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Journal articles on the topic 'Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church'
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1
Varghese, Baby. "Renewal in the Malankara Orthodox Church, India." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 3 (December 2010): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0102.
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The Malanakra Orthodox Syrian Church, which belongs to the family of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, proudly claims to be founded by the Apostle St Thomas. Its history before the fifteenth century is very poorly documented. However, this ancient Christian community was in intermittent relationship with the East Syrian Patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, which was discontinued with the arrival of the Portuguese, who forcefully converted it to Roman Catholicism. After a union of fifty-five years, the St Thomas Christians were able to contact the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, thanks to the arrival of the Dutch in Malabar and the expulsion of the Portuguese. The introduction of the West Syrian Liturgical rites was completed by the middle of the nineteenth century. The arrival of the Anglican Missionaries in Malabar in the beginning of the nineteenth century provided the Syrian Christians the opportunity for modern English education and thus to make significant contributions to the overall development of Kerala, one of the states of the Indian Republic.
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Борисов, Павел Геннадьевич. "Indian Church Schism of 1653: Confrontation Between Colonial Missionaries and Coonan Cross Oaths." Theological Herald, no. 2(49) (August 15, 2023): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2023.49.2.006.
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Статья рассматривает предпосылки и последствия индийского церковного раскола 1653 г., а также его влияние на судьбу Маланкарской Церкви. Помимо религиозного значения, это событие имело глубокие исторические последствия, поскольку оно нарушило 54-летнее покровительство португальской короны (падроадо) над сирийской Церковью Маланкара, установленное в 1599 г. Синодом Удайамперура (Синод Диампера). В итоге статьи показывается, что церковный раскол 1653 г. является ключевым событием церковной жизни индийских христиан, последствия которого коснулись всех христиан Индии, оказавшихся против своей воли в условиях насильственной латнинизации со стороны европейских колонизаторов. The article examines the background and consequences of the Indian church schism in 1653, as well as its influence on the fate of the Malankara Church. In addition to religious significance, this event had profound historical implications, as it broke the 54-year patronage of the Portuguese crown (padroado) over the Syrian Church of Malankara, established in 1599 by the Synod of Udayamperur (Synod of Diamper). As a result of the article, it is shown that the church schism of 1653 is a key event in the church life of Indian Christians, the consequences of which affected all Christians in India, who found themselves against their will in the conditions of forced Latinization by the European colonialists.
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Debié, Muriel. "Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408014.
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AbstractHistoriographical texts are here read as literary compositions of their time, providing us with various elements of the process of identity construction or reconstruction. The first West Syrian historical texts were produced in the sixth century, when the history of what would become the Syrian Orthodox Church began. An examination of contemporary sources and myths of origins shows that the ethnic origins of the Abgarid dynasty played no part in Syrian 'ethnogenesis', but that there existed a notion of Syro-Mesopotamian origins, closely related to a supposed homeland, that of Aram. An acknowledged common ancestry going back to the Chaldean and Assyrian Empires relies on a common language more than a common homeland or sovereign. Whereas the Assyrians came to personify the ever-hostile Persian neighbour, a sort of stereotypical enemy, the Hellenistic kings were perceived as having effected a synthesis of the double Syro-Mesopotamian and Greek culture. The Seleucid era, as adopted by the Edessans, thus remained in use regardless of the prevailing political powers and is an assertion of independence and a strong local identity marker, being a rejection of the local Antiochene as well as the imperial Byzantine eras. The Syrian Orthodox also developed an innovative method of writing the history of their separated Church, producing a new genre consisting of lengthy chronicles written in several parts or columns, in which political and ecclesiastical history were kept separate. This Syrian Orthodox method of writing history is the only truly distinctive Syrian Orthodox literary genre.
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Weltecke, Dorothea. "Michael the Syrian and Syriac Orthodox Identity." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408023.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the concept of Syriac Orthodox identity in the chronicle by Michael the Great as it is expressed in terms for the self-designation (like mhaymnē, Suryōyē) and in the structure of the narrative. The heritage of the ancient Near East, based on the ethnical and historical conception of the Arameans (including the Chaldeans and the Ōturōyē as well as the Ōrōmōyē) since the times of the ancient empires was a very important element of the identity. Just as important to him was the historical legitimacy of the Orthodox Church as a group excluding other Aramaic-speaking Christians. This conception of identity was complex, dialectic, and multi-layered, comprising ethnic, historic, cultural, and religious elements. Not unlike modern people, he and the members of the Syriac Orthodox communities participated in different and overlapping cultures and identities throughout the Syriac Orthodox world. The Syriac Orthodox identity had been under polemical attack for a long time, against which both historical and theological answers were formulated over the centuries. At the same time, Michael can be a witness only for a certain group and a certain region. He speaks mainly for the Syriac-speaking regions of the Syriac Orthodox world and the clergy. Neither the Syriac Orthodox identity of Arabic speaking Syriac Orthodox Christians, for example in Takrit, nor the identities of laymen are of his concern.
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Calder, Mark D. "Syrian Identity in Bethlehem: From Ethnoreligion to Ecclesiology." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2016): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160304.
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At first sight, the Syriac Orthodox community in Bethlehem appears to be well-described as “ethno-religious”: while many Palestinian siryān emphasise their connection to an ancient Aramean ethnos, this identification also usually entails some relationship to the Syriac Orthodox Church. However, “religion” (ethno or otherwise) is arguably too overburdened a category to tell us much about how being siryāni in Bethlehem compares to being something else. I propose, instead, that thinking of Syrian self-articulation as a kind of ecclesiology, a tradition of incarnating a body (specifically Christ’s), draws attention to the creative, situated and dialogic process of being and becoming siryāni, while problematising categories with which social scientists customarily think about groups. Unlike ethno-religion, ecclesiology captures the fraught pursuit of redeemed sociality, connecting Bethlehem’s destabilized local present to universal and eternal hope. In Bethlehem, what’s more, these dialogues proceed in tantalizing proximity to places and paths, which are haunted by the incarnate (Aramaic-speaking) God whom Syriac Orthodox Christians embody and envoice. Indeed, while this Syrian body is often narrated as an organic, racial fact, nevertheless it is susceptible to a kind of transubstantiation at the margins when an “other” participates fully in the life of this body, especially via the church.
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Smit, Peter-Ben. "Ecumenism in Praxis: A Historical Critique of the Malankara Mar Thoma Syrian Church, written by Joseph Daniel." Exchange 46, no. 1 (January 27, 2017): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341431.
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Shahinyan, Arsen K. "The Organization of the Church Structure in the Armenian Provinces of Byzantium Occupied by Arab Muslims in the second half 7th–8th Centuries." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 229–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.229-254.
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The aim of this article is to restore the church structure in the western lands of Greater Armenia and the whole Lesser Armenia, which, on the eve of the conquests of the Arab Muslims, being part of the Byzantine Empire, belonged either to the Orthodox Patriarchates of Constantinople and Antioch, or to the Armenian Catholicosate of Dwin, and after the start of their conquests they passed in the second half of the 7th c. to the Caliphate. According to calculations by the author, in the early 8th c. there were formed in the lands of the former Armenian provinces of Byzantium three major eparchies of the Syrian Jacobite Church with its see in Antioch, which, like the Armenian Church, firmly adhered to the non-Chalcedonian position and came under the Arabs. Three more Syrian church units were formed in the Armenian lands at the end of the same century. Four of the six Jacobite eparchies were occupied the former canonical territories of the Orthodox Church with Constantinople and Antioch as their sees and two more—the canonical territories of the Armenian Catholicosate in regions of Arzan and Xlat‘.
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Krindatch, Alexei. "The American Orthodox Churches and Clergy in the 21st Century." Chronos 17 (January 15, 2020): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v17i.644.
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In 1794, the foundation of a mission on Kodiak Island in Alaska by the Orthodox monks from Russia marked the entrance of Orthodox Church in America. Two centuries later, the presence of over one million faithful gathered into more than 2,400 local parishes bears witness to the firm establishment of Eastern Christianity in the US. The notion of "one state - one Church" was historically very characteristic of Orthodox Christianity. When the Orthodox Church is mentioned, one tends to think of its ethnic aspect, and when Orthodox Christians are asked about their religious affiliation, they almost always add an cthnic qualificr: Grcck Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox, etc. Consequently, many Orthodox Churches — Byzantine and Oriental alike — that have faithful in the United States have organized their own jurisdictions in North America: the individual "ethnically based" parishes were later united into centrally administrated dioceses subordinated to the "Mother Churches" in the Old World. The original goal of American Orthodox jurisdictions was clear: to minister to the religious needs of the diverse immigrant ethnic communities: the Greeks, Russians, Serbians, Romanians, Armenians, Copts, etc. There is no doubt that for the first generation of immigrants these ethnically based Orthodox jurisdictions brought a big measure of order and unity to ethnic groups that otherwise would have remained fragmented and enfeebled in an "American melting pot".
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Palmer, Andrew. "Narratives of Identity: The Syrian Orthodox Church and the Church of England, 1895–1914." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2014.883561.
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Dinno, Khalid. "ACCESSING THE ARCHIVAL HERITAGE OF THE SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH: PRELIMINARY REPORT." Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jcsss-2013-130109.
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Palmer, A. "Traditie en Aanpassing in de Jaren ’80." Het Christelijk Oosten 43, no. 1 (November 12, 1991): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-04301004.
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Tradition and Adaptation in the 1980s The Syrian Orthodox Church hetween Asia and Europe This article falls clearly into two parts which correspond to the words ,Tradition' and ,Adaptation' in the title. In Part One we survey customs surrounding marriage and virginity and the fertility of human beings and of their animals and fields. We see how the agricultural life of the villages is intertwined with their Christian theology and rituals. And we take a look at the traditional education practised in the churches and monasteries of Tur 'Abdin. There are of course many other traditions and many other customs, not least those embodied in the Syrian Orthodox liturgy. But enough has been said to show that the transition to a non-agricultural life-style in secular Europe is one that tradition alone is not equipped to cope with. Nor can a traditional Syriac education be considered sufficient to meet the demands made on the leaders of the emigrant community. To some ex tent the Syrian Orthodox have been forced to adapt already. It is this process and the direction in which it is likely to be continued that we shall be studying in Part Two of this article.
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Khaidukov, Vladyslav. "SEMIOTIC APPROACH IN THE ARCHITECTURE OF CENTRAL CROSS-SHAPED ORTHODOX CHURCHES." Architectural Bulletin of KNUCA, no. 26-27 (September 24, 2023): 136–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2519-8661.2023.26-27.136-149.
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The scientific research highlights the problem of shaping in the cruciform Orthodox churches architecture and the placement of this type of sacred structures in accordance with urban planning and natural conditions. It is revealed the three-dimensional solution of the temple, in which the supporting structures form an architectural space based on the three-dimensional cross symbol. The cross-dome system, which became widespread in the cruciform Orthodox churches architectural structures, was developed in the early Byzantine era. Probably, its origin is based on the late antiquity architecture in the form of reconstruction of ancient Roman temples and Syrian religious buildings. Later it spread to the Caucasus, Palestine and North Africa, the Balkans and, further, to the ancient Rus' territory. The use of relatively new structures will be relevant for the Orthodox churches design in difficult geological conditions or the disclosure, if necessary, of a more complex architectural image. One of the sacred architecture features is the architectural image formation through the sacred symbols use. It is proposed to use the cross symbol in accordance with the name of Orthodox churches. For this purpose, it is identified cross symbol typological groups, divided into two main epochs: pre-Christian and Christian. It is defined the typological groups used in Orthodox architecture, which are divided into five periods. Some of the cross symbol typological groups are presented below in the conceptual model of a centric cruciform Orthodox church. It is identified five main signs of the cross symbol use in an Orthodox church: in the architectural space, exterior, interior, plan, and facade shaping. It is provided a conceptual model of a centric cruciform Orthodox church, in which all five main features of the cross symbol use in an Orthodox church are implemented.
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Philip Wood. "Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church (review)." Catholic Historical Review 95, no. 4 (2009): 785–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0573.
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Shukurov, D. L. "Russian Orthodox Spiritual Mission of Urmia (Review of Research Literature)." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2022.4.162-178.
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The work is devoted to the historical study of the experience of Russian Orthodox missionaries educational activities among the Assyrian Christians of the Persian province of Urmia in the late 19th – early 20th century and includes a comprehensive review of the research literature on the topic. The review is based on the material of scientific publications of domestic and foreign authors. The study uses a comparative-historical method that allows you to compare and summarize the results of scientific research in previous scientific papers. The paper considers the historical aspects of the activities of the Russian Orthodox Spiritual Mission in Urmia at the beginning of the 20th century, due to which there was a rapprochement (in some cases, jurisdictional connection) of the Eastern (pre-Chalcedonian) Orthodox Churches (Assyrian Church of the East, Syrian/Syro-Jacobite/Orthodox Church) with the Russian Orthodox Church. The study has a fundamental scientific significance, as it actualizes the issues of cultural rapprochement and international cooperation between Iran (Persia) and Russia on the basis of moral and religious values, cultural traditions, historical ties by filling in historical gaps in the scientific study of the works of the Urmian Orthodox Mission, established in 1898. The research focus of this article is the little-known and unknown facts of interaction between our countries, related to the experience of Orthodox missionary work in Persia, the study of which has unconditional scientific novelty. The study of the activities of the Russian Orthodox Spiritual Mission in Persian Urmia is an urgent task of modern humanities. The history of the Russian presence in Persia has become the subject of a few separate studies, but so far, no work based on an analysis of the entire set of published research works on the activities of the Urmian missionaries has been carried out. Carrying out such work ensures the acquisition and dissemination in society of new fundamental scientific knowledge on the topical issue of interfaith relations of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Middle East in the historical past and present.
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Weinrich, Ines, and Habib Hassan Touma. "The Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch: Liturgical Chants of Lent and Good Friday." Yearbook for Traditional Music 31 (1999): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/768049.
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Issa, Theodora. "The Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch and All the East, and COVID ‐19." Ecumenical Review 74, no. 3 (July 2022): 475–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12719.
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Hartung, Blake. "Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church. By Volker L. Menze." Heythrop Journal 52, no. 3 (April 7, 2011): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2011.00663_12.x.
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Young, Robin Darling. "Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church - By Volker L. Menze." Religious Studies Review 37, no. 3 (September 2011): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2011.01538_8.x.
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Dinno, Khalid. "The Synods and Canons in the Syrian (Syriac) Orthodox Church in the Second Millennium – An Overview." Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jcsss-2017-170104.
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Millar, Fergus. "The Evolution of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Pre-Islamic Period: From Greek to Syriac?" Journal of Early Christian Studies 21, no. 1 (2013): 43–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2013.0002.
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Inozemtseva, Z. P. "History of the Syrian Christians on the pages of the book “The Urmia Tragedy. The Life of the Holy Martyr Pimen (Belolikov, 1879–1918), Bishop of Semirechensk and Vernen”." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2021): 946–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-3-946-952.
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The peer-reviewed monographic study by Archimandrite Damaskin (Orlovsky), dedicated to the little-studied problem of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church and the policy of the Russian government towards the Christian part of the Syrian people, has been carried out on the basis of a vast array of archival primary sources, many of which have been thus introduced into scientific use. It is noted that the peer-reviewed work is one of the first, where the author, acting simultaneously as historian and as agiator, recreates the historical canvas of the saint’s life on the basis of a comprehensive study of archival sources, including documented testimonies of persons who were canonized, but whose names and works were crossed out from the official historiography. The review shows that the historical and agiographic context of the author's study has allowed him to quickly and comprehensively recreate historical facts and events, fates of individuals and to reveal their morality. The reviewer appreciates the historical significance of the book's materials, believing that they deserve the closest attention of historians, foreign policy specialists, political scientists, clergy, scholars in historical psychology. The book will be of interest to teachers and students studying the history of religions and of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Shahim, Bahira, Sofia Hasselberg, Oscar Boldt-Christmas, Viveca Gyberg, Linda Mellbin, and Lars Rydén. "Effectiveness of different outreach strategies to identify individuals at high risk of diabetes in a heterogeneous population: a study in the Swedish municipality of Södertälje." European Journal of Preventive Cardiology 25, no. 18 (October 5, 2018): 1990–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047487318805582.
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Background Identifying type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) is a prerequisite for the institution of preventive measures to reduce future micro and macrovascular complications. Approximately 50% of people with T2DM are undiagnosed, challenging the assumption that a traditional primary healthcare setting is the most efficient way to reach people at risk of T2DM. A setting of this kind may be even more suboptimal when it comes to reaching immigrants, who often appear to have inferior access to healthcare and/or are less likely to attend routine health checks at primary healthcare centres. Objectives The objective of this study was to identify the best strategy to reach individuals at high risk of T2DM and thereby cardiovascular disease in a heterogeneous population. Methods All 18–65-year-old inhabitants in the Swedish municipality of Södertälje ( n∼51,000) without known T2DM and cardiovascular disease were encouraged to complete the Finnish Diabetes Risk Score (FINDRISC: score > 15 indicating a high and > 20 a very high risk of future T2DM and cardiovascular disease) through the following communication channels: primary care centres, workplaces, Syrian orthodox churches, pharmacies, crowded public places, mass media, social media and mail. Data collection lasted for six weeks. Results The highest response rate was obtained through workplaces (27%) and the largest proportion of respondents at high/very high risk through the Syrian orthodox churches (18%). The proportion reached through primary care centres was 4%, of whom 5% were at elevated risk. The cost of identifying a person at elevated risk through the Syrian orthodox church was €104 compared with €8 through workplaces and €112 through primary care centres. Conclusions The choice of communication channels was important to reach high/very high-risk individuals for T2DM and for screening costs. In this immigrant-dense community, primary care centres were inferior to strategies using workplaces and churches in terms of both the proportion of identified at-risk individuals and costs.
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Sarabiev, Alexei V. "High mission in Syria and Lebanon. Russia and the Levantine Orthodox (according to the reports of the Consul General in Beirut, Georgy D. Batyushkov)." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-98-116.
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The analysis of the position of the flock of the Antiochian Patriarchate of the Orthodox Church in the Syrian and Lebanese regions of the Ottoman Empire is presented through the prism of assessments of the Russian consul general in Beirut. Most of the documents relate to 1912, when the tension of social relations in the region reached its highest level in the conditions of the Italo-Turkish (October 1911 – October 1912) and the First Balkan Wars (September 1912 – May 1913), which largely divided the social opinion. The documents allow to recreate the true picture of the clash of interests of the European powers in the Arab provinces, their methods of relying on different confessional groups. Religious institutions in those years were actively used in the inter-party struggle at the level of the central Ottoman government, and the Orthodox clergy was not an exception. The Syro-Lebanese Orthodox were in the center of attention from Russia as co-religionists and, as a result, the most social group located to Russian influence. Material assistance from Russia, our educational and medical institutions continued to operate in the Arab vilayets of the empire, and if this kind of support for the Orthodox Levant were continued, Russia would have achieved much greater success in countering European colonial forms in the form of international “mandates” to the Middle East subsequent period.
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Loosley, Emma. "After the Ottomans: The Renewal of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries." Studies in World Christianity 15, no. 3 (December 2009): 236–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1354990109000598.
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Nowicki, Piotr. "Determinants of the Military Intervention of the Russian Federation in Syria." Facta Simonidis 13, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.78.
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The USSR’s understanding of the Middle East through the prism of “the cold war” ideological competition with the United States of America was replaced by pragmatism. The aspiration for the protection of national interests in conditions of implemented by the Russian Federation multipole world policy may be assumed as the cause of the military intervention in the Syrian Arab Republic. The following determinants influenced the military engagement in Syria: historical-cultural – resulting from the relations which connected both countries during the “cold war” and the vision of the role of the Orthodox church; political – reconstruction of the position on the international arena, competition with the USA, protection of domestic security; military – enabling the projection of power; economic – protection and development of economy.
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Maxim (Sudakov), Hierodeacon. "Reception of the writings of Martyrius-Sahdona in several confessions." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-110.
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The article deals the problem of reception in several confessions of the writings of the ascetic writer and bishop of the Church of the East Martyrius-Sahdona (o. ~650). The question about his confessional orientation is not clear now. There are saved a few manuscripts with his writings in syriac (the date of the earliest is 837), as well as in arabic (one manuscript of 1492) and georgian translations (a few manuscripts, the date of the earliest is 925). Analysis of the manuscript tradition of his writings permited to establish that the literary tradition, on which drew the writer and which was the base of his ascetical teaching, became essential factor of reception of his writings by orthodox in the most extent, while the other confessions saved only small fragments of these. The determination of causes of the popularity of the writings of Martyrius-Sahdona in several confessions is contribution in solution of the question of his confession, which is unclarified aspect of the biography of this church doer and representant of the East Syrian ascetic literature.
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Salés, Luis Josué. "Ritualized Affective Performances: Syriac Etiquette Guides and Systems Intelligence in Early Christian–Muslim Encounters." Religions 14, no. 11 (November 14, 2023): 1423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111423.
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In 2009, Michael Penn published a transcription and English translation of two Syriac texts, To the Rulers of the World (ܠܘܬ ܪ̈ܝܫܢܐ ܕܥܠܡܐ) and Concerning the Entrance before a New Emir (ܕܡܥܠܬܐ ܨܝܕ ܐܡܝܪܐ ܚܕܬܐ). This essay proposes a new historiographical approach to these texts based on the concepts and theoretical apparatus of systems intelligence theory and affect theory. I show how these texts use key Islamic theological and cultural ideas that would affectively resonate with the Muslim authorities while remaining non-objectionable to the orthodoxy of the Assyrian Church of the East. Specifically, I argue that Christians sometimes sought to curry favor with Islamic authorities not so much through logical persuasion, but by creating a sense of affective coherence through attunement to the discursive and theological systems of Islam. Through this strategy, Christians perhaps hoped to gain some small measure of political and religious advantage, especially over and against other Christian jurisdictions, such as the Syrian Orthodox Church. I conclude by discussing what methodological prospects these approaches can offer to the subfield, particularly if combined with other theories that similarly remain underused.
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Taylor, David. "The Psalm Commentary of Daniel of Salah and the Formation of Sixth-Century Syrian Orthodox Identity." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408005.
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AbstractBy the 540s the anti-Chalcedonian Syrian Miaphysites had experienced frequent periods of persecution and were in the process of developing into an independent church, with distinct structures and doctrine. Unable to found schools for their clergy, they needed alternative methods to provide ideological formation. This paper argues that the Miaphysite leaders identified the exegesis of the Psalms, the quintessence of the scriptures and the heart of the daily liturgy, as a key means not only of shaping their community's religious beliefs but also of addressing larger political issues. Their chosen exegete was Daniel of Salah who in c.542 produced a Psalm commentary in homiletic form which addressed numerous issues of contemporary relevance. His response to Christological controversy is touched upon, but the focus is on his development of Miaphysite imperial ideology. Previous historians have usually argued that the Miaphysites demonstrated great loyalty to the institution and person of the emperor, despite persecution at their hands. This paper argues to the contrary that while Daniel accepted the need for political allegiance to the emperors, he denies them any role as special mediators of divine revelation or faith. The true king is the crucified Christ, in whose image the mind or reason of each human was created, and it is the guidance of these which is to be followed in religious matters.
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Brock, Sebastian P. "SOME BASIC ANNOTATION TO THE HIDDEN PEARL: THE SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND ITS ANCIENT ARAMAIC HERITAGE, I-III (ROME, 2001)." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 63–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2010-050106.
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Arifin, Zaenul. "MENUJU DIALOG ISLAM – KRISTEN: PERJUMPAAN GEREJA ORTODOKS SYRIA DENGAN ISLAM." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 20, no. 1 (May 30, 2012): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.20.1.187.
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<p class="IIABSBARU">Conflict between Christianity and Islam prevailed the pages of the history of religion. Having a common origin, the two religions always stuck in a violent conflict. This article try to explore deeply the Syrian Orthodox Church, and find out the common roots with Islam. It is found the parallelization in any theological aspect of Christianity and Islam, especially in the observance of religious duties. The data cought will have an importance in developing the dialog between Islam and Christian.</p><p class="IKa-ABSTRAK">***</p>Konflik antara Kristen dengan Islam tampil dalam sejarah agama. Karena memiliki sumber asal yang sama, kedua agama selalu terlibat dalam kontak kekerasan. Tulisan ini mencoba untuk mengkaji secara mendalam geraja orthodoks Syria dan ditemukan akan adanya akar yang sama dengan Islam. Ditemukan pula adanya paralelisasi dalam aspek teologinya, khususnya pelaksanaan kewajiban agama. Data yang didapatkan menunjukkan arti penting dalam pengembangan dialog antara Islam dengan Kristen
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Francis, Keith A. "Revival, Caribbean Style: the Case of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Grenada, 1983–2004." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 388–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003739.
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In 1993, commenting on the changing proportion of Christians in the major regions of the world, John V. Taylor (1914–2001), a past General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (1963–74) and later Anglican bishop of Winchester (1975–85), wrote: The most striking fact to emerge … is the speed with which the number of Christian adherents in Latin America, Africa, and Asia has overtaken that of Europe, North America, and the former USSR. For the first time since the seventh century, when there were large Nestorian and Syrian churches in parts of Asia, the majority of Christians in the world are not of European origin Moreover, this swing to the ‘South’ has, it would seem, only just got going, since the birth rate in those regions is at present so much higher than in the developed ‘North’, and lapses from religion are almost negligible compared with Europe. By the middle of the next century, therefore, Christianity as a world religion will patently have its centre of gravity in the Equatorial and Southern latitudes, and every major denomination, except possibly the Orthodox Church, will be bound to regard those areas as its heartlands, and embody that fact in its administration.
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Herrin, Judith. "Volker L. Menze . Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church.(Oxford Early Christian Studies.)New York : Oxford University Press . 2008 . Pp. viii, 316. $110.00." American Historical Review 114, no. 4 (October 2009): 1193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.4.1193.
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Price, Richard. "Justinian and the making of the Syrian Orthodox Church. By Volker L. Menze. (Oxford Early Christian Studies.) Pp. x+316. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. £55. 978 0 19 953487 6." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 03 (July 2009): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909008562.
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Pierre, Simon. "stylite (esṭūnōrō) et sa ṣawmaʿa face aux milieux cléricaux islamiques et miaphysites (i er–iie /viie –viiie siècles)." Al-ʿUsur al-Wusta 28, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 174–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/uw.v28i1.8413.
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Stylites (esṭūnōrē) represented a major form of eremitism in late antique and early Islamic Syria and Mesopotamia. As archetypes of the Holy Man described by Peter Brown, they were in close contact with rural populations (pagani) and therefore promoted the Christianization of such marginal, non-civic spaces. In doing so, they quickly became authorities competing with urban bishoprics. Many Syriac sources (such as synodical canons) attest to preaching, teaching, arbitration, judgments, and even administrative sentences carried out by these ascetics on columns for faithful crowds (ʿamē) in villages. Consequently, the churches, and especially the Syrian Orthodox Church, tried to use them for local anchorage during the seventh and eighth centuries while, at the same time, seeking to integrate them into stable and enclosed monastic structures. These solitary monks also fascinated Arab populations since St. Simeon both invented this asceticism and converted local Bedouins. Indeed, the Muslim tradition contains important evidence of the influence exerted by the so-called ahl alṣawāmiʿ on Muslims. In this article I demonstrate that during the first two centuries of the hijra, the concept of ṣawmaʿ(a) exactly matches the Syriac understanding of esṭūnō as a retreat on top of a high construction, whether a square tower or a proper column. I rely on poetry, early lexicography, bilingual hagiography and historiography, and especially the Syriac and Arabic versions of Abū Bakr’s waṣiyya, which expressly refers to these monks. I then show how the developing Islamic authorities tried to divert Arab Muslims from these initially privileged and valued figures. To this end, they used the same kinds of arguments as did the canonical anathemas against stylites, who were also often seen as competitors and threats by the official ecclesiasticalauthorities. Scholars of ḥadīṯ, fiqh, and tafsīr developed their own rhetoric, distinguishing, for instance, between good stylites and bad “tonsured” ones, while jurists gradually restricted their initial tax privileges. Finally, the latter, at the end of the second/eighth century, they required Muslims to completely avoid them, completing the process of excommunicating both Christianity and its most revered figure.
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Pace, Joseph L. "I Am a Palestinian Christian." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2180.
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Many small pieces fit together to create the puzzle that is Palestine. One of thesmaller, but certainly not insignificant, pieces of the puzzle is the PalestinianChristian community, which clearly traces its origins back to the first century.Mitri Raheb makes the comment that it is not necessary for a PalestinianChristian to go on pilgrimage because one “is already at the source itself, thepoint of origin” (p. 3). Pilgrimage in the sense of a physical journey is perhapsnot necessary, but some sort of spiritual exploration, which is at the heart of pilgrimage,is indeed in order. Raheb performs this pilgrimage in two ways: byexploring his family’s complicated denominational background and by providinga refreshing exegesis of a handful of biblical texts.One might assume that Palestinian Christians are all members of churchessuch as the Syrian Orthodox, Armenian, or Jacobite, together with a few adventurousconverts to eastern Orthodoxy or Roman Catholicism. The thought of aPalestinian Lutheran community is one that stretches the Western image of thePalestinian Christian community but does give a more accurate picture of thecomplicated Christian church in Palestine. In spite of its small and fragmentednature, the Palestinian Christian community has traditionally held an importantplace in the life of Palestine. Members of this community are historically progressiveand urban-oriented, many earning a living as merchants and shopkeepers(p. 19). The community is also traditionally well-educated and multilingual,in large part because of the evangelistic efforts of denominations such asGerman Lutherans and the English-speaking Anglican Church as well as otherProtestant denominations. Raheb notes that this Christian community has neverenjoyed political autonomy, as it has always existed withii occupied territory,ruled by Byzantines (technically Christian, although more concerned with politicaland cultural hegemony) and their Muslim and Ottoman successors and thenby British mandate and now by Israel. The absence of autonomy is a threat tothe swival of any community, especially a small community. Lack of self-government,or appropriate representation in the government, leads to a number ofsignificant threats to the community’s viability. Issues of economic, social, andpolitical injustice are all problems with which the Palestinian Christian communityhas had to contend.Emigration- or moving to new places where political, economic, and socialoppression are not as devastating-is one traditional way a community seeks topreserve itself; and, Raheb notes, it also has significant biblical antecedents,which become important later in the book as he explores the Exodus. Since1948, the size of the Palestinian Christian community has decreased significantly,in large part due to emigration to South and North America and WesternEurope. The comment has been made that within a few generations there will be ...
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Singh, Sundar, Dhanya Roy, Latha Abraham, Leela Kamath, and Krishna Kumar Diwakar. "Relationship between Placental Pathology and Birth Weight of Newborns at a Tertiary Care Centre in Central Kerala, India: A Cross-sectional Study." INDIAN JOURNAL OF NEONATAL MEDICINE AND RESEARCH, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7860/ijnmr/2023/65094.2399.
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Introduction: Even minor changes in the placenta are associated with the mortality and morbidity of the growing foetus and mother, which may have long-standing effects on the foetus. Aim: To study the relationship between placental pathological changes and the birth weight of newborn infants. Materials and Methods: In this cross-sectional study conducted at Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church (MOSC) Medical College, Kolenchery, Ernakulam, Kerala, India, over a period of two months, all inborn neonates, irrespective of gestational age, were considered. The first 63 placental samples (with birth weight <2.5 kg) were taken as cases, and the immediately succeeding next 63 were taken as controls (birth weight >2.5 kilograms). At birth, neonatal details including birth weight, gestational age, placental weight, Small for Gestational Age (SGA)/ Appropriate for Gestational Age (AGA)/Large for Gestational Age (LGA), etc., were noted. The placentae were carefully removed, weighed before fixation, and subjected to pathological examination (including gross and microscopic examination). Data were analysed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 14.0 software by Chi-square test. Results: A total of 126 placentae were examined. Increased fibrin deposition in the placenta (perivillous, intervillous, or subchorionic) was associated with Low Birth Weight (LBW) neonates (p-value=0.024), but infarcts were not. Increased fibrin deposition in the placenta (p-value=0.016) and infarcts in the placenta (p-value=0.02) were associated with SGA neonates. However, other findings like haemorrhage, thrombus, calcification, metaplasia, necrosis, vasculopathy, infections, fibrosis, vasculitis were not found to be associated with LBW or SGA neonates. There was a moderate positive correlation between placental weight and the birth weight of neonates (r-value=0.59). Conclusion: Abnormal histopathological changes like infarcts and fibrin deposition in the placenta result in LBW infants. Therefore, proper antenatal screening of the mother for immunology-based rejection-like disorders, maternal coagulopathies, and imbalances between angiogenic or antiangiogenic pathways is necessary. Regular follow-up of infants with placental pathological changes are also essential.
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Shamsudeen, Amina, Roseline K. Madathil, Kunjumol P. Mathew, and Krishna K. Diwakar. "The Role of Point-of-care Glucose Monitoring Devices in Initiating Treatment for Neonatal Hypoglycaemia: A Cross-sectional Study." INDIAN JOURNAL OF NEONATAL MEDICINE AND RESEARCH, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7860/ijnmr/2024/69034.2421.
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Introduction: Detection and prompt management of hypoglycaemia among at-risk and symptomatic neonates is crucial to prevent neurodevelopmental morbidity. Laboratory- based Formal Random Blood Sugar (FRBS) is the gold standard for estimating Blood Glucose (BG) levels. Point-of-care Glucose Monitoring Devices (POCGMD)/glucometers that provide immediate results are used as surrogates. Glucometers provide widely variable and overestimated values of BG. Therefore, when using glucometers, a higher cut-off value for glucose may have to be considered as the operational threshold for hypoglycaemia. Aim: To evaluate the adequacy of POCGMD for detecting the threshold levels for treating neonatal hypoglycaemia by assessing the agreement with FRBS values. Materials and Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU), Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church Medical College, Kerala, India, from July 2022 to October 2022. A total of 258 infants at risk for and with hypoglycaemia were selected through convenience sampling. BG was estimated simultaneously in the laboratory and with a POCGMD. Three different types of POCGMDs were consecutively used in the unit during the study period. FRBS and POCGMD values were evaluated using Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient. The agreement between the gold standard FRBS and POCGMD values was ascertained through Bland-Altman plots. Receiver Operating Characteristic (ROC) curves identified the higher cut-off levels for each of the brands of POCGMDs at which intervention for hypoglycaemia should be initiated. Results: The present study showed a strong positive correlation between the standard laboratory FRBS and POCGMD measurements. However, there was no agreement between FRBS and POCGMD values according to Bland-Altman graphs. The mean bias values for BG were higher for glucometers. The ROC curves identified 62 mg/dL for Accu-Check, 59 mg/ dL for Contour, and 53 mg/dL for AccuSure as the optimum cut-off corresponding to the operational threshold of FRBS of 45 mg/dL. Conclusion: Glucometers overestimate BG values and miss the biochemical thresholds for treating neonatal hypoglycaemia. When POCGMDs are used, a higher cut-off value may have to be considered as the operational threshold for initiating treatment for hypoglycaemia.
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Idicula, Manu Rajan, Krishna Kumar Diwakar, and Leela Sudhakaran Kamath. "Effect of Low-volume Exchange Transfusion on Neonatal Hyperbilirubinaemia: A Retrospective Cohort Study." INDIAN JOURNAL OF NEONATAL MEDICINE AND RESEARCH, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7860/ijnmr/2024/66281.2410.
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Introduction: A double volume exchange transfusion for hyperbilirubinaemia often requires more than one pack of compatible blood to fulfil the calculated volume. This is often unavailable, necessitating exchange transfusion using less than the calculated double-volume. During practice, the authors found that many patients had a positive therapeutic response even when the exchange blood volume was reduced. Aim: To study the effect of the reduced volume of blood used for exchange transfusion in neonates with hyperbilirubinaemia. Materials and Methods: A retrospective cohort study was conducted in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU), Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church Medical College (tertiary level), Kerala, India, between January 2015 and December 2020. Total 116 patients who underwent exchange transfusion for hyperbilirubinaemia, regardless of gestational age, were included. Pre- and postexchange details, blood chemistry and haemogram were collected from the records and analysed. The patients were grouped into group 1 (80-≤120 mL/kg) and group 2 (>120-≤160 mL/kg) based on the volume of blood used for exchange transfusion. The correlation of exchange blood volume with the percentage drop in bilirubin, rebound rise of bilirubin at six hours, duration of phototherapy, and duration of admission was studied using Pearson’s/ Spearman’s correlation. Data were statistically analysed using Independent samples t-test, Paired sample t-test, and Chi-square test to determine, if there was a significant difference between the groups. Results: Out of 116 patients, group 1 had 67 (57.78%) patients, and group 2 had 49 (42.24%) patients. The mean±Standard Deviation (SD) gestational age was 37.6±1.57 weeks, and 59 (50.86%) were males. The mean±SD postexchange bilirubin was 13.12±3.85 mg/ dL in group 1 and 10.26±2.78 mg/dL in group 2, resulting in a bilirubin reduction of 40.74±12.81% and 53.81±11.67%, respectively. The rebound bilirubin at six hours (13.15±4.32 mg/dL vs 11.23±2.30 mg/dL) made no clinical difference in the management of the patient. The median duration of phototherapy was 48 hours, and the median duration of admission was five days in both groups. Conclusion: Exchange transfusion with a lower volume of blood, followed by phototherapy, can lead to a clinically acceptable reduction in serum bilirubin. Non availability of the exact 160 mL/kg of blood for exchange is not an adequate reason to delay exchange transfusion.
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Alexander, George. "The Malankara Church-Chaldean Syrian Union - A Forgotten Chapter." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3402858.
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"Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 18, no. 4 (December 2010): 649–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2010.a406759.
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Grigoriadis, Ioannis Ν. "Antioch's Last Heirs: The Hatay Greek Orthodox Community between Greece, Syria and Turkey." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, October 5, 2022, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2022.7.
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This study explores the identity dynamics of the Arabic-speaking Greek Orthodox community of the Hatay province of Turkey. Citizens of Turkey, members of the Greek Orthodox church and Arabic speakers, members of this small but historic community stood at the crossroads of three nationalisms: Greek, Syrian and Turkish. Following the urbanization waves that swept through the Turkish countryside since the 1950s, thousands of Hatay Greek Orthodox moved to Istanbul and were given the chance to integrate with the Greek minority there. The case of the Hatay Greek Orthodox community points to the resilience of millet-based identities, more than a century after the demise of the Ottoman Empire.
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Moss, Yonatan, and Flavia Ruani. "Solving the Ninth-Century West Syrian Synoptic Problem." Journal of the American Oriental Society 143, no. 3 (August 22, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jaos.143.3.2023.ar023.
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Within the rich literary tradition of the West Syrian (i.e., Syriac Orthodox) Church, two ninth-century authors stand out thanks to a curious problem. The authors are the bishops John of Dara, who lived in the first half of the century, and Moses bar Kepha, who died in northern Iraq in 903. The problem is the literary relationship between several of the texts transmitted in their names. Applying a three-pronged approach to this synoptic problem, this article offers a path toward a solution. On the basis of biographical, stylistic, and philological arguments, it is argued that at least one text that goes under John’s name, On Heretics, was not in fact written by him. The author of that text, likely operating in the tenth century, drew heavily from Moses bar Kepha’s treatise On Paradise, while reshaping the material from Moses, and also incorporating additional material from other sources.
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Jullien, Christelle. "Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church. Oxford. Oxford University Press, 2008, x-316 p. (Oxford Early Christian Studies)." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 31 (May 15, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.39670.
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Pierre, Simon. "Patriarcat, califat et réseaux : le moment Ḥarrān au cœur de l’Empire (126/744-140/758)." Journal of Abbasid Studies, November 3, 2023, 1–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142371-00802014.
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Abstract This paper offers a cross-analysis of Syriac and Arabic sources related to the Jazīra, the northern province of the caliphate, during the second/eighth century. Specifically, it delves into what the author refers to as the “Ḥarrān moment”. It pertains to the period when this regional town was turned to the last capital of the Umayyads, and immediately to the centre of the provincial government of the future caliph al-Manṣūr, prior to his ascent to power in 754-755 CE. The study views the Abbasid revolution as part of a single decade of civil war (fitna) (744-755) and emphasises the continuity between two dynasties, challenging the traditional historiographical divide of the “Abbasid revolution.” The “Ḥarrān moment” marked a significant shift in central political (and ecclesiastical) power from Umayyad Damascus to Abbasid Baghdad. Syriac sources underscore the centrality of the Jazīra and its capital, as well as the similarities in the political and military history before and after 132/750. Moreover, local ecclesiastical chronicles highlight how Ḥarrān became the centre of the Church at that time, partly by chance and partly due to geopolitical and geo-ecclesiological co-construction. It is argued that this results from a period when prelates and patriarchs became more courtiers, and both Marwān II and al-Manṣūr initiated a policy of affiliation of the Syrian Orthodox Church to the Caliphate, particularly through the issuance of diplomas (sigillions). This article demonstrates that the physical encounter of these two central powers, civil and ecclesiastical, in this strategic location during this critical time of interconnected political-military and ecclesiological turmoil and changes of the 740s-750s, is the key to understanding this process. The study specifically examines the similarities between monastic and tribal provincial and infra-provincial networks, which arise from the same political constraints, to explore the formation and crystallisation of parallel regional ecclesiastical and political blocks during the mid-eighth century CE.
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Goliyski, Petar. "Ancient and Medieval Bulgarians in Syriac and Syriac-Armenian Sources." Epohi 27, no. 2 (December 25, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/dxsh9124.
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Syriac and Syriac-Armenian Sources are much more than ‘just another source’ about the ancient and medieval history of Bulgarians. In their nature, they sometimes constitute the only extant source and in other cases they provide an alternative point of view, far beyond clichés, not subject to the ideology or the censorship of the Byzantine written records. Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources in this study shall mean the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian by the Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church, Michael the Syrian (1126–1159), Chronography of Gregory Bar Hebraeus (1226–1286) and the translation to Middle Armenian of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian made in 1248 by the Armenian Vardan Areveltsi and the Syriac monk Iskhok (Isaac). The Middle Armenian translation was preserved in 8 manuscripts, only 2 of which had been published. The first one dating back to the 1273 was published in Jerusalem in 1871, and the second one, dating back to the 1480, was published in 1870 in Jerusalem again. The extracts from the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated to Bulgarian from French from Chronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche. Éditée pour la première fois et traduite en français par Jean-Baptiste Chabot. Tome II, Paris 1901 & Tome II², Paris 1905. The extracts from Gregory Bar Hebraeus were translated to Bulgarian from English from Bar Hebraeus’ Chronography. Translated from Syriac by Ernest A. Wallis Budge. Oxford University Press. London, 1932. The extracts from the Middle Armenian translation of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated from Middle Armenian by me from Reports about Bulgarians in Syriac sources were first found in the story from Michael the Syrian and from Gregory Bar Hebraeus about the migration of 30,000 ‘Scythians’ in the winter of 586/587 from ‘this side of the gorge of the Imæon mountain’. Michael and Bar Hebraeus narrate that reaching the lands of present-day South Russia, 10,000 of these ‘Scythians’ separated from and were accepted as military colonists or foederati by the Byzantine emperor Maurice, who settled them in present-day North Bulgaria. These colonists were called by the Byzantines with the name ‘Bulgarians’. Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus reported that in 590–591 part of the Bulgarian foederati were included in the Byzantine armies sent to Mesopotamia in support of the dethroned Persian šahanšah Khosrow II; and in 602 (according to data by Michael the Syrian and his Middle Armenian translation) those Bulgarian military colonists rebelled in Moesia and attacked the Byzantine province of Thrace. However, what is even more valuable in the story of Michael and Bar Herbaeus was the localisation of the point wherefrom Bulgarian migration started in the winter of 586/587, namely the triangle between the city of Khujand in the Tajik Sughd Region, the city of Tashkent and the city of Jizzakh in the Jizzakh Region of Uzbekistan. The same departure point was also confirmed by two reports in the ‘Ashkharatsuyts’ Geography (1267) of Vardan Areveltsi, the Տեառն Միխայէլի Պատրիարք Ասորւոց Ժամանակագրութիւն . Յերուսաղէմ, 1870 and from Ժամանակագրութիւն Տեառն Միխայէլի Ասորւոց Պատրիարքի. Յերուսաղէմ, 1871. ութիւն. Պատրիարքի., 1871.Յերուսաղէմ, man of letters who made the Middle Armenian translation of the chronicle of Michael the Syrian. Those reports about the region wherefrom migration or migrations of Bulgarians towards East Europe and Caucasus had started, are so far the only particular sources about the lands inhabited by Bulgarians in Asia. The Khujand–Tashkent–Jizzakh triangle is located 2500 km southwestward from the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk, which has been persistently told to be the ancestral homeland of Bulgarians, as they were presumed (based on 20–30 uncertain lexical parallelisms) to be a Turkic people, and the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk were assumed to be the ancestral homeland of Turkic tribes. It was Michael the Syrian again, and his Middle Armenian translation and Bar Hebraeus, to whom historical science owes the most detailed and full description of the participation of Bulgarians as allies of the Byzantines in the repulse of the Arab attack during the siege of Constantinople in 717–718. Systematically and as a rule, Byzantine authors almost completely belittle Bulgarian contribution for saving Eastern Europe from the Islamic invasion, as important as Charles Martel’s victory in 732. Syriac sources, however, name Bulgarians as the third force defending Europe from the Islam, alongside Byzantines and Franks. Furthermore, Michael the Syrian (and his Middle Armenian translation) and Bar Hebraeus offer us an alternative story about the death of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I in 811 in his war against Bulgaria. According to Michael, the emperor had been killed by a person of his suite, and this inference was referred to in the 12th century by Joannes Zonaras only, as one of the several accounts about Nicephorus’s death.The notice of the participation of Macedonian Bulgarians as part of the Byzantine armies, who seized the Arab frontier fortress Zapetra or Zibatra in 837 was amongst the most interesting reports by Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus. This information was independently confirmed two centuries earlier by the Muslim author Al-Masudi (896 – 956) as well. Another piece of information having no parallel in other sources was both Michael the Syrian’s and Bar Hebraeus’s merit again. It had also been repeated in the Middle Armenian translation of Michael’s work, stating that ‘during the war against Bulgarians’ the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143 – 1180) would have been nearly killed by a Bulgarian warrior who, becoming aware of the fact that the Emperor himself had been asking for mercy, took pity on the Emperor. Manuel, in return, took the warrior with himself to Constantinople. The analysis of Michael the Syrian’s notice indicates that this incident took place not in the Balkans, but in Asia Minor in a region between South Cappadocia and Cilicia, where the Bulgar Dagh Mountain (Bulgar Dagh – ‘Bulgarian Mountain’) and a number of other toponyms related to Bulgarians were found. In May–June 1159, on his way back from Antioch, the Emperor would have been nearly killed. These and some other reports of Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus are exemplary that speaking of foreign sources about the Bulgarian history, it is high time Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources took their rightful and significant place in the array of mediaevalists.