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Journal articles on the topic 'Malawi Congress Party Government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 January 2023

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Newell, Jonathan. "‘A Moment of Truth’? The Church and Political Change in Malawi, 1992." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (1995): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021054.

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The immediate origins of the democratic elections held in Malawi in 1994, which brought to an end over 30 years of political dominance by President Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), lie in the unprecedented events which shook the entire nation in 1992. Although that turbulent year was characterised by industrial action, serious urban riots, student demonstrations, the emergence of new domestic political groupings, and the Government's agreement to hold a national referendum on the future of the one-party system in the country, in retrospect perhaps what was most remarkable abou

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2

Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.

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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a po

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3

Lebo, Matthew J., Adam J. McGlynn, and Gregory Koger. "Strategic Party Government: Party Influence in Congress, 1789?2000." American Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (2007): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00262.x.

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4

Kalua, Phaniso. "The Extent of Political Party Institutionalization in Malawi: The Case of United Democratic Front (UDF) and Malawi Congress Party (MCP)." Forum for Development Studies 38, no. 1 (2011): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2010.548078.

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5

Curry, James M., and Frances E. Lee. "Non-Party Government: Bipartisan Lawmaking and Party Power in Congress." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 1 (2019): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002128.

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Majority leaders of the contemporary Congress preside over parties that are more cohesive than at any point in the modern era, and power has been centralized in party leadership offices. Do today’s majority parties succeed in enacting their legislative agendas to a greater extent than the less-cohesive parties of earlier eras? To address this question, we examine votes on all laws enacted from 1973–2016, as well as on the subset of landmark laws identified by Mayhew. In addition, we analyze the efforts of congressional majority parties to pass their agendas from 1985 to 2016. We find that enac

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6

Ansolabehere, Stephen, Maxwell Palmer, and Benjamin Schneer. "Divided Government and Significant Legislation: A History of Congress from 1789 to 2010." Social Science History 42, no. 1 (2017): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.42.

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This article presents and analyzes the most comprehensive database to date of significant acts of Congress—from 1789 to 2010—to test whether divided party control of government affects the number of important acts Congress passes. We find that unified control corresponds with one additional significant act passed per Congress in the nineteenth century and four additional such acts in the twentieth century. However, party control of government cannot explain the broad historical trends in the rate at which Congress passes significant legislation. Nixon in 1969 was far more successful with a Dem

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7

Forster, Peter G. "Culture, Nationalism, and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 3 (1994): 477–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015196.

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In May 1994 the Life President of Malawi, Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, the world's oldest Head of State, was peacefully defeated in the country's first multi-party elections after having been in power since February 1963. During that 31 year era his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) régime had been characterised by a remarkably high degree of legitimacy. It can of course be argued that this was simply based on political repression, which certainly existed, notably during periods of excessive sensitivity to various criticisms and actions that were interpreted as threats to the prevailing stability. This could

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8

Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (

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9

BRØDSGAARD, KJELD ERIK, and NIS GRÜNBERG. "Structural Reforms and CPC Power after the Third CPC Plenum, and the 1st Session of the 13th NPC." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (2018): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v36i1.5514.

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In February and March 2018 the 3rd Plenum of the 19th CPC Congress and the first meeting of the 13th National People's Congress (NPC) were held. During these meetings, important and far-reaching structural reforms were adopted, including constitutional amendments, restructurings of the government and the relationship between Party and state. Structural reforms are common at the outset of a new fi ve-year NPC term, and it is important to understand these reforms as part of an ongoing process. The recent reforms, however, were remarkable in the way they rearranged Party–state relations and bolst

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10

Manion, Melanie. "When Communist Party Candidates Can Lose, Who Wins? Assessing the Role of Local People's Congresses in the Selection of Leaders in China." China Quarterly 195 (September 2008): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000799.

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AbstractThis article draws on Party and government documents, Chinese-language books and articles, interviews and firsthand observation, and electoral outcome data to contribute to the emerging literature on the changing role of people's congresses in mainland China. It focuses on the crucially important but neglected relationship between local congresses and local Communist Party committees in the selection of congress and government leaders. It analyses the 1995 reforms to Party regulations and the law, which resulted in electoral losses of more than 17,000 Communist Party candidates in the

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11

Gunde, Anthony M. "Online News Media, Religious Identity and Their Influence on Gendered Politics: Observations from Malawi’s 2014 Elections." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 4, no. 1 (2015): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000100.

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The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Mal

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12

Panin, E. V. "Party composition of the II Congress of Soviets." Izvestiya MGTU MAMI 8, no. 2-5 (2014): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/2074-0530-67411.

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The article deals with the first steps of the Soviet government for the construction of the state apparatus. The authors analyzed the party composition of the main authority in Soviet Russia - II All-Russian Congress of Soviets.

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13

Moscardelli, Vincent G., Moshe Haspel, and Richard S. Wike. "Party Building through Campaign Finance Reform: Conditional Party Government in the 104th Congress." Journal of Politics 60, no. 3 (1998): 691–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2647644.

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14

Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal p

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15

Pandey, Dr Aditiya Prakash. "Policies, Programs and Achievements of Ghulam Nabi Azad - led Coalition in Jammu & Kashmir." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. 8 (2021): 1215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.37587.

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Abstract: The coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir during 2002 to 2008 helped build some kind of confidence in the electoral institutions and processes. Breaking the hegemony of the single dominant party also brought an alternative to the PDPCongress coalition power. PDP- Congress formed a coalition government after 2002 Assembly elections as no political party had won majority and it resulted in a fractured mandate. The coalition was significant in the sense that PDP had recently emerged as regional force, and it was its first game in elections as well as coalition politics. The coalitio

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16

Qiang, Zhong, Meng Li, and Liao Yang. "Research on the Changes and Measures of the Central Government of China in the Governance of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions since the Late 1990s." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (2019): 200–226. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.02.01.62.

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On the basis of reviewing Hong Kong's sovereignty and Macao's sovereignty returning to China before and after their sovereignty return to China, the article analyzes the changes in the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao since the 16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and reflected on the success or failure of the United Front Work in Hong Kong and Macao during the post-return period. It discussed the Hong Kong and Macao united front work in the era of comprehensive governance before the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and before the 19th N

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17

Rakhmatov, Murod G. "ALL-TURKESTAN MUSLIM CONGRESS IN 1917." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 6 (2021): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-6-22.

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Some peculiarities of the important changes of 1917 in the Turkestan region are shown on the basis of archival materials and historical sources. The article examines the focus on the 1917 All-Turkestan Muslim Congress.The main issues discussed at the congresses were the activities of Shura Islamia and Shura Ulamo, Turon and other political organizations, the activities of the political party Ittifoki Muslimin and the political system of Turkestan. He also analyzed the basic principles and norms of state structure based on a parliamentary republic called the Federal Republic of Turkestan.Index

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18

Kerr, David, and Jack Mapanje. "Academic Freedom and the University of Malawi." African Studies Review 45, no. 2 (2002): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600031437.

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Abstract:Using the University of Malawi as an example, this article analyzes the opportunities and constraints faced by African intellectuals. It argues that during the anticolonial struggle, young nationalists conceived the University of Malawi as a potential engine for the transformation and development of the state. After independence President Banda, who established a repressive one-party state, severely restricted the university's intellectual autonomy through modalities of censorship. Some academics and students went into exile; others conformed to the dominant ideology; others resisted

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19

Lohmann, Susanne, and Sharyn O'Halloran. "Divided government and U.S. trade policy: theory and evidence." International Organization 48, no. 4 (1994): 595–632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028320.

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If different parties control the U.S. Congress and White House, the United States may maintain higher import protection than otherwise. This proposition follows from a distributive politics model in which Congress can choose to delegate trade policymaking to the President. When the congressional majority party faces a President of the other party, the former has an incentive to delegate to but to constrain the President by requiring congressional approval of trade proposals by up-or-down vote. This constraint forces the President to provide higher protection in order to assemble a congressiona

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20

Gang, Chen. "From 17th to 18th Party Congress: Implications for Intra-Party Democracy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (2015): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i2.4757.

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Growing intra-party pluralism and intensified factional rivalry have pressured the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to adjust the authoritarian official-selection system by resorting to an 'intra-Party democracy' mechanism based on informal polls among influential party officials and retirees. The progress, albeit slow and opaque since the 17th Party Congress in 2007, is increasingly seen as the CPC's only solution to intensified factional rivalry at various levels and the decline of legitimacy associated with the corrupt and inept officialdom. With backroom straw polls setting

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21

Kirichenko, E. V. "Budget Process in the USA: Shutdown as a Tool of Inter-Party Struggle." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 6 (December 15, 2024): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673024060095.

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In the United States, a complex process has been formed for the annual adoption of the federal budget for the next fiscal year starting on October 1. The House of Representatives and the Senate must coordinate and approve 12 bills on appropriations for the main areas of government activity for the next fiscal year, and the president must sign them by September 30. If the appropriations bills are not passed, the activities of government institutions are suspended (shutdown). Congress last completed the budget approval process before the start of the fiscal year in 1997. Since then, Congress has

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22

Jones, Mark P., Wonjae Hwang, and Juan Pablo Micozzi. "Government and Opposition in the Argentine Congress, 1989-2007: Understanding Inter-Party Dynamics through Roll Call Vote Analysis." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 1 (2009): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100104.

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This article employs roll call vote data and Bayesian ideal point estimation to examine inter-party dynamics in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2007. It highlights the presence in the Argentine Congress of a strong government vs. opposition dimension as well as identifies the relative position on this dimension, vis-à-vis the governing party, of the most prominent non-governing parties. Special attention is paid to the evolution of inter-party legislative dynamics during Argentina's brief experience with coalition government (1999-2001) and to party behavior in the Chamber d

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23

T, Balasubramanian. "Labours Troubles and Congress Party in Tamil Nadu (1900- 1947)." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 6, no. 3 (2019): 44–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2550013.

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In tamil nadu which was predominantly agricultural, the maximization of agricultural productivity and output was an essential condition of economic growth and improvement of the masses. the system under which the cultivator worked was of key importance in determining the agricultural growth. The cost of living index, which started increasing during the world war, continued its upward trend even after the war.  wages and dearness allowances were not proportionately increased to completely neutralize the price rise. it caused much finance by labor the establishment of  war industries g

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24

Karol, David. "Divided Government and U.S.Trade Policy: Much Ado About Nothing?" International Organization 54, no. 4 (2000): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551389.

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Scholars assert that divided government impedes the liberalization of U.S. trade policy. They claim that presidents favor freer trade and will use the negotiating authority Congress delegates to them to reach agreements lowering trade barriers. Since presidents gain more support from their congressional co-partisans, less liberalization ensues under divided government. This theory rests on the premise that party is unrelated to congressional trade policy preferences beyond legislators' tendencies to support their presidential co-partisans. Yet before 1970 congressional Democrats were relativel

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25

Farhang, Sean. "Legislative Capacity & Administrative Power Under Divided Polarization." Daedalus 150, no. 3 (2021): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01859.

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Abstract Conventional wisdom holds that party polarization leads to legislative gridlock, which in turn disables congressional oversight of agencies and thus erodes their constitutional legitimacy and democratic accountability. At the root of this argument is an empirical claim that higher levels of polarization materially reduce legislative productivity as measured by the number of laws passed or the number of issues on the legislative agenda addressed by those laws, both of which are negatively associated with party polarization. By focusing on the content of statutes passed rather than thei

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26

Kolkmann, Michael. "Zurück zum „Divided Government“: Die US-amerikanischen Kongresswahlen vom 8. November 2022." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 1 (2023): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-1-3.

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The 2022 Congressional elections have ended with ambivalent results . Typically, the party of the governing president loses seats in midterm elections, sometimes several dozens . In this regard, President Joe Biden and his party managed to achieve a surprisingly good result . While his Democrats lost their narrow majority to Republicans in the U .S . House of Rep- resentatives, they succeeded in keeping their equally narrow majority in the U .S . Senate . In the 118th Congress, Washington will be dominated by “divided government”, meaning one party has control over the House and the other part

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27

Rogova, Natalia. "Specifics of unified government after 2020 elections in the USA." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017985-0.

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The article deals with interrelations between President Biden and the 117th Congress in this period of the unified government One of the main problems of the Democrats is that they have a minimal majority in both Chambers. Democrats in the Congress are divided into four major factions which not always vote together. Republicans are also divided into several caucuses, some of which try to maintain and develop Trump’s legacy. It is obvious that the one-party government will be seriously challenged at the 2022 elections.

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28

BIANCO, WILLIAM T., and ITAI SENED. "Uncovering Evidence of Conditional Party Government: Reassessing Majority Party Influence in Congress and State Legislatures." American Political Science Review 99, no. 3 (2005): 361–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051713.

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This paper aims at enriching the debate over the measurement of majority party influence in contemporary American legislatures. Our use of a new analytic technique, a grid-search program for characterizing the uncovered set, enables us to begin with a better model of legislative proceedings that abandons the simple one-dimensional spatial models in favor of the more realistic two-dimensional version. Our conclusions are based on the analysis of real-world data rather than on arguments about the relative merits of different theoretic assumptions. Our analysis confirms that when legislators' pre

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29

Chanika, Emmie, John L. Lwanda, and Adamson S. Muula. "Gender, Gays and Gain: The Sexualised Politics of Donor Aid in Malawi." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 1 (2013): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800105.

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Many Malawian politicians have exploited religious and cultural discourses, encouraging the discourse of the “God-fearing Malawi nation” while also acknowledging the country as a secular state. This discourse -which most recently underwent further development in the early 1980s when Christians and Muslims, funded by donor money, accelerated their evangelical drives in the context of a one-party Malawi – resonates with a patriarchal, conservative political dispensation. This paper traces the evolution of the “God-fearing nation” discourse in Malawian politics. It posits that the government used

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30

Mthatiwa, Syned. "Allusiveness, Language and Imagery in Francis Moto's Gazing at The Setting Sun." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2020): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.3.1.451.

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Francis Moto is a Malawian writer who has published poetry both in vernacular (Chichewa) and in English. His poetry in English appears in a collection titled Gazing at the Setting Sun published in 1994, the year Malawians voted Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) out of power. Besides recording the suffering of Malawians during the autocratic leadership of the first post-independence president, Dr Banda, and remembering the author's childhood experiences, the poetry also celebrates Malawi's political transformation from one party rule to multiparty democracy in the ear

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Ashoke Mukhopadhyay. "Beware of the Slinking Dragon." ijpmonline 1, no. 1 (2022): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.2.

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In the current political discourses of the parties as well as non-party forces, fascism has become the oftenest quoted epithet to describe the Indian panorama under BJP’s rule. During the 1970s, in the wake of the first major split in the Congress, rise of Indira Gandhi as the supremo within the Congress, and then during the days of the Emergency, talks of fascism had become a regular agenda. Thereafter, emergence of regional parties as opposition to the Congress, many non-Congress Governments coming to office in various states and on several occasions, decline of the Congress as the biggest n

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32

Anas, Omair. "India–West Asia Relations Under the ‘Nationalist’ Modi Government." International Studies 58, no. 1 (2021): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720984324.

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India’s West Asia policy discourse has traditionally revolved around its energy dependency, security and the welfare of the 7 million Indians living in the region. In recent years, particularly since the coming of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in 2014, the issues of counterterrorism, security, defence cooperation and non-oil trade have gained in importance. This qualitative shift is partially guided and supported by both pragmatism and the ideological differences that the BJP and its predecessor, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), had been maintaining against the West Asia policy of t

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ZHENG, Yongnian, Gang CHEN, and Liang Fook LYE. "China's Politics: Preparing for Leadership Reshuffling and Maintaining Status Quo." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (2012): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000013.

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In 2011, the Chinese government overcame a string of challenges ranging from inflation and corruption to social unrest. However, the government's soaring fiscal revenue in the aftermath of a global financial crisis has sparked a domestic backlash of guofu minqiong (the state is rich, the people are poor). The Chinese Communist Party on the other hand has been busy reshuffling Party and administrative officials at various levels to prepare for leadership succession at the 18th Party Congress in 2012.

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ZHAO, Litao, and Jiwei QIAN. "Chongqing under Sun Zhengcai." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (2015): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000185.

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Chongqing is the latest and largest municipality directly under the administration of the central government and the only one in China's vast inland regions. Sun Zhengcai, a new Politburo member at the 18th Party Congress, became Chongqing's party secretary in November 2011. The former minister of agriculture and later party secretary of Jilin, Sun has demonstrated a down-to-earth working style. Policy-wise, he continues but refines what Chongqing has been doing, with possible breakthroughs in some areas.

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Zhu, Qianwei. "The Decision-Making Process of the Chinese Government at the County Level." Public Administration Quarterly 27, no. 2 (2003): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073491490302700203.

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The model of decision-making process of the Chinese government at the county level is one in which three decision-makers, namely the county committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the county government, and the county people's congress, join together with the party as the most important player. The coexistence of strict structure settled by law and non-strict structure by the party's policies has both advantages and disadvantages in the Chinese context. In a long run, strict structure is a way out for a better decision-making process.

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Lee, Wei-chin. "Multiple Shades of China’s Taiwan Policy after the 19th Party Congress." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 2 (2020): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620905063.

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The study begins with descriptions of the changing political landscape of Taiwan’s domestic politics and China’s increasingly influential role in global politics to show the strategic terrain of asymmetric relations between the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan (cross-Strait relations) and some lessons of Taiwan’s 2016 elections. It attempts to delineate the 19th Party Congress report for meaningful contemplation of and conjecture about China’s purposes and policies in dealing with the prickly Taiwan issue. In essence, China’s policy under Xi Jinping after the 19th Party Congress has been

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37

Triwahyuni, Selvi. "News Framing of the Extraordinary Congress Partai Demokrat at Kompas.com." PROPAGANDA 2, no. 1 (2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37010/prop.v2i1.579.

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The struggle for power is actually not a new problem in Indonesian politics. Being the general chairman of the party is not only a determinant of various party policy decisions, but has a strong opportunity to be nominated in the presidential election or enter into important structures in Indonesian government institutions. So, it is not something new anymore if the position of the general chairman of the party is a position that is always contested by the party elite. Regarding news, the media must have their own way of framing news. This study aims to find out how Kompas.com frames the news

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Yue, Yanfei, and Yuchen Ma. "Practical exploration of state-owned enterprises to promote anti-corruption and clean government under the new situation." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 6 (2024): 415–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/cyeq0152.

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Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the CPC Central Committee has attached great importance to the construction of party style and clean government, but under the new situation, corruption cases in state-owned enterprises are still relatively frequent, which affects the smooth operation of social economy, so it is imperative to clarify the problem of corruption in state-owned enterprises and analyze the causes of corruption in state-owned enterprises, and it is very necessary to further explore the path of anti-corruption and clean government construction in China

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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "The General Elections in India." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.

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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massa

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Awofeso, Olu, and Paul A. Irabor. "Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p17.

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Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as &ldquo;governm

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Afrizal and Mulyana Ahmad. "Moral Judgment Construction in The Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress News on Suara.Com." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS 05, no. 01 (2022): 107–17. https://doi.org/10.47191/ijmra/v5-i1-15.

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Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory

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Kant, Neelam. "The changing nature of coalition governments." RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, no. 1 (2023): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2023.v10n01.004.

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The way the public opinion is today, it has brought the direction of the coalition government. Earlier there was some kind of government in the states. Earlier Congress was the only important party. In the first election, alliance starts only in Kerala. Till 1970, the Congress alone was able to form governments in the states. The coalition government at the center comes in the form of Janata Party in 1977. Origin of coalition government: When a party wants to form a government, it participates. But when the rest of the political parties think that the party is not capable of forming the govern

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Weber, Till, and Craig Parsons. "Dynamic party unity: the US Congress in comparative perspective." European Political Science Review 8, no. 4 (2015): 637–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000235.

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Moises Ostrogorski once denounced political parties for burying diverse concerns of pluralistic societies under monolithic electoral options. E.E. Schattschneider celebrated them for the same reason: organizing choice and ‘responsible party government’ amid pluralistic complexity. Comparativists have found both dynamics in European legislatures: most European parties exhibit the high average levels of voting unity that Schattschneider’s theory implies, but also display rather Ostrogorskian cycles of discipline, stifling dissent on divisive issues at election time. We use comparativists’ tools

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Jones, Mark P., and Wonjae Hwang. "Party Government in Presidential Democracies: Extending Cartel Theory Beyond the U.S. Congress." American Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (2005): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00122.x.

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Ho, Ming-sho. "Occupy Congress in Taiwan: Political Opportunity, Threat, and the Sunflower Movement." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (2015): 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800004173.

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In opposition to a free trade pact with China, Taiwan's Sunflower Movement erupted in spring 2014 and occupied the national legislature for twenty-four days. Drawing from the recent debates on the relation between social movements and the state, I elaborate a revised polity model that focuses on the effects of elite disunity, threat, and movement strategy. The Sunflower Movement originated from a tactical misstep by the ruling party that created an immediate sense of threat from proposed closer economic ties with China, thereby facilitating protest mobilization. Student protesters were able to

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Nayar, Baldev Raj. "India in 2004: Regime Change in a Divided Democracy." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (2005): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.71.

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The outstanding event of 2004 in India was the national election. Its unexpected results made for the ouster of the BJP-led government——despite the excellent performance of the economy——and its replacement by a coalition headed by the Congress Party, oriented toward greater state activism in economic affairs.

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Panin, E. V. "Discussions about creation of 1st Soviet government at II All-Russian Congress of Soviets." Izvestiya MGTU MAMI 8, no. 3-5 (2014): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/2074-0530-67425.

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The article considers the process of creating the first Soviet government. The author studies the inter-party debate about its composition. Standpoints of the Bolshevik leaders and the leaders of other parties are represented.

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J Braun, Michel J. "Political party building in populist style." Journal of African Elections 23, no. 1 (2024): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2024/v23i1a4.

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This article assesses the local organisation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in its first participation in South Africa’s local government elections in 2016. Drawing on original interviews with local party activists, it explains how the EFF’s brand of populism mobilised at the grassroots level during its formative years. The study argues that the party’s populist style was effective because it helped appropriate existing diverse networks of political activists by positioning itself as the voice of ‘ordinary black people’ against business and government ‘elites’. This orientation of the

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Sahani, Victoria Shannon. "Imagining how U.S. federalism would affect third-party funding regulation." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 25, no. 2 (2024): 209–28. https://doi.org/10.1515/til-2024-0021.

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Abstract Third-party funding is a global phenomenon, although regulatory enforcement is local. Regulatory approaches vary widely from country to country and within countries, especially in federal legal systems, such as Canada, Australia, and the United States. In Canada, the federal government has not regulated funding at all. In Australia, after a period of state- and province-based experimentation, the highest court took the lead on legalization and instructed the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) to license funders at the federal level and promulgate guidelines regard

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Lim, Jonathan. "Leadership Outlook – China's New Paramount Leader Xi Jinping." Yonsei Journal of International Studies 10, no. 2 (2018): 165–96. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13329354.

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The manuscript seeks to examine the nature of Xi Jinping’s political ascendancy following the passage of amendments at the 13th National People’s Congress, removing term limits for the position of President of the People’s Republic of China and opening the opportunity for Xi to rule over China for decades to come.The manuscript considers China’s Constitutional Law background, examines the composition of the 13th National People’s Congress, contextualizes the Chinese Communist Party’s grip on the legislative body, interprets the underlying rationale behind th

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