Academic literature on the topic 'Maistre, joseph marie, comte de, 1753-1821'

O presente trabalho tem por objeto expor a relevância do ultramontanismo no pensamento conservador católico brasileiro. O filósofo francês Joseph-Marie de Maistre (1753-1821) fundamentou as teses práticas e teóricas do ultramontanismo partidário da prevalência do poder espiritual sobre o temporal, expondo a ortodoxia católica para preservar a civilização ocidental do desenvolvimento do processo histórico que abrangia os movimentos revolucionários comunistas e liberais. No Brasil, a herança do movimento ultramontano europeu foi potencializada no século XIX pela atuação do bispo Vital Maria Gonçalves de Oliveira (1844-1878) durante a Questão Religiosa (1872-1875). As ações e as condutas de alguns atores a autores políticos vinculados à ortodoxia católica podem evidenciar a presença relevante da corrente ultramontana no Brasil do século XX, mormente na militância intelectual católica do paulistano Plínio Corrêa de Oliveira (1908-1995), adentrando o século XXI.

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The scope of this study is the examination of the theology of history of the Savoyard writer Joseph-Marie de Maistre (1753-1821) from the perspective of the concept of Paideia or divine education developed in a branch of providential thinking that used to be predominant in the theology of early Eastern Christianity, especially in the works of Origen. The core argument is the claim that this perspective may prove to be particularly able to provide the necessary grounds for a global interpretation of his thought, harmonizing and integrating the diversity of aspects society, politics, anthropology, theory of knowledge by which it is characterized, and offering a privileged view on the historical formation of Man that is constantly referred to his eschatological destiny. My contention is that this is so because Joseph de Maistre is essentially a religious thinker of man and history, in spite of what his strong concerns for political issues, quite invariably brought to the limelight, might have led many commentators to believe. Thus, the study s primary aim is to put forward a picture of his doctrine and its importance in the history of ideas of a kind that was seldom attempted, a reading of the whole Maistre grounded on the Christian idea of a providential education of Mankind (or of a pedagogical divine Providence) which has as its immediate end (and that is Maistre s personal contribution to this long tradition) the bringing up of concrete men and women within the open finitude of their social environment and, eventually, as its final aim, the annihilation of evil in the universe through the acceptance of suffering and evil and their transfiguration in the imitation of Christ, the ultimate model of perfection for the human being
O objeto deste estudo é a teologia da história do escritor savoiano dos séculos XVIII-XIX, Joseph Marie de Maistre (1753-1821), articulada segundo o conceito de paidéia divina desenvolvido pelo pensamento providencial do cristianismo de fala grega, e na obra de Orígenes em especial. A hipótese de fundo é de que a paidéia se constitui numa perspectiva privilegiada para sustentar uma interpretação verdadeiramente global do seu pensamento, harmonizando e integrando, como poucas, os diversos aspectos que o compõem sociedade, política, antropologia, teoria do conhecimento - numa visão da formação histórica do homem constantemente referida a seu destino escatológico e sobrenatural. Isto acontece porque Joseph de Maistre é, em essência, um pensador religioso do homem e da sua história, a despeito do que as suas fortes preocupações de natureza política, elevadas ao primeiro plano, levaram muitos estudiosos a imaginar. Trata-se, assim, de propor uma visão geral da sua doutrina e importância na história das idéias que, como testemunha a vasta fortuna crítica sobre a sua obra, poucas vezes foi tentada, estruturando, tanto essa generalidade, quanto a especificidade da leitura sobre a idéia de uma educação da humanidade de feitio providencial (e, em sentido inverso, de uma Providência educativa) que tem, como objetivo imediato, a formação do homem concreto na finitude aberta do ambiente social, e como meta final o resgate do mal no universo através da aceitação do sofrimento e da sua transfiguração na imitação do Cristo, o molde supremo do ser humano

Quelle place a l’Antiquité grecque et romaine dans la mémoire européenne ? Pour certains, elle est un modèle indépassable et les modernes peuvent seulement imiter ses grands auteurs. Pour d’autres, elle est une époque d’ignorance et de barbarie à oublier. Pour d’autres encore, elle est un sujet de curiosité, comme une tribu d’Amazonie, avec ses étranges coutumes. Pour nos auteurs, trois écrivains du XIXe siècle, elle est un peu de tout cela et plus encore : l’Antiquité est pour eux la source de tous les développements futurs de la civilisation et du savoir. L’un d’eux écrit « rien de grand n’a de grand commencement » : l’Histoire progresse à partir de petites intuitions. Religion, science et culture sont ainsi nés dans l’Antiquité et ont continué jusqu’aux temps modernes, menacés néanmoins par des théoriciens avides de bouleversements. La modernité est en fait un énième retour du même conflit, entre la tentation de la division grecque et l’aspiration romaine à l’unité
What place does Greek and Roman antiquity have in European memory? For some, it is an unsurpassable model and the modern can only imitate its great authors. For others, it is a time of ignorance and barbarism to forget. For others still, it is a subject of curiosity, like a tribe of Amazonia, with its strange customs. For our authors, three writers of the nineteenth century, it is a bit of all this and more: Antiquity is for them the source of all future developments of civilization and knowledge. One of them writes "nothing great has a great beginning": history progresses from small intuitions. Religion, science and culture were thus born in antiquity and continued until modern times, threatened nevertheless by theorists eager for upheavals. Modernity is in fact another return from the same conflict, between the temptation of Greek division and the Roman aspiration for unity

L’idée d’un « spirituel républicain » est, en France, plus intuitivement sentie que rationnellement conçue. Si le syntagme dénote quelque densité conceptuelle, historiens et philosophes s’accordent d’ordinaire à la chercher dans les doctrines politiques et sociales de la IIIème République – celles du solidarisme, de la laïcité ou des lois sur l’éducation. Ce travail voudrait montrer que le spirituel républicain est irréductible à un supplément d’âme, comme à toute forme de caution morale destinée à pallier les derniers scrupules d’une politique désenchantée. En ce sens, sa généalogie demande à être singulièrement élargie à l’aval. Elle trouve son origine dans le sillage de la Révolution Française, où 1789 commande tout autant une interprétation politique qu’une reconfiguration anthropologique de la croyance. Le point commun des auteurs mobilisés ici (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) est en effet d’assumer une position symétriquement opposée à la nôtre. Partant du principe que la question spirituelle est la seule qui n’ait pas été réglée, ils s’efforcent d’interroger le statut, problématique dans les démocraties modernes, d’un gouvernement des esprits. C’est donc en partant de ce qui, au sein de ce corpus, est réputé le plus anachronique – soit la rémanence du religieux au cœur d’un siècle censément scientifique – que la notion de spirituel républicain trouve à se constituer. Guettée par le risque d’un syncrétisme philanthropique inchoatif, comme par la confrontation à trois des idéologies majeures du XIXème siècle (traditionalisme, libéralisme, socialisme), cette tradition intellectuelle ne conserve son identité qu’en justifiant son qualificatif de républicain
The idea of the spiritual as it relates to republicanism – the “republican spiritual” – is, in France, more intuitively felt than it is rationally conceived. While the phrase carries a certain conceptual density, historians and philosophers normally agree that this idea is to be sought in the political and social doctrines of the Third Republic – for example, in the doctrines of solidarity and secularism and in the laws on education. This work shows that the “republican spiritual” cannot be reduced to a touch of soul, or to any form of moral guarantee intended to overcome the last scrupules of a disenchanted politics. In this way, its genealogy needs to be particularly enlarged. It has its origin in the wake of the French Revolution, as the events of 1789 required both a political interpretation of belief as well as its anthropological reconfiguration. The common point among the authors studied here (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) is that the position they took on this issue is diametrically opposed to ours today. These authors, starting from the standpoint that the spiritual question is the only one that has not been resolved, struggle to understand the status – problematic in modern democracy – of a spiritual regime. It is thus within the most anachronistic elements of the body of work studied here – that is, the endurance of the religious in a supposedly scientific century – that the notion of the “republican spiritual” finds its origin. At risk of a formless philanthropic syncretism, menaced by its confrontation with three of the main ideologies of the 19th century (traditionalism, liberalism, and socialism), this intellectual tradition only preserves its identity by justifying its qualification as republican