right to data protection in the electoral process.El rápido desarrollo y profuso uso de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y comunicación, especialmente de Internet, han transformado las formas tradicionales de realizar campaña electoral por parte de los partidos y de los candidatos. El uso de las TICs permite llegar al electorado de forma personalizada, directa, económica, incisiva y poco controlada jurídicamente. Sin embargo, el uso de nuevas tecnologías dirigidas a captar el sufragio pone en jaque el derecho a la protección de los datos personales de los electores. Su uso plantea serias dudas sobre la garantía de los principios de transparencia, objetividad e igualdad de armas entre los contendientes políticos en el proceso electoral. La captación masiva de datos personales y su tratamiento y uso indebido sin el previo conocimiento y consentimiento expreso de los afectados plantea serios problemas jurídicos a los que el ordenamiento no ofrece respuestas adecuadas. Ni la LOREG ni la LOPD, ni su normativa de desarrollo, ofrecen adecuadas respuestas a los retos del futuro inmediato. El presente trabajo trata de dar respuestas a los conflictos jurídicos que se plantean y avanza propuestas de reforma de la legislación referida.
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Tatarko, A. N. "The relationship of basic human values and voting behavior." Social Psychology and Society 8, no. 1 (2017): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2017080102.
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The present study is aimed at investigating the relations between the basic individual values of Russians and their political behavior, which based on electoral behavior and electoral attitudes. In our study we use a method based on the theory of basic human values in order to understand by which universal human values Russians are guided and driven when choosing a particular candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. An empirical study based on the results of a representative survey in two Federal districts of Russia, held shortly after the elections. The empirical analysis showed basic values of respondents are related to their political preferences. The study showed that, firstly, the main opposition of values associated with the results of the election, is "conservation" — "openness to change". Secondly, voting for most candidates is associated with the values of "conservation", which indicates the absence of significant differences in the values transmitted by Russian policies. This paper considers which of the values are prompted the electorate to vote for each of the candidates (Putin, Zuganov, Prokhorov, Zhirinovsy, and Mironov). The article was prepared within the framework of the Basic Research Program at the National Research Univer- sity Higher School of Economics (HSE) and supported within the framework of a subsidy granted to the HSE by the Government of the Russian Federation for the implementation of the Global Competitiveness Program.
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Biglino Campos, Paloma. "Intervención del legislador y selección de candidatos por los partidos politicos: una perspectiva comparada = Public intervention in the selection of candidates by political parties." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14918.
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This paper addresses the limits of public intervention in the selection of candidates by political parties. The issue is analyzed from the comparative perspective, although some documents of soft law adopted by the Venice Commission, OSCE, and ODIHR have also been taken into account. The study concludes that the legislation on political parties has increased in the last decade. However, the main constraints imposed on political parties do not come from specific legislation on political parties but from electoral laws. In some cases, the electoral laws impose a method of decision making on the nomination process since these laws require political parties compliance with the basic rules of the democratic principle. In other cases, the laws do not impose a method but a result, as in the case of case of the laws which impose quotas in favor of women. In any case, such measures should meet certain conditions to be effective. Firstly, the limits must respect the freedom of association proclaimed by international treaties and ensured by the ECHR; secondly, the requirements must be compatible with the electoral system; finally, any exigency on candidate selection must be guaranteed by monitoring systems and by sanctions for non-compliance.El presente trabajo aborda la posible densidad de la intervención pública a la hora de imponer a los partidos políticos procedimientos para la selección de candidatos. La óptica con la que se analiza el problema es, fundamentalmente, el derecho comparado, si bien se han utilizado también textos de «soft law»elaborados por la Comisión de Venecia, OSCE y ODHIR. En el mismo se concluye que, aunque la legislación sobre partidos políticos se ha incrementado en los últimos años, las mayores limitaciones impuestas a los partidos políticos no provienen de esta normativa específica sino de las leyes electorales. Dichas exigencias tienen una doble vertiente. En algunas ocasiones, se regula el método para la elección de candidatos, imponiendo a los partidos los requisitos inherentes a la toma de decisiones democráticas. En otras, se impone a los partidos un resultado, esto es, la presencia de candidatos de distinto sexo en las listas electorales. Cualquiera de estas medidas, para ser legítimas, tienen que respetar la libertad que corresponde a los partidos en cuanto asociaciones. Además, han de adaptarse al resto del sistema electoral y, especialmente, prever sistemas para verificar el cumplimiento de los requisitos impuestos por la ley.
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Tretyakov, D. G. "Main Tendencies of Parties’ Electoral Functionality in Modern Russia." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 12, no. 1 (2012): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2012-12-1-111-115.
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Larionova, M. V. "Slogan in the Spanish political discourse: cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic dimension." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-121-130.
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The article explores the cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic potential of Spanish political slogans as an integral part of political communication. The relevance of the investigation, carried out as part of a comprehensive methodology combining discursive, pragmalinguistic and content analysis, is determined by the need for a profound study of discursive mechanisms of influence on public consciousness and behavior, as well as ways to recognize and resist manipulative tactics. Slogans represent a variety of discursive texts and operate in the communicative-pragmatic contexts of “Protests” and “Elections”. Their illocutionary characterization is determined by the discursive situation: for protest slogans, demand dominates as the main speech act, while for electoral slogans, the main task is the desire to attract voters, to force them to vote for a particular candidate or party. Due to the linguistic, pragmatic and structural features, slogans influence the conceptual picture of the world of the electorate and serve as a mechanism for controlling public opinion and behavior. The addresser creates a slogan with regard to its perception by a recipient. Metaphors and other language techniques serve as linguistic means to create a desired perception vector and behavior algorithm, as well as cognitively integrate images and symbols, which often become precedents for the national language community.
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De Munter, Stéphanie, and Philippe De Vries. "To Tweet or not to Tweet? An analysis of Twitter use during the 2014 Belgian elections." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 8, no. 1+2-2017 (July 29, 2020): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v8i1-2.06.
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Social media, and Twitter in particular, are playing an increasing role in the day-to-day activities of politicians (Weber Shandwick, 2014). Before the digital revolution, the relationship between the politician and the voter was intermediated by journalists and broadcast media. In contrast to traditional media, social media are presumed to enable politicians to engage directly with the electorate (Kruikemeier, Van Noort, Vliegenthart & De Vreese, 2015). In the last decade, there was a growing interest in the role of social media in election campaigns, triggered by Barack Obama’s electoral presidential election victory in 2008 and more recently by Donald Trumps’ triumph in 2016 (Rodriguez-Andres, 2018). The research presented in this article answers three main questions. First, who are the politicians using Twitter for campaigning purposes and what variables can predict Twitter use? Second, when do Belgian politicians use it and with which frequency? And third: do tweeting politicians perform better at the ballot box? The main findings reveal that a Flemish candidate has a higher probability of 18,7% to be present on Twitter compared to a candidate from the French community. Another important finding is that there is no significant association between the number of tweets and number of preferential votes, although a trend towards significance was observed for Flemish politicians.
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Abellán López, María Ángeles, and Gonzalo Pardo Beneyto. "La cuestión rural en los programas de los partidos políticos en las elecciones de 2019." Tendencias Sociales. Revista de Sociología, no. 5 (June 19, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/ts.5.2020.27745.
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El presente artículo tiene como principal objetivo realizar un aná-lisis de contenido de las propuestas electorales dirigidas al ámbito rural de los principales partidos que concurrieron a las elecciones legislativas de 2019. Para ello hemos utilizado el análisis de contenido y el software CAQDAS. Esta herra-mienta nos ha permitido clasificar las medidas en materialistas/postmaterialistas y productivistas/postproductivistas y determinar los principales términos utilizados. Entre las principales conclusiones del estudio podemos destacar que todos los partidos políticos incluyeron medidas desarrollistas y que la principal diferencia-ción se produjo entre bloques.The main objective of this article is to do a content analysis of the measures aimed at the rural sphere. In order to carry out it we have studied the electoral programs of the main political parties that attended the 2019 legislative elections. We have used the content analysis through a CAQDAS software. This tool has allowed us to classify the measures according to whether they were materialist/ postmaterialist and productivist/postproductivist, as well as to determine the main terms used. Among the main ones of the study we can highlight that all the political parties included developmental measures and that the main differentiation occurred between blocks.
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Gritsenko, Elena V. "Securing the Main Guarantees of Electoral Rights in the Conditions of Informatization of the Electoral Procedure." Constitutional and municipal law 5 (May 20, 2020): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3767-2020-5-41-49.
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Kaur, Manpreet, and Rajesh Verma. "Social Media." International Journal of Social and Organizational Dynamics in IT 5, no. 2 (July 2016): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsodit.2016070103.
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Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Facebook is the prime social networking site which is used by 96% of urban users, followed by Google Plus (61%), Twitter (43%) and LinkedIn (24%). This extensive use of social media by the public had attracted the attention of the politicians to use it for election campaigns and has given researchers a reason to find out how politicians are engaging the public through this platform. Influence of Social media on the electorate has been proved from its successful use in the US presidential election in 2008 and by political parties in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in India. This paper intends to explore the use of social media and its effectiveness in political elections through an extensive literature review. Social media has become an effective tool for political engagement and political participation as it is a low cost media as compared to traditional media. The low cost of this media has made it one of the main source to get information for advanced analysis and in-depth understanding of the electoral process. This paper will provide an insight to politicians, political analysts, journalists and electoral candidates regarding social media usage. The paper will also present a future research agenda to study how political parties can benefit from use of social media and change their strategies to engage workers and the voters.