Relevant bibliographies by topics / Malaysia – Politics and government

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Malaysia – Politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Mehden, Fred R. Von Der, and Zakaria Haji Ahmad. "Government and Politics of Malaysia." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 3 (1988): 550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760506.

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Ostwald, Kai, and Muhamad M. N. Nadzri. "Malaysia in 2022." Asian Survey 63, no. 2 (March 2023): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.291.

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Malaysia held a general election in 2022 that was expected to resolve ongoing political instability. Instead, it produced a hung parliament, reflecting a deeply divided electorate and growing support for Islamist politics. Following a royal intervention, Anwar Ibrahim’s progressive coalition formed a unity government with the long-dominant UMNO and East Malaysian parties; this unprecedented arrangement faces evolving social, political, and economic challenges that will test its stability and the very nature of Malaysian politics.
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Harun, Ruhanas. "The Politics of Accommodation and the Problem of National-Building in a Plural Society: The Case of Malaysia." ICR Journal 1, no. 4 (July 15, 2010): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i4.703.

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The issue of pluralism in Malaysia has attracted keen interest among scholars and commentators from this country as well as from outside the region. It is an issue that has pre-occupied the Malaysian government since Malaysia’s independence from British colonial rule in 1957. Since then the Malaysian state has been concerned with containing and managing the ‘vulnerabilities’ that can cause conflicts among diverse ethnic and religious groups in the country. The method used to manage ethnic relations has been termed the ‘politics of accommodation’ which is essentially based on the principles of bargaining, cooperation and accommodation among different ethnic groups. It is argued that while it has contributed to the peaceful - albeit precarious - coexistence between them, it also has had an impact of delaying the nation-building process in Malaysia. The pre-occupation of the state with ‘national unity’ and ‘national integration’ and the constant reminders to the public on the importance of ‘unity’ are proof that the ‘politics of accommodation’ as a tool for keeping the country and its diverse segments together are faced with serious challenges. This article attempts to look at the functioning of the ‘politics of accommodation’ as strategy for managing politics and society in a multiethnic society and its impact on nation-building in Malaysia.
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Wenxuan, Chu, and Mohd Nizam Osman. "The Roles of New Voters Towards National Elections in Malaysia." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 8, no. 6 (June 30, 2023): e002365. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v8i6.2365.

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In 2022, Malaysia held the 15th General Election (GE15), which allowed new voters to participate in voting for the first time. The research objective of this study is to explore the role of new voters in GE15. To achieve this objective, this study used the qualitative research method to conduct 2 focus group discussions on 7 Selangor’s new voters, aged between 22 and 24, with bachelor's degrees. They are 3 Malays, 2 Malaysian Chinese, and 2 Malaysian Indians. This research utilized NVIVO12 for thematic analysis of data. The findings show that Informants believe that they play many roles in GE15, they mainly support democracy, change politics, influence politics, promote political participation, and fulfill responsibilities and obligations. In addition, Informants believe that their votes have a significant influence on the political situation, mainly influencing the economy, influencing politics, and promoting democracy. These findings emphasize the role and influence of new voters in Malaysia’s politics, and emphasize the importance of democracy, diversity, and government attention to public opinion.
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Xia, Nan, and Yanan Yang. "Role of Malaysian Non-Governmental Organizations in Malaysia-China Educational Exchange under Malaysian Ethnic Politics." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v3i3.477.

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Educational exchange between Malaysia and China has an important interaction with the Chinese education in Malaysia and the political relations between Malaysia and China. Chinese education in Malaysia is twisted with Malaysian ethnic politics. Malaysian Chinese students were lack of opportunities at the public institutions of higher learning due to the preferential and affirmative action policies implemented by Malaysian government under the egis of New Economic Policy (NEP).Thus, Malaysia NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) carried out educational exchange with China to open up a more spacious study channels for students. The objective of this article is to investigate the role of Malaysian NGOs towards educational exchange between Malaysia and China under Malaysian ethnic politics. Primary data were collected through interviews and the informants were selected based on purposive sampling and snowball sampling. Totally, fourteen informants were selected and interviewed based on evidence of data saturation. Secondary data were collected from journal articles, newspapers, website pages and online resources. Meanwhile, structuration theory was used to guide the researcher to get the suitable answer. Findings of this study indicate that, there are three main important NGOs that play a significant role in promoting educational exchange between Malaysia and China, which are Dong Jiao Zong (the collective name of Dong Zong and Jiao Zong), the Association of Graduates from Universities and Colleges in China, Malaysia (AGUCCM) and Malaysia-China Friendship Association (MCFA). As the purposive actors, they conduct their actions based on different levels, which are to develop Chinese education in Malaysia, to continue and inherit Chinese culture. Their unconsciousness reason is based on Malaysian Chinese’s deep feeling to China. Moreover, the educational exchange in the aspect of Chinese education is conducted under the structure of Malaysian ethnic politics, which led to a dichotomy. Nowadays, with the rise of China and the promotion of “the Belt and Road”, educational exchange between Malaysia and China will become better and better.
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Zook, Darren C. "Making Space for Islam: Religion, Science, and Politics in Contemporary Malaysia." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 4 (November 2010): 1143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810002925.

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In October 2007, Malaysia celebrated sending its first astronaut into space, as part of a cooperative venture on board a Russian space mission. As Malaysia's first astronaut was a Muslim, the Malaysian government commissioned, through its Department of Islamic Development, a project to create a definitive set of guidelines for the practice of Islam in outer space, specifically on board the International Space Station. What may on the surface appear to be a practical exercise in clarifying religious practice reveals upon closer examination to be a complex restructuring of Malaysia's domestic and international politics, with the role of Islam as the catalytic and somewhat controversial centerpiece.
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Robinson, Francis. "Piety and Politics:." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i2.1259.

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For much of the twentieth century, race and ethnicity formed the basis ofMalaysian politics and, therefore, dominated its discourse. This book exploreshow over the past thirty years the politics of Malaysia, which wasonly approximately 60 percent Muslim, moved strongly in an Islamist direction,indeed, “how Islam—in particular its ideological and institutionalexpressions—informs the configuration of power, the nature of legitimacy,and the sources of authority in Malaysian politics and society today” (xii).To do so, Liow first examines the genesis of the Islamist agenda from theperspective of the two major political parties—the Islamist oppositionParti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS) and the dominant United Malay NationalOrganisation (UMNO)—showing how the latter went through severalchanges as it evolved to place Islamism at the center of its sociopoliticalagenda. He then proceeds to show how the UMNO-led government of Malaysia began to create institutions of Islamic governance, a process heterms the “bureaucratization” of Islam, which formed the basis for PrimeMinister Mahathir’s claim in the 1990s that Malaysia, constitutionally asecular state, was an Islamic state. As he does so, he notes the tensions thatthese developments caused between the federal and state administration onthe one hand and civil and religious law on the other. Liow moves on toexplore the debate from the 1990s between PAS and UMNO, and withinPAS itself, on how Islam might be expressed as the organizing principlefor society and politics in a religiously plural Malaysia and how the non-Muslim communities responded to the parties’ endeavors ...
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Kananatu, Thaatchaayini. "Framing Death Penalty Politics in Malaysia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2476.

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The death penalty in Malaysia is a British colonial legacy that has undergone significant scrutiny in recent times. While the Malaysian Federal Constitution 1957 provides that ‘no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty save in accordance with law’, there are several criminal offences (including drug-related crimes) that impose the mandatory and discretionary death penalty. Using Benford and Snow’s framing processes, this paper reviews death penalty politics in Malaysia by analysing the rhetoric of abolitionists and retentionists. The abolitionists, comprising activist lawyers and non-government organisations, tend to use ‘human rights’ and ‘injustice’ frames, which humanise the ‘criminal’ and gain international support. The retentionists, such as victims’ families, use a ‘victims’ justice’ frame emphasising the ‘inhuman’ nature of violent crimes. In addition, the retentionist state shifts between ‘national security’ and ‘national development’ frames. This paper finds that death penalty politics in Malaysia is predominantly a politics of framing.
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Soltani, Fakhreddin, Jayum A. Jawan, and Ahmad Tarmizi Talib. "Development: The Malaysian Experience." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.6914.

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Politics in Malaysia is dominated by ethnic considerations; hence, the most critical challenge of development in the country has been the issue of national unity. The Malaysian government has attempted to include all ethnic groups in the process of development regardless of their ethnicity or religion especially since the ethnic riots of 1969. Therefore, the Malaysian government designed economic programs such as the New Economic Policy (NEP) and New Economic Model (NEM) to facilitate this process through state- oriented policies and also include all ethnic groups in the process of development. In fact, Malaysia has followed non-conventional theories of development because of the role of government in the development process. This article seeks to explain the ambitious grand programs of the Malaysian government and demonstrate how these programs have followed non-conventional theories of development.
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Milner, Anthony. "Malaysia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.174.

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The Najib government continued to consolidate its political hold on Malaysia in 2017. Various factors, including a moderately improved economic situation and a relatively generous 2018 budget, suggested that it had good prospects for winning the next election, to be held at the latest in August 2018. Beyond party politics, however, there were indications of deep change taking place in Malaysian society—deep enough to raise questions about the nation’s identity.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Johnson, Clare Louise. "Politics and power : government intervention in the Muda irrigation scheme, Malaysia." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1999. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13371/.

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This research examines the intended and unintended outcomes of government intervention policies in the Muda irrigation scheme, Malaysia. It focuses on the process by which the farmers and government staff manipulate these policies to secure their individual and collective needs. This process is manifested in the informal actions of these actors when contrasted with the formal rules and regulations of system governance and management. This is explored through the detailed analysis of one particular government policy - tertiary intervention. It is argued that because the irrigation management concepts and models fail to address the nature of the relationship between governments, irrigation agencies and irrigators they are unable to incorporate the objectives of all actors in the intervention process. To facilitate such an integration, the theoretical focus explores the appropriateness of actor-oriented research in a coercive/cooperative framework. Such an approach recognises the power, knowledge and agency of all actors engaged in government intervention at the macro, meso and micro spatial scales. The research design incorporates both quantitative and qualitative methods within the context of case-study research. The use of these methods in combination enables the analysis to express causality and generalisations in addition to depth and meaning. These methods are utilised through the logic of triangulation, including; data, investigator and methodological triangulation. The findings presented in this thesis indicate that the government policy of tertiary intervention is not facilitating the water saving, or productivity increase, expectations of the federal government and MADA. Instead, tertiary intervention has increased the capacity for the farmers to diversify into other sectors of the economy whilst still retaining access to the rice farming culture. This is illustrative of the mis-match of expectations between policy implementors and policy recipients. Such a situation has emerged because of the powerful position of the farmers vis-a-vis MADA and the federal government. In particular, because the farmers are powerful actors in the national political arena, this influences both their actions at the local level and the policy options available to the federal government. By contrast, because MADA are 'powerless' to enforce rules and regulations they are unable to restrict the unofficial actions of the farmers. These unofficial actions significantly diverge from the formal rules of system management. The research concludes that the policy of tertiary intervention is a valuable policy if the focus of its performance is improvements in the livelihoods of farmers as opposed to improvements in yields. However, the water saving potential of tertiary intervention can only be realised if a cooperative framework is applied to system governance whereby the farmers are active decision-makers rather than consultative partners.
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Haron, Muhammed. "South Africa and Malaysia: identity and history in South-South relations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002990.

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The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.
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Van, Wyk Claude. "The establishment of an ethnically based middle class in South Africa and Malaysia : context, policy and outcome." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96100.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question this study aims to address is whether a state-sponsored ethnic middle class in a dominant party political system premised on ethnic politics, will punish the ruling party by not according them their electoral vote. The latter core question stems from the conventional notion of a large middle class producing stronger democratic tendencies within a society. However, South Africa and Malaysia are dominant political party systems where politics is aligned along ethnic lines fundamentally because of the colonial and apartheid histories. Furthermore, the ethnic middle classes’ (Malays and Blacks) grew as a result of affirmative action policies implemented by the same political parties that dominated the political scene in the respective countries. An analytical framework of one-party dominance, ethnic politics and the composition of the state bureaucracy, is applied to analysing the Black and Malay middle classes’ behaviour in South Africa and Malaysia. This study looks at how the Black and Malay middle classes’ grew via state affirmative action policies implemented in public service employment, business and education; which are fundamental spheres for social upward mobility. This was done by looking at the implementation of the NEP in Malaysia between 1971 to 1990, and the implementation of BEE and employment equity in South Africa post-1994. South Africa and Malaysia’s colonial and apartheid histories created economic imbalances amongst majority and minority ethnicities primarily. Therefore, after independence and the inauguration of democracy the assumption of political power of ethnic majorities resulted in a need for the past’s economic imbalances to be addressed. Hence, affirmative action policies were implemented that would benefit the ethnic majority groupings (Malays and Blacks) where the electorate is highly polarised. Therefore, the outcome of this study suggests that because politics are aligned along ethnic lines under a climate where the ANC and the UMNO have political hegemony, the Malay and Black middle classes’ are unlikely to bite the hand that feeds it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag in hierdie studie wentel om die moontlikheid al dan nié dat ‘n staat-ondersteunde etniese middelklas in ‘n dominante-party politieke opset wat op etniese grondslag gebaseer is, die regerende party sal straf deur hul verkiesingstem te weerhou. Dit spreek die konvensionele siening aan dat ‘n groot middelklas demokratiese tendense in ‘n gemeenskap sal versterk. Nietemin, bestaan dominante-party stelsels in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië ooreenkomstig basies etniese riglyne as gevolg van hul onderskeie apartheid en koloniale geskiedenisse. Meer nog: die etniese middelklasse het hul bestaan te danke aan die regstellende aksie beleide wat ingestel is deur dieselfde politieke partye wat die politiek in die onderskeie lande domineer. Swart en Maleier middelklas-gedrag in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië is ge-analiseer volgens ‘n raamwerk van een-party oorheersing en die samestelling van die staatburokrasie. Hierdie studie fokus op die wyse waarop die Swart en Maleisiese middelklas deur middel van regstellende aksie in openbare dienste, besigheid en opvoeding – die fundamentele sektore vir die ontwikkeling van opwaartse mobiliteit in die samelewing – bevoordeel is. Dit is gedoen deur te kyk na die beleidstoepassing van die NEP in Maleisië tussen 1971 en 1990 en die toepassing van Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (BEE) en gelyke werkgeleenthede in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die grootste ekonomiese wanbalans tussen meerderheid- en minderheidsgroepe is hoofsaaklik die gevolg van Maleisië en Suid-Afrika se onderskeidelike geskiedenisse van koloniale en apartheidsregering. Onafhanklikheid en die instelling van ‘n demokratiese stelsel het dus aandag aan die ekonomiese wanbalans genoodsaak. Vanselfsprekend sou die regstellende aksie ter voordeel van die meerderheids- en etniese groepe (Maleiers en Swart mense), waar die elektoraat uiters gepolariseer is, werk. Die uitkoms van hierdie studie dui daarop dat weens die klimaat geskep deur die politieke hegemonie van die ANC en die UMNO, waar die politiek volgens etniese riglyne bedryf word, dit onwaarskylik is dat die Maleisiese en Swart middelklasse bevoordeling van die hand sal wys.
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Mersat, Neilson Ilan. "Politics and business in Sarawak (1963-2004)." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146562.

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White, Nicholas J. "Government and business in the era of decolonization : Malaysia, 1942-57." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389675.

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Buang, Abd Aziz. "The division of responsibilities between different levels of government : the case for local government in Peninsular Malaysia." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316364.

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Muhammad, Muhd Rosydi. "Managing successful e-government implementation : case of E-Syariah in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88786/.

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Studies of e-government have shown how strategic use of e-government systems helps government agencies to improve public service delivery and gain more efficient governance. The success of this initiative is seen to be dependent upon the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment between the organizational, technological and human-related factors; which ultimately lead to improved delivery of public service. However, very little work has been carried out to understand the issue. This study helps to fill this gap in the important research area by investigating the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of judicial service. This exploratory qualitative research carried out an in-depth case study of the implementation of E-Syariah system within different Syariah Court Offices in a state in Malaysia namely Kelantan. By analyzing the collected data from the case, findings were drawn up in which it confirms the existing literature that government’s key implementation tasks play a significant role in the successful implementation of E-Syariah. New government’s key task emerged from the case data – (i) informing values of ICT, (ii) inculcating inner-connection to Islamic values and (iii) establishing collaborative relationships between government agencies through central coordination approach. An insight into the case uncovers enabling roles of these key implementation tasks for organization – human dimension, human-technology dimension and technology-organization dimension. This study also discusses the implication of improved delivery of judicial service to good governance in light of the following identified attributes; efficiency and effectiveness, transparency and empowerment. In summary, this research extends our theoretical underpinning of the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of public service; and provides useful insights for public officials (e.g. top management, policy-makers) in managing e-government implementation.
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Haasbroek, Mart-Marie. "Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3031.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the general elections and left hundreds dead or injured. By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots. These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same solution can work for both.
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Yahya, bin Nordin Mohd. "The local government system in Peninsular Malaysia (with special reference to the structure, management, finance and planning)." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256773.

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Foo, Tee-Tuan. "Managing the Content of Malaysian Television Drama: Producers, Gatekeepers and the Barisan Nasional Government." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1102522280.

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Books on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Zakaria bin Haji Ahmad, 1947- and Southeast Asian Studies Program (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies), eds. Government and politics of Malaysia. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1987.

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Bhd, Kasuya Management Sdn. Malaysia: Who's who, constitution, government & politics. 2nd ed. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Kasuya Management, 2011.

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Goh, Charles T. Racial politics in Malaysia. Petaling Jaya: FEP International, 1989.

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1951-, Loh Francis Kok-Wah, Saravanamuttu J, and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., eds. New politics in Malaysia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003.

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Goh, Charles T. Malaysia: Beyond communal politics. Petaling Jaya, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications, 1994.

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Baginda, Abdul Razak Abdullah, and Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, eds. Governing Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, 2009.

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Soong, Kua Kia. Reforming Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Oriengroup, 1993.

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Baginda, Abdul Razak Abdullah. Governing Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, 2009.

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Crouch, Harold A. Government and society in Malaysia. St. Leonards, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 1996.

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Hussain, Ahmad Atory. Politik dan dasar awam Malaysia. 2nd ed. Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Publications & Distributors, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Rashid Ali, Farrah Diebaa, and Su’ad Awab. "Legitimising Governance Through Vocational Roles: A Conceptual Metaphor Analysis of Budget Speeches." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 53–75. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_4.

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AbstractAlthough on opposing political spectrums, Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH) legitimised their presence through several vocational roles. These roles were not overtly mentioned, but their use can be unveiled by a conceptual metaphor analysis. This chapter analyses eleven supply bills or better known to Malaysians as budget speeches presented by two Ministers of Finance, Najib Razak (2010–2018) from BN and Lim Guan Eng (2019–2020) from PH. The analysis was informed by conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980) and membership categorisation analysis (Sacks, 1995). Whilst BN constructed 39 vocational roles for itself, PH had 16 roles. The two coalitions share a preference for certain roles, such as GOVERNMENT IS GENERAL/SOLDIER and GOVERNMENT IS DOCTOR, but BN also favours GOVERNMENT IS CAPTAIN. Both BN and PH legitimise their governance by representing themselves as hero-like-authoritative figures who can handle multiple vocational roles. These roles are played out in narratives highlighting the government’s authority, value systems and ideologies.
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Mohamad Jamil, Siti Nurnadilla. "‘Remember Our Race, Our Religion and Our Progeny’: An Argumentation Analysis of Malay-Language Newspapers During General Election Campaigns." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 139–61. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_8.

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AbstractThis chapter focuses on discursive strategies of legitimation in mainstream Malay-language newspapers during the 13th and 14th general election campaigns. It analyses how editorials and columns published in Berita Harian and Utusan Malaysia constructed arguments during the campaign periods from 20 April to 4 May 2013 and 28 April to 8 May 2018. The chapter examines how particular relations of power were enacted, reproduced and legitimised within Malaysia’s government-owned mainstream media, where control was institutionalised. To contextualise and illuminate the discursive and social practices of both campaigns, the analysis is grounded in the discourse-historical approach’s conception of argumentation and pragma-dialectics’ ten rules for rational dispute and constructive arguing. This chapter, therefore, looks at the argumentation strategies employed in editorials and columns serving as a methodical justification of validity claims reflected linguistically using speech acts. The findings demonstrate the politics of fear that characterises much of Malaysian right-wing rhetoric, particularly how fear of the future was employed by Barisan Nasional as it struggled to maintain and retain legitimacy during both campaigns.
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Kow, Kwan Yee, and Ying Hooi Khoo. "Seeking Legitimation in Political Uncertainties: Reforming the Media." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 97–115. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_6.

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AbstractThe media in Malaysia have long been controlled by censorship laws, and media bias has long been identified as a key hindrance to progressive discussion in the public sphere, as the government traditionally controls the media. The former Pakatan Harapan (PH) government made media reform promises in their election manifesto, which covered the repeal of laws deemed oppressive and a threat to free speech, and importantly, the support for self-regulation mechanisms through a media council. The Malaysian Media Council (MMC) was formed in December 2019 with 17 pro-tem committee members. Yet, the future of media reform is uncertain because systemic barriers remain. Besides the continued existence of censorship laws, some media organisations retain patronage by political parties and different sectors of society have distinct expectations of policy outcomes. Moreover, the fate of media reform is unclear after the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government came to power in late February 2020. This chapter employs a content analysis of press releases and news articles, supplemented by participant observation, to explore the legitimation of media reform. It first provides an overview of progress on media reform, and then analyses the challenges and barriers faced by members of the MMC and activists who fight for media reform. This chapter suggests that Malaysia is expected to continue to witness policies that limit media freedom rather than those that pursue media reform.
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Lee, Charity. "#KitaJagaKita: (De)legitimising the Government During the 2020 Movement Control Order." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 229–49. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_12.

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AbstractOn 18th March 2020, the Malaysian government enforced a movement control order (MCO) that required everyone to stay in their homes until 4th May 2020 to slow the spread of the COVID-19 virus. During this time, social media became not only a source of information for citizens but also the main space for their mediated social and public lives. Besides the hashtags #stayhome and #dudukrumah, the hashtag #KitaJagaKita started trending as netizens and civil society took the initiative to champion the proper enforcement of the MCO and safe distancing, as well as to find solutions for the shortage of medical safety equipment. This chapter presents findings from a discourse analysis on the discourses surrounding the hashtag #KitaJagaKita on Twitter and its use to (de)legitimise the Perikatan Nasional government and its leader, Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Pro-government netizens use the hashtag to represent the government as protecting citizens through its policies and guidelines, and fellow citizens, who adhere to the MCO, as partnering in this effort. Netizens who are less supportive of the government, however, argue that the government is not doing enough to protect citizens and healthcare workers. They use the hashtag to criticise government policies and a lack of decisiveness and speed in properly implementing the MCO. They also use the hashtag to rally citizens to take care of each other by fundraising and finding “better” solutions for healthcare workers.
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Rajandran, Kumaran. "Voices of Economic Competence: Legitimizing the Government in Federal Budget Speeches." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 33–51. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_3.

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AbstractBudget speeches are an overview of public economic initiatives and can anticipate revenues, expenditures, policies, and activities. These speeches enable a government to discursively legitimize economic competence. While legitimation can be achieved by the representation and evaluation of economic initiatives, intertextuality should also be analyzed because the use of voices helps or hinders legitimation. The chapter explores how the Barisan Nasional (BN) government legitimized its economic competence through intertextual voicing. It outlines the source and engagement of voices and operationalizes a method that involves five sequential stages. The chapter analyzes an archive of Malaysian federal budget speeches from 2010 to 2018. The analysis discloses various instances of intertextual voicing because the speeches articulate voices in economics, politics, and religion. The choice of voices is shaped by the Malaysian context. Intertextual voicing legitimizes BN through moralization and authorization. The voices can be considered as voices of economic competence because economic, political, and religious voices discursively legitimize actions and decisions for the economy. Intertextual voicing serves ideological purposes because it perpetuates government economic agency. In budget speeches, BN promotes itself as indispensable to Malaysian development, and it should consequently continue to govern the country. These speeches then become part of the genres that validate BN.
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Ang, Pei Soo, and Yoke Leng Kock. "Contesting Views in the Representation of ICERD Ratification in English Language Newspapers." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 163–84. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_9.

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AbstractThe International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) is a treaty endorsed by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in 1965. It advocates ending discrimination based on ethnicity and prohibiting the circulation of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred towards ethnic origin. Malaysia is one of the 14 member states that has not ratified ICERD. When the Pakatan Harapan government announced a review of the treaty in October 2018, it sparked a series of protests expressing resentment, predominantly by political and religious leaders, although the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) explained that ratification of ICERD would help to mould a united Malaysia. This chapter aims to unpack how articles in mainstream English language newspapers discursively represent the sentiments of the various parties for and against ICERD. Employing the dialectical relational approach, and premised upon membership categorisation and identity politics, this chapter studies New Straits Times and The Star and unveils the interplay of racial, social, and political voices and the justifications for the positions taken. The findings indicate that ICERD is largely constructed by social actors using the discourses of fear, threat, and discrimination against the Bumiputeras, who seemingly would be undermined by the minorities. These are discursively manifested in hypothetical forms through the use of conditionals and modality as well as overlexicalisation of vocabulary to intensify the tone of extremity. The debates on ICERD employing the discourses of identity politics seem to be for political gains rather than for the interest of equality and human rights for all Malaysians.
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Sinayah, Malarvizhi, Thanalachime Perumal, Kumanan Govaichelvan, Selvajothi Ramalingam, and Elanttamil Maruthai. "(De)legitimizing the 2021 Budget Allocation for Tamil Schools in a Talk Show." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 77–95. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_5.

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AbstractTamil vernacular schools provide access to education and career opportunities for Indian Malaysians. Tamil schools are perceived to be an important component of Indian minority rights, an avenue for the Tamil-speaking community to establish and institutionalize their language and cultural identity. However, the government reduced its allocation for these schools in the 2021 budget. Indian political leaders, shouldering the responsibility to channel the discontent among Indians, have raised concerns on various platforms, such as newspapers, social media, and television interviews. It is imperative to observe how Indian political leaders prioritize minority rights while preserving their own or parties’ political interests. Politicians utilize rhetoric to influence the public, but few studies are conducted on the political discourse of Indian Malaysians. This chapter studies an interview in Vizhuthugal-Samugathin Kural, a Tamil talk show televised on Astro Vaanavil. Grounded in discourse studies, this chapter analyzes the (de)legitimizing strategies used by two prominent Indian politicians from MIC and DAP. Although the two parties hold opposite ideologies, this chapter highlights their similarities in advocating minority rights for Indian Malaysians.
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Fernandez, Prasana Rosaline, Yang Lai Fong, and Usha Devi Rajaratnam. "Framing the Tanjung Piai By-Election in Multilingual Malaysian Newspapers." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 117–37. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_7.

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AbstractThis chapter analyses how multilingual mainstream Malaysian newspapers reported the Tanjung Piai by-election of November 2019. The Tanjung Piai parliamentary seat became vacant after the death of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) Member of Parliament. Barisan Nasional (BN) held the seat previously but lost it to PH in the 2018 general elections. This by-election was important because it indicated the people’s confidence in PH and the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad. This chapter uses framing theory to explain how the media structure their delivery of news, promoting interpretations of events by selecting certain facts. Frames appearing in the media are important when they resonate with the audience’s strongly held perceptions. Articles in Harian Metro, Malaysiakini, The Star and Sin Chew Daily are analysed to determine the intensity of coverage, the predominant sources, the frames and the valence of the articles towards PH and Mahathir Mohamad. The analysis reveals that BN’s resounding victory is a strong indication of the people’s disappointment with the government and their efforts at reforms. The voters protested PH with an intention to ‘teach it a lesson’ by voting for BN’s candidate.
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Zhao, TianYi. "Pick Your Poison: Political Expediencies, Economic Necessities, and COVID-19 Response in Malaysia and Indonesia." In Government Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic, 127–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-30844-4_6.

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Hartley, Cathy. "Malaysia." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 386–93. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-106.

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Conference papers on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Ambali, Abdul Raufu, and Rozalli Hashim. "e-government in Malaysia." In the 1st international conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1328057.1328151.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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"The Politics of Human Trafficking in India and Malaysia." In International Conference on Research in Social Sciences, Humanities and Education. Universal Researchers (UAE), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/uruae.uh0516005.

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Abdul Manan, Nor Azizuddin. "Nationalism Of Abdul Hadi Awang And Impacts On New Malaysia Politics." In 8th International Conference on Multidisciplinary Research 2019. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.03.03.16.

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Baker El-Ebiary, Yousef A., Anas Ghassan Kanaan, P. Ravindran Pathmanathan, Nahg Abdulmajid Alawi, Amer Hatamleh, Julaily Aida Jusoh, Lowai Saleh Aledinat, Khairi Aseh, and Samer Bamansoor. "E-Government and E-Commerce Issues in Malaysia." In 2021 2nd International Conference on Smart Computing and Electronic Enterprise (ICSCEE). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icscee50312.2021.9498092.

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Yusup, Yusmazy M., Umi Asma’ Mokhtar, and Zawiyah M. Yusof. "Access to Government Information: Case Study in Malaysia." In Special Session on Managing Digital Data, Information and Records: Firm Responses to Hard Technologies. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007235704380444.

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Thunibat, Ahmad Al, Nor Azan Mat Zin, and Noraidah Sahari @. Ashaari. "Mobile government services in Malaysia: Challenges and opportunities." In 2010 International Symposium on Information Technology (ITSim 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/itsim.2010.5561475.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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Reports on the topic "Malaysia – Politics and government"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Tham, Siew Yean. ASEAN Open Skies and Its Implications on Airport Development Strategy in Malaysia. Inter-American Development Bank, June 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011315.

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This paper seeks to examine the implication of open skies in ASEAN on the airport development strategy in Malaysia. "Open Skies," in general, refers to the liberalization of aviation markets that can be pursued on a bilateral, regional, or multilateral basis. The findings show that although Malaysia has invested substantially in overall infrastructure development, including airports, other member countries within ASEAN, notably Singapore and Thailand, have also followed a similar investment-intensive strategy to develop their international airports into airport hubs. The dream to turn Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) into a regional hub requires Malaysia to undertake several measures to overcome the competitive pressures from neighboring hubs. This includes joining a strategic global alliance group to improve the traffic feed of the national carrier. It will also require the government to accelerate the construction of the new Low Cost Carrier Terminal (LCCT) at KLIA. The strategy to build a cargo hub at Senai should be reviewed while the promotion of tourism, especially to non-ASEAN countries has to focus on a distinctive product appeal that will enable the country to differentiate its tourism products from those of regional competitors. This paper was prepared for the Latin America/Caribbean and Asia/Pacific Economics and Business Association (LAEBA)'s 4th Annual Meeting held in Lima, Peru, on June 17th. 2008.
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