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1
Johnson, Clare Louise. "Politics and power : government intervention in the Muda irrigation scheme, Malaysia." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1999. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13371/.
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This research examines the intended and unintended outcomes of government intervention policies in the Muda irrigation scheme, Malaysia. It focuses on the process by which the farmers and government staff manipulate these policies to secure their individual and collective needs. This process is manifested in the informal actions of these actors when contrasted with the formal rules and regulations of system governance and management. This is explored through the detailed analysis of one particular government policy - tertiary intervention. It is argued that because the irrigation management concepts and models fail to address the nature of the relationship between governments, irrigation agencies and irrigators they are unable to incorporate the objectives of all actors in the intervention process. To facilitate such an integration, the theoretical focus explores the appropriateness of actor-oriented research in a coercive/cooperative framework. Such an approach recognises the power, knowledge and agency of all actors engaged in government intervention at the macro, meso and micro spatial scales. The research design incorporates both quantitative and qualitative methods within the context of case-study research. The use of these methods in combination enables the analysis to express causality and generalisations in addition to depth and meaning. These methods are utilised through the logic of triangulation, including; data, investigator and methodological triangulation. The findings presented in this thesis indicate that the government policy of tertiary intervention is not facilitating the water saving, or productivity increase, expectations of the federal government and MADA. Instead, tertiary intervention has increased the capacity for the farmers to diversify into other sectors of the economy whilst still retaining access to the rice farming culture. This is illustrative of the mis-match of expectations between policy implementors and policy recipients. Such a situation has emerged because of the powerful position of the farmers vis-a-vis MADA and the federal government. In particular, because the farmers are powerful actors in the national political arena, this influences both their actions at the local level and the policy options available to the federal government. By contrast, because MADA are 'powerless' to enforce rules and regulations they are unable to restrict the unofficial actions of the farmers. These unofficial actions significantly diverge from the formal rules of system management. The research concludes that the policy of tertiary intervention is a valuable policy if the focus of its performance is improvements in the livelihoods of farmers as opposed to improvements in yields. However, the water saving potential of tertiary intervention can only be realised if a cooperative framework is applied to system governance whereby the farmers are active decision-makers rather than consultative partners.
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Haron, Muhammed. "South Africa and Malaysia: identity and history in South-South relations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002990.
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The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.
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Van, Wyk Claude. "The establishment of an ethnically based middle class in South Africa and Malaysia : context, policy and outcome." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96100.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question this study aims to address is whether a state-sponsored ethnic middle class in a dominant party political system premised on ethnic politics, will punish the ruling party by not according them their electoral vote. The latter core question stems from the conventional notion of a large middle class producing stronger democratic tendencies within a society. However, South Africa and Malaysia are dominant political party systems where politics is aligned along ethnic lines fundamentally because of the colonial and apartheid histories. Furthermore, the ethnic middle classes’ (Malays and Blacks) grew as a result of affirmative action policies implemented by the same political parties that dominated the political scene in the respective countries. An analytical framework of one-party dominance, ethnic politics and the composition of the state bureaucracy, is applied to analysing the Black and Malay middle classes’ behaviour in South Africa and Malaysia. This study looks at how the Black and Malay middle classes’ grew via state affirmative action policies implemented in public service employment, business and education; which are fundamental spheres for social upward mobility. This was done by looking at the implementation of the NEP in Malaysia between 1971 to 1990, and the implementation of BEE and employment equity in South Africa post-1994. South Africa and Malaysia’s colonial and apartheid histories created economic imbalances amongst majority and minority ethnicities primarily. Therefore, after independence and the inauguration of democracy the assumption of political power of ethnic majorities resulted in a need for the past’s economic imbalances to be addressed. Hence, affirmative action policies were implemented that would benefit the ethnic majority groupings (Malays and Blacks) where the electorate is highly polarised. Therefore, the outcome of this study suggests that because politics are aligned along ethnic lines under a climate where the ANC and the UMNO have political hegemony, the Malay and Black middle classes’ are unlikely to bite the hand that feeds it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag in hierdie studie wentel om die moontlikheid al dan nié dat ‘n staat-ondersteunde etniese middelklas in ‘n dominante-party politieke opset wat op etniese grondslag gebaseer is, die regerende party sal straf deur hul verkiesingstem te weerhou. Dit spreek die konvensionele siening aan dat ‘n groot middelklas demokratiese tendense in ‘n gemeenskap sal versterk. Nietemin, bestaan dominante-party stelsels in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië ooreenkomstig basies etniese riglyne as gevolg van hul onderskeie apartheid en koloniale geskiedenisse. Meer nog: die etniese middelklasse het hul bestaan te danke aan die regstellende aksie beleide wat ingestel is deur dieselfde politieke partye wat die politiek in die onderskeie lande domineer. Swart en Maleier middelklas-gedrag in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië is ge-analiseer volgens ‘n raamwerk van een-party oorheersing en die samestelling van die staatburokrasie. Hierdie studie fokus op die wyse waarop die Swart en Maleisiese middelklas deur middel van regstellende aksie in openbare dienste, besigheid en opvoeding – die fundamentele sektore vir die ontwikkeling van opwaartse mobiliteit in die samelewing – bevoordeel is. Dit is gedoen deur te kyk na die beleidstoepassing van die NEP in Maleisië tussen 1971 en 1990 en die toepassing van Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (BEE) en gelyke werkgeleenthede in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die grootste ekonomiese wanbalans tussen meerderheid- en minderheidsgroepe is hoofsaaklik die gevolg van Maleisië en Suid-Afrika se onderskeidelike geskiedenisse van koloniale en apartheidsregering. Onafhanklikheid en die instelling van ‘n demokratiese stelsel het dus aandag aan die ekonomiese wanbalans genoodsaak. Vanselfsprekend sou die regstellende aksie ter voordeel van die meerderheids- en etniese groepe (Maleiers en Swart mense), waar die elektoraat uiters gepolariseer is, werk. Die uitkoms van hierdie studie dui daarop dat weens die klimaat geskep deur die politieke hegemonie van die ANC en die UMNO, waar die politiek volgens etniese riglyne bedryf word, dit onwaarskylik is dat die Maleisiese en Swart middelklasse bevoordeling van die hand sal wys.
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Mersat, Neilson Ilan. "Politics and business in Sarawak (1963-2004)." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146562.
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White, Nicholas J. "Government and business in the era of decolonization : Malaysia, 1942-57." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389675.
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Buang, Abd Aziz. "The division of responsibilities between different levels of government : the case for local government in Peninsular Malaysia." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316364.
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Muhammad, Muhd Rosydi. "Managing successful e-government implementation : case of E-Syariah in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88786/.
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Studies of e-government have shown how strategic use of e-government systems helps government agencies to improve public service delivery and gain more efficient governance. The success of this initiative is seen to be dependent upon the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment between the organizational, technological and human-related factors; which ultimately lead to improved delivery of public service. However, very little work has been carried out to understand the issue. This study helps to fill this gap in the important research area by investigating the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of judicial service. This exploratory qualitative research carried out an in-depth case study of the implementation of E-Syariah system within different Syariah Court Offices in a state in Malaysia namely Kelantan. By analyzing the collected data from the case, findings were drawn up in which it confirms the existing literature that government’s key implementation tasks play a significant role in the successful implementation of E-Syariah. New government’s key task emerged from the case data – (i) informing values of ICT, (ii) inculcating inner-connection to Islamic values and (iii) establishing collaborative relationships between government agencies through central coordination approach. An insight into the case uncovers enabling roles of these key implementation tasks for organization – human dimension, human-technology dimension and technology-organization dimension. This study also discusses the implication of improved delivery of judicial service to good governance in light of the following identified attributes; efficiency and effectiveness, transparency and empowerment. In summary, this research extends our theoretical underpinning of the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of public service; and provides useful insights for public officials (e.g. top management, policy-makers) in managing e-government implementation.
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Haasbroek, Mart-Marie. "Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3031.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the general elections and left hundreds dead or injured. By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots. These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same solution can work for both.
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Yahya, bin Nordin Mohd. "The local government system in Peninsular Malaysia (with special reference to the structure, management, finance and planning)." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256773.
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Foo, Tee-Tuan. "Managing the Content of Malaysian Television Drama: Producers, Gatekeepers and the Barisan Nasional Government." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1102522280.
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Chung, Christopher Humanities & Social Science Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Spratly Islands dispute : decision units and domestic politics." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Science, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38658.
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This thesis presents a cross-national, cross-regime examination of foreign policy decision-making in the Spratly Islands dispute, focusing on China, Malaysia and the Philippines. It argues that how and why these countries have acted in particular ways towards the dispute relates to the relationship among foreign policy decision-making, government behaviour and domestic politics. The theoretical foundation of the study is foreign policy analysis. It applies the decision units approach advanced by Margaret and Charles Hermann and Joe Hagan to investigate who made foreign policy decisions on the Spratly Islands dispute in the three countries during the period 1991-2002, and how this influenced government behaviour. In addition, the contextual influence of domestic politics is considered. Four case studies inform the empirical analysis: the approaches taken by Malaysia and the Philippines to bolster their respective sovereignty claim, China???s establishment of a comprehensive maritime jurisdictional regime covering the Spratly Islands among other areas, China-Philippines contestation over Mischief Reef and the development of a regional instrument to regulate conduct in the South China Sea. Three conclusions are drawn. First, the decision units approach identifies the pivotal foreign policy decision-makers in each of the countries examined and the process involved. Second, it explains the relationship between decision unit characteristics -- self-contained or externally influenceable -- and each government???s behaviour towards the dispute. Injecting domestic politics into the analysis highlights motivations of and constraints faced by decision-makers, conditioning the form and content of government action. Third, it demonstrates a low predictive capability: the ???fit??? between hypothesised and actual government behaviour is poor. While it is not a comprehensive analytical tool, the combined decision units-domestic politics approach offers deeper insight into government decisions and behaviour on the Spratly Islands dispute than hitherto reported in the literature.
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Saleh, Zakiah. "Government accounting in Malaysia." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.526859.
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Recent developments in governmental accounting show a shift from the traditional cash basis towards the accrual basis of accounting. New Zealand and Australia for example, have already adopted accrual accounting for the whole of government reporting. This study aims to describe governmental accounting and reporting in Malaysia; trace its development; identify the factors that play major roles in its development; and seek opinions on the current governmental accounting and reporting practices in Malaysia. The study also examined the variables identified in Lüder's contingency model and the impact these might be expected to have on developments in governmental accounting in Malaysia. The study contributes towards the knowledge and comparative research in governmental accounting by providing a description of governmental accounting in Malaysia and extending the application of Lüder's contingency model to the Malaysian government. The primary research on which this study is based was undertaken through three stages. The first stage consisted of archival research, which examined the practices and development of governmental accounting in Malaysia. The second stage was a questionnaire survey of 77 accountants in the federal and state governments aimed at obtaining opinions on issues related to the current development in accounting and reporting practices and the prospect for accrual accounting in the Malaysian government. The final stage was a series of interviews with senior officers in the Accountant General's Department, the National Audit Department, Treasury, government agencies and professional bodies to gain further insights and supplement the results of the questionnaire survey. Although the basis for governmental accounting in Malaysia is modified cash, accrual accounting was also adopted for internal purposes and for providing financial information required by international creditors. The respondents to the surveys indicated that the current reporting is sufficient for decision-making and accountability. The existence of financial crisis did not exert enough force to create a change in the government accounting system. The societal and administrative structural variables were unfavourable for innovation. The costs to implement a new system would be high, which include costs of training and new infrastructures.
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Lau, Zhe Wei. "De-ethnicisation of politics in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/082a312e-19f5-4340-8031-6ccb91f5b147.
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This thesis examines how de-ethnicisation of politics takes place in Malaysia. Malaysian politics has been dominated by ethnic politics since independence in 1957, yet currently there are indications that there may be a recent move towards a de-ethnicisation of politics. Although the scenario of de-ethnicisation of politics in Malaysia is still in an embryonic stage, it is interesting to look at how such de-ethnicisation could take place in Malaysia. This thesis applies the concept of de-ethnicisation of politics in discussing the issue. In a context of very limited literature on de-ethnicisation of politics due to a lack of scholarship on de-ethnicisation of politics, this thesis offers a three-dimensional exploration of whether, how and to what extent de-ethnicisation of politics is taking place in Malaysia. These three dimensions comprise party membership, party stance and party electoral strategy. As party membership is determined by party Constitutions, discussion is centred on how the Constitution enables\makes difficult the party from moving away from ethnic politics. On the dimension of party stance, focus is paid to the direction each political party is taking in practising/distancing from (non-)ethnic politics. The third dimension explores on how these two dimensions relates to electoral politics, which inclines towards power politics rather than rhetorical politics. As the main unit of analysis in this thesis are political parties, a qualitative interviewing method has been employed with high-level party leaders who have the authority to speak on behalf of their party. The thesis, then, investigates whether, how and to what extent de-ethnicisation of politics is currently taking place in Malaysia at the level of and in the competition between political parties.
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Ali, Hamzah Bin. "The politics of meritocracy in Malaysia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FAli.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Robert M. McNab, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-108). Also available online.
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Dancz, Virginia H. "Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia /." Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.
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Misra, Devika. "Religious resurgence : Islam in Malaysia, Hindutva in India /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240693.
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Lee, Jae Hyon. "UMNO factionalism and the politics of Malaysian national identity /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060612.120537.
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Wong, K. "A study of e-government services in Malaysia." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492174.
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Using a number of studies carried out in Malaysia, the present work attempts to demonstrate the development and use of a range of research tools to evaluate the quality of E-Government services with a view to identify specific areas for improvements. In the first study, we surveyed both the service providers and citizens to evaluate their perspectives on E-Govemment services performance in Malaysia. The ImportancePerformance Analysis (IPA) grid was applied to identify areas for resource allocations. Unlike the first study, which gathered data using quantitative method (online questionnaire), the second study collected data on E-Filing to gather information on customer satisfaction using qualitative method. A Return On Investment (ROI) vs Return On Relationship (ROR) theoretical framework was developed as a strategic action tool to classify E-Filing customer experiences into different categories of customer satisfaction. By doing this, we were able to identify areas that need resource allocation. In the third . study, Mary Douglas' grid and group cultural theory was applied to analyze cultural issues in E-Government initiatives. In this study, qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect insightful data and narrative descriptions of cultural issues in two local governments. Using this cultural theory, the researcher was able to identify cultural barriers that impede the implementation of E-Government services, and also cultural enablers that facilitate the adoption of E-Government services. In the fourth study, we explored the views and roles of government and citizen as stakeholders on issues such as corporate social responsibility and social inclusion in the promotion of EGovernance in Malaysia. Based on the results, some tentative suggestions for improvement in E-Governance are made. It is hoped that the research findings resulting Supplied by The British Library - 'The world's knowledge' from these four studies can offer new insights to E-Govemment leaders, policy makers, and strategic thinkers not only in Malaysia, but also elsewhere in the world.
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Pulle, James Hartley. "The management of political change : British colonial policy towards Singapore, 1942-1954." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243849.
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Ong, Kok-chung, and 王國璋. "Multilingualism under globalization: a focus on the education language politics in Malaysia since 2002." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42182499.
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Sabaruddin, Johan Shamsuddin. "Constitutionalism and state government in the Ferderation of Malaysia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498220.
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Shariff, Mohd Noor Mohd. "An evaluation of government-backed loan scheme in Malaysia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2000. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7183.
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SMEs are considered to be an engine for growth in both developed and developing countries, by generating employment opportunities, strengthening industrial linkages, securing home markets and earning valuable export revenue. Government-backed loan schemes play a major role in many countries, by enabling small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to access credit facilities. The Credit Guarantee Corporation in Malaysia has been charged with this key role in assisting SMEs, and its main financing instrument is the New Principal Guarantee Scheme (NPGS). The overall aim of this thesis is to examine the extent to which the NPGS is appropriate to the financing needs of Malaysian SMEs. The primary objective is to identify the factors that determine the utilisation of the NPGS; utilisation depends upon a number of demand and supply factors, as well as the characteristics of firms and owner-managers (OMs). An important secondary objective is to investigate the effectiveness of the NPGS, by exploring the generation of finance and economic additionality, as well as the net cost of the Scheme to the Treasury. After a literature review, and the development of theoretical frameworks, a number of hypotheses are put forward. The methodological approach combines a questionnaire survey with case studies based on interviews with borrowers and financiers, and interviews with key informants. The questionnaire is principally concerned with the factors that affect the utilisation of the NPGS, whereas the case studies and interviews focus on the three elements of effectiveness. The questionnaire data are derived from a sample of firms from the CGC's database. The sample includes firms involved in a variety of activities, from the manufacture of high-technology goods to the processing of resource-based products. Firms were randomly selected to adequately represent racial composition, legal structure and loan size within the CGC's portfolio. The questionnaire data were supplemented by 15 in-depth case studies. Two major findings emerge from this study. First, a number of independent variables did have a significant relationship on the utilisation of the NPGS: the amount of security or collateral; limited company status; manufacturing sector; size of firm; use of external advisers for fund raising; and the existence of written business plans. However, the majority of the hypotheses relating to the characteristics of OMs were rejected; the researcher offers some explanations for this apparent anomaly. Second, the case studies demonstrate that NPGS has achieved finance additionality comparable with achieved in guarantee schemes elsewhere, as well as a significant degree of economic additionality. The net cost of the Scheme was difficult to determine with any degree of precision. On the basis of the research findings, the researcher is able to put forward a series of recommendations to improve the operations of the CGC.
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Simpson, Ralph Arthur. "Government intervention in the Malaysian economy, 1970-1990: lessons for South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study examined the role the Malaysian government played in developing the Malaysian economy as a means to eliminating poverty and inequality and explored the lessons South Africa can learn from Malaysia's development experience. Under British colonial rule Malaysia developed a divided multi-ethnic society characterised by gross inequality and high levels of poverty. Jolted by the 1969 race riots and in a major departure from the laissez-faire economic policy, the government embarked on the New Economic Policy in 1970. This ambitious twenty-year social engineering plan ushered in greater state intervention in the economy. It greatly reduced poverty among indigenous Malays and made substantial progress towards achieving inter-ethnic economic parity.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.
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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.
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Denby, Matthew. "Bangsa : the dynamics of ethnicity, power and politics in Malaysia /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ard391.pdf.
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Ishak, Mohamed Mustafa Bin. "From plural society to Bangsa Malaysia : ethnicity and nationalism in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/504/.
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The question of nation-building has always been a central issue in Malaysian politics. Whilst the country has been able to sustain a relatively stable politics since the 1969 tragedy, and hence spawn a rapid economic development (at least until the 1997 Asian economic crisis), the project of nation-building remained a basic national agenda yet to be fully resolved. This study investigates the delicate process of nation-building in Malaysia in the post 1970s, especially in the context of the vision of constructing the Bangsa Malaysia or 'a united Malaysian nation' enshrined in Mahathir's Vision 2020 project which was introduced in 1991. The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the underlying socio-political parameters that shaped and influenced the politics of nation-building in the country, and secondly, to explore the viability of the project of Bangsa Malaysia in the context of the daunting challenges involved in the process of nation-building. Drawing from a range of theoretical frameworks as well as from both primary and secondary data, the study contends that, based on the Malaysian experience, the potent interplay between the forces of ethnicity and nationalism constitute the crux of the problems in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia. This dialectic it is argued, stems from the prevalence of the varying perceptions of 'nation-of-intent' within and across ethnic groups. These phenomena have not only shaped the pattern of ethnic political mobilisation in the country, but above all, laid the most complex set of obstacles in the path of the project of nation-building. This study argues that the project of constructing the Bangsa Malaysia therefore, can be seen as a significant attempt by the state to reconcile the varying ethnic ideologies of nation-of-intent. It can also be considered as an attempt to consolidate Malay nationalism and cultural pluralism, thus, depicting 'the nation' as a 'mosaic of cultures', or reflecting a creation of 'a supra-ethnic' national identity. However, the viability of the envisaged project is yet to be tested. The concept itself is still vague to many people and the challenges ahead are enormous, involving political, economic, socio-cultural and religious issues. Indeed, the project risks becoming the 'latest' in the series of competing notions of nation-of-intent circulating in Malaysia. This study contends that whilst, to some extent, the socio-political landscape of Malaysian society has been rapidly changing, especially under the eighteen years of Mahathir's reign,ethnicity still pervades Malaysian political life. This study differs from many previous studies on nation-building in Malaysia which have mainly focused on either the historical dimensions or those which have examined the impact of key national policies. As such, it is hoped that this study would be able to provide an alternative perspective in the analysis of ethnic relations and nation-building in Malaysia, thus broadening the understanding of Malaysian politics and society.
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Mohd, Shariff Mohd Noor. "An evaluation of a government-backed loan scheme in Malaysia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2000. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/36138.
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SMEs are considered to be an engine for growth in both developed and developing countries, by generating employment opportunities, strengthening industrial linkages, securing home markets and earning valuable export revenue. Government-backed loan schemes play a major role in many countries, by enabling small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to access credit facilities. The Credit Guarantee Corporation in Malaysia has been charged with this key role in assisting SMEs, and its main financing instrument is the New Principal Guarantee Scheme CNPGS). The overall aim of this thesis is to examine the extent to which the NPGS is appropriate to the financing needs of Malaysian SMEs. The primary objective is to identify the factors that determine the utilisation of the NPGS; utilisation depends upon a number of demand and supply factors, as well as the characteristics of firms and owner-managers COMs). An important secondary objective is to investigate the effectiveness of the NPGS, by exploring the generation of finance and economic additionality, as well as the net cost of the Scheme to the Treasury.
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Omar, Azmi. "Insourcing a government information system : a case study from Malaysia." Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/2441.
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Insourcing, outsourcing and co-sourcing are three approaches to procuring an information system. This research contributes to the body of knowledge on insourcing an information system; exploring and discussing the enabling and inhibiting factors of the insourcing of an information system in selected government agencies in Malaysia. This study was undertaken in response to a paucity of similar projects and a limited literature focused on developing countries. It considers the post outsourcing context following the decision to insource a major Malaysian Government Information System in 2011. A qualitative research method was used to obtain empirical evidence from selected government agencies through 69 semi-structured interviews in two data collection periods: 2013-2014 and 2015. Interviews were conducted with civil servants at all levels, from senior management to clerical staff, including users of the government information system. By using coding principles from grounded theory to analyse the data, seven exciters and six inhibitors of insourcing a government information system were identified and mapped in the analytical framework. Further, this is the first research to use an enhanced model, devised by combining the OPTIMISM model and two distinct theoretical traditions: institutional theory and the capability approach; in order to analyse the insourcing of government information system adoption. The enhanced model was created by mapping the OPTIMISM model (that has a set of dimensions) to an analytical framework comprising the capability approach, institutional theory and technology (ICTs). The main research contribution of this thesis is in the area of capacity building of the internal development team. The increased budget for training, the selection of appropriate training providers and knowledge sharing among experienced and novice developers all contribute to building capacity in the internal development team; and consequently help to improve the quality of the system which will improve service delivery to the general public. The approach and findings of this study contribute to the body of knowledge and understanding of the subject in government information system development and implementation, and can also be applied to improving the quality of service delivery. While this study has focused on government information systems, the wider area of eGovernment, and applications serving the needs of the general public, is equally important, and therefore the researcher suggests that insourcing eGovernment applications would also assist in the capacity building of internal IT staff.
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Bakar, Ismail H. "Fiscal federalism : the study of federal-state fiscal relations in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Hull, 2004. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5603.
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The subject of fiscal federalism has been associated for many years with economics, in particular with the study of public finance. However, its political dimension is often neglected. This is the case in the conventional study of fiscal federalism in Malaysia, which focuses on the economic perspective. The aim of this thesis is to examine the design, implementation and problem of fiscal federalism in Malaysia as a political process in promoting national integration and the unity of the federation. This research is based on an intrinsic case study approach as the subject of fiscal federalism attracts strong public interest, which requires an in-depth study of the case. In doing this research, a combination of narrative report, statistical analysis and interview has been used. One of the significant findings of this research is that the design of fiscal federalism in Malaysia is essentially based not on the federal spirit, but on the strong central government theme imposed by the colonial authority concomitant to the historical and political background to the formation of the federation. As a result, today, fiscal federalism displays a federal bias and mounting centripetal forces, even to the extent of coercion on the states, making the federal government grow bigger and more dominant, financially and politically. Thus, the working of fiscal federalism depends not on what is enshrined in the Constitution and federal spirit but on centre-state political interactions. If states' politics are not affiliated with the ruling political party that control the federal government, federal-state fiscal relations will be strained. The effects are felt in petroleum royalties payments, disbursement of grants, borrowing and other form of fiscal 'sanction' imposed by federal executive supremacy. On the other hand, if the states are ruled by the same political party, they become financially complacent. To all intents and purposes, the exclusive control of revenue sources by the centre has enabled the federal government to prevent most states from falling to the opposition party, thus ensuring a majority in parliament. The outcome is that the states are subordinated and subservient to the centre and hence the futures of the states are subject to the federal government's 'unilateral action'. In the long run, Malaysia is moving towards becoming a unitary state. This is the antithesis of the federal spirit, and thus becomes a threat to the federation. Therefore, fiscal federalism is a crucial acid test of the viability of any federation. Fortunately, thus far, Malaysian federalism had passed the test, though the states find more pain than gain. In the final analysis, this thesis suggests that structural reform of the federal-states' financial arrangements should be undertaken in order to strengthen the states' finances and subsequently reduce the states' dependence on the largesse of the federal government for funds.
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Aris, Sulaiman Bin. "Risk management in public expenditure management and service delivery in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1119/.
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The study seeks to clarify why donors such as the World Bank still insist on the use of their financial management system rather than the recipient country’s financial management system, despite the intention under the Paris Declaration 2005 to use the respective government’s systems. The study then explores the reasons why the financial management system used by the World Bank is more effective in managing risks related to public financial management and aid as compared to the Government of Malaysia approach. The study compares financial management by the World Bank and Ministry of Education, Government of Malaysia, in their parallel implementation of Educational Sector Support Projects (ESSP) under the Eighth Malaysian Plan, 2001-2005. The quality of financial management of projects in two systems is compared using established criteria of good financial management practice. Findings are based on evidence from interviews, documentation and direct observations. The study demonstrates the significant roles in reducing risks played in the World Bank approach by the Project Management Reports (PMR), the high quality of Project Implementation Unit (PIU) staff and the better procurement procedures. The implication is that more effective risk management and financial management reporting were needed by the Ministry of Education in implementing the ESSP under the Eighth Malaysian Plan 2001 - 2005.
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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.
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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.
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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.
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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.
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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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org, jbintang@kiseas, and Jaehyon Lee. "UMNO Factionalism and The Politics Of Malaysian National Identity." Murdoch University, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060612.120537.
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This thesis analyses UMNO factionalism from the perspective of the elites manipulation of the various modes of nationalisms. This thesis argues that UMNO factionalism, which is seemingly a power struggle between competing UMNO elites, has been significantly shaped by contesting nationalist ideologies that reflect the unresolved questions of national identity in Malaysia.
These two issues, that is, nationalism and UMNO factionalism, have shaped Malaysian politics in significant ways. UMNO factionalism has been related to such major political events as the 1969 ethnic riots, the introduction of the New Economic Policy, the UMNO split in 1987 and the Reformasi (Reform) movement in 1998. Frequently, the impact of these disputes extended beyond UMNO politics and affected wider Malaysian politics. At the same time, due to unresolved questions of national identity, nationalism has occupied a central position in Malaysian political discourse. There are ambiguities regarding the relationships among the various ethnic identities and national identity and between the individual and the larger Malaysian community that enable elites to construct and manipulate nationalist ideologies. In this thesis, the conflicting nationalisms are captured by five different concepts of nationalism ethnocultural, civic and multicultural nationalisms in one group and collectivist-authoritarian and individualistic-libertarian nationalisms in another.
The Malaysian Prime Ministers have constructed nationalist ideology to define the Malaysian nation in their attempts to resolve the unresolved problems of national identity. The challengers arguments, to mobilise the community, mirror the communitys (negative) responses to the Malaysian Prime Ministers nationalist visions. In addition, the ideological arguments in the disputes extend the dispute beyond the elites, involving the community as well. Furthermore, because of the ideological conflicts, these factional disputes affect the direction of government policies in significant ways. This study shows that UMNO factional disputes have followed this pattern of ideological conflicts, although the exact contents may vary.
The 1969 factional dispute was a clash between Tunku Abdul Rahmans shift towards multicultural nationalism and its challengers ethnocultural nationalism. Tunku Abdul Rahmans nationalist vision moved away from ethnocultural nationalism in pursuit of national integration. The challengers, reflecting the Malay communitys response to the Prime Ministers vision, took a strong ethnocultural Malay nationalist stance. The successful mobilisation of the Malay community by ethnocultural Malay nationalists contributed to the policy shift towards ethnocultural nationalism in the 1970s. In the 1987 dispute, Mahathirs economic policy, which moved away from ethnocultural nationalism, was challenged by Razaleighs ethnocultural nationalist argument. After the dispute, Mahathir could only mobilise the community by tactically employing the rhetoric of ethnocultural Malay nationalism.
In the 1990s, Mahathirs attempt to define the national identity of Malaysia by constructing a civic Malaysian nation, Bangsa Malaysia, relieved the tension surrounding the ambiguous national identity of Malaysia. It was facilitated by rapid economic growth that ameliorated ethnic contests over limited economic resources. However, the collectivist-authoritarian aspect of Mahathirs nationalism raised another nationalist question concerning the subordination of individual liberty and rights to the collective communitys will and interests a nationalism that justified his authoritarian rule. There was tension between an increasingly confident civic Malaysian society and Mahathirs collectivist-authoritarian control of the society. The 1998 UMNO dispute was a clash between Mahathirs collectivist-authoritarian nationalism and Anwar Ibrahims individualistic-libertarian nationalism. The latter attempted to mobilise Malaysian society with his nationalist position (the Reformasi movement) which was expressed in the demand for liberal political reform. After the dispute, Mahathir was able to regain lost political ground through the politics of fear. It seems, however, that the fundamental question remains unresolved. This unresolved tension between the demand for individual liberty and rights and authoritarian control by state elites is likely to shape the ideological arguments in future UMNO factional disputes.
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Wan, Abdullah Nik Rosnah. "The private health sector in Malaysia : an assessment of government regulation." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.393247.
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The thesis assesses the degree to which the Malaysian government exerts influence over the activities of private providers in health. The government's stated objective in its mid-term Review of the Sixth Malaysia Plan (1991-1995) and Seventh Malaysia Plan (1996-2000) is to gradually reduce its role in the provision of health services and increase its regulatory and enforcement functions. The thesis examines the functioning of the regulatory system. It investigates the role of local government in licensing new hospitals and the Malaysian Medical Council and Malaysian Medical Association in regulating doctors. The study focuses on the issues of management and analysis of information, and the principal-agent relationship. The study demonstrates that many of the Government's objectives for regulating the private health sector are not realized due to lack of legal frame work as well fragmentation and lack of coordination among the relevant agencies. This is compounded by insufficient funding for a personnel policy that would increase its capacity. The study also demonstrates that the regulatory bodies of the medical profession do not reflect the interest of the users adequately. Their composition mostly represents medical practitioners and medical organisations. Their regulatory processes do not provide clear channels through which users can voice complaints. There are few sanctions for behaviour that harms patients.
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Ormond, Meghann E. "International medical travel and the politics of therapeutic place-making in Malaysia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1681.
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This thesis examines the shifting relationship between the state and its subjects with regard to responsibility for and entitlement to care. Using Malaysia as a case study the research engages with international medical travel (IMT) as an outcome of the neoliberal retrenchment of the welfare state. I offer a critical reading of postcolonial development strategies that negotiate the benefits and challenges of extending care to non-national subjects. The research draws from relevant media, private-sector and governmental documents and 49 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with IMT proponents and critics representing federal, state and urban governmental authorities, professional associations, civil society, private medical facilities and medical travel agencies in Malaysia’s principal IMT regions (Klang Valley, Penang and Malacca). Across four empirical chapters, the thesis demonstrates how ‘Malaysia’ gets positioned as a destination within a range of imagined geographies of care through a strategic-relational logic of care and hospitality. I argue that this positioning places ‘Malaysian’ subjects and spaces into lucrative global networks in ways that underscore particular narratives of postcolonial hybridity that draw from Malaysia’s ‘developing country’, ‘progressive, moderate Islamic’ and ‘multiethnic’ credentials. In considering the political logics of care-giving, I explore how the extension of care can serve as a place-making technology to re-imagine the state as a provider and protector within a globalising marketplace in which care, increasingly commodified, is tied to the production of new political, social, cultural and economic geographies.
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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.
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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.
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Ismail, Hasan. "An evaluation of government assistance to the Malaysian flue-cured virginia tobacco industry." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130376.
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The Government of Malaysia has been encouraging the
modernization of the Malaysian Flue-cured Virginia (MFCV) tobacco
industry, with the objective of increasing farmers' incomes and
levels of living. Part of the encouragement has been in the form
of regulating minimum prices and the grading structure, providing
extension services and input subsidies, imposing import duties
on tobacco and cigarettes, and implementing projects with
advanced technologies for tobacco production. Some groups claim
that the industry is receiving too much governmental assistance.
Therefore, the purpose of this study is to measure the extent of
the assistance. In particularly, it measured the assistance
given to the tobacco growing and curing activities, both
individually and jointly, for 1980 and 1984. The measurement of
assistance is based on the theory of the effective rate of
protection. A number of standard measures, including the Nominal
Rate of Assistance, Gross Subsidy Equivalent, Effective Rate of
Assistance and Net Subsidy Equivalent are employed in measuring
the assistance. The methods used to derive these measures are
those employed by the Australian Industries Assistance Commission
which in turn are derived from the work of Balassa.
The study found that, if it is assumed that all assistance
flows to growers, in 1980 the growing activity received very high
assistance: the estimated effective rate of assistance was 1,232
per cent. The effective rate of assistance for 1984 was not
calculated due to the negative value-added, implying even higher assistance. Under this assumption, the estimated effective rates
of assistance for the curing activity were -12.44 and -3.6 per
cent for 1980 and 1984 respectively, implying the activity was
taxed by the community.
With the assumption that the assistance was fully
retained by curers, the assistance given to the growing activity
in 1980 and 1984 was low with the estimated effective rates of
assistance being 22.06 and 14.92 per cent respectively. The
effective rates of assistance for the curing activity in these
years were not calculated due to the negative value-added,
implying very high assistance.
The study found that the assistance given to the joint
activity of tobacco growing and curing for 1980 and 1984 was
high: the estimated effective rates of assistance were 107.34 and
169.64 respectively. It is concluded that, probably, the
estimated assistance of the joint activity is most indicative of
assistance received by growers and curers in these years.
Comparisons with other studies suggest that the rates of
assistance given to the joint activity of tobacco growing and
curing in 1980 and 1984 were generally far higher than that for
other agricultural activities in 1973, in particularly for
smallholder rubber, oil palm, coconut, livestock, food crops and
total primary industry. The rates were also far higher than
that for several agricultural activities in 1977, in particularly smallholder rubber, oil palm, cocoa, cocoa-coconut
(intercropping) and rice.
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Yusoff, Mohammad Agus. "Federalism in Malaysia : A study of the politics of centre-state relations." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496370.
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Lin, Joanne Bee Yin. "Nationalising the real : the cultural politics of reality TV in postcolonial Malaysia." Thesis, University of East London, 2009. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/3619/.
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Reality TV is the most popular and controversial television genre in postcolonial Islamic Malaysia. With its origins in the West, the copying of reality programmes has heightened existing East-West struggles and magnified social, cultural and political concerns within society. Existing alongside the reality TV phenomenon are 'real' issues concerning multiculturalism, national identity, religious fragmentation, racial tension, gender equality, and the suppression of human rights. Inevitably as a result of tight national security, surveillance and censorship, these 'real world' discourses get entwined in an alternative entertainment form that claims to be 'real'. This study explores the complex ways in which reality TV in Malaysia can be described as 'political' and poses questions about the role of reality programmes in the Malaysian public sphere. Furthermore, this study considers the relationship between reality TV and ideas of nationalism in the context of globalisation and cultural change. It examines how reality programmes may be viewed as spaces of fantasy and (or) empowerment, which could then reveal the formation of new social, cultural, and national ideals. Based on textual and discourse analysis, this study also engages with the Islamisation-liberalism dialectic manifested through reality TV. By looking at the reception of reality TV among Malaysians including notions of identification, performativity and transformation, this study attempts to construct a relatively new way of looking at the conflicts and contradictions embedded within the Malaysian society. It makes an argument for the idea of a new Malaysian civilisation and the postcolonial nation's desperate attempt to be non-West.
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Lewis, Robin Anne. "Networked knowledge(s)?: Forest certification and the politics of expertise in Malaysia." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/202759.
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The proliferation of market-based policy instruments for governing the global forest commons has resulted in a proposed internationalization of the institutional arrangements, policy standards, and certification practices for assessing the ‘quality’ of forest management systems worldwide. Yet, like other global environmental governance systems before it, proposals for a universalized approach to forest certification have yet to come to fruition. Drawing on insights provided by Malaysia’s efforts to develop and operationalize the Malaysian Timber Certification Scheme (MTCS), I argue that standardization of forest certification systems worldwide is an unlikely and, more importantly, undesirable approach to forest governance. The central findings of this dissertation are thus as follows: 1) Despite many ‘on paper’ changes, the Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC) remains the most powerful actor within the MTCS. As an end result of an uneven distribution of rulemaking authority within the MTCS, the quasi state MTCC continues to dominate a distinctively monopolar MTCS institutional environment; 2) The current configuration of organizations involved in the day-to-day operations of the MTCS is reliant on a small, insular and tight knit group of similarly trained individuals who rely upon a single episteme that elevates state-conferred knowledge above all other ways of knowing; and, 3) Despite this state-derived episteme being a central component of the MTCS epistemic community, the audit process is far more ad hoc than planned. Instead of following a bureaucraticallyprescribed checklist approach to auditing, MTCS auditors simultaneously draw on the technical skill set that auditing demands (technê) and a more localized and contingent performance of their expertise (mētis) in order to make informed judgments. In summary, the MTCC and its scheme represent a highly contextualized approach to forest certification that values national priorities and local circumstances over international standards and norms. As a result, the case of Malaysia’s national forest certification scheme simultaneously challenges the state-derived episteme through which forestry experts are professionalized and, more broadly, the notion that forest certification systems can ever be fully standardized.
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Greig, Lorne Cameron George. "Court politics and government in England 1509-1515." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1733/.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide an overview of the period 1509-1515 in England, this being the first six years of the reign of Henry VIII. Within this timespan it is possible to witness the rise of Thomas Wolsey and also to examine the political situation before his ascendancy. Reaction to the new king will be examined on a number of fronts. His succession and the expectations placed on him will be looked at, expectations not only from his own people but also from those abroad. The highly visual natural of Henry VIII's court heightened this sense of expectancy and set the boundaries of the succeeding years. That group of men which attached itself to the king at work and play provides the starting point for this thesis. These were the middling courtiers, the men who sought favours and provided services. The desire for promotion at court provided a common bond for this diverse group. Young courtiers on the up, seasoned campaigners seeking rejuvenation and men of service, all sought promotion, through patronage, pedigree, personal ability or the grace of the king. Many men continued in positions of responsibility as held under Henry VII, creating a certain amount of continuity in administration. Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson felt the wrath of a monarch anxious to clear the air at the start of the reign and stamp his own brand of kingship on the court. Their associate Thomas Lovell continued and prospered under a king with no intention of embarking on a purge. William Compton rose from humble beginnings to become one of the king's closest confidants, recognised by many as the man to befriend. Opportunities were available for the ambitious courtier.
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Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.
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Brydon, William. "Politics, government and society in Edinburgh, 1780-1833." Thesis, Bangor University, 1988. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/politics-government-and-society-in-edinburgh-17801833(c9331ddf-c99a-4f2f-9972-74b42eba0a8c).html.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the development and impact of popular political consciousness in Edinburgh during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Particular attention is drawn to the growing political assertiveness of the middling orders in Edinburgh and to the threat which this posed both to the traditional political establishment in the city and to the established political constitution. The first section of the thesis examines some of the mechanisms by which popular political consciousness was nurtured and expressed. The structure, membership and influence of the myriad clubs and societies which flourished in Edinburgh are examined in Chapter Two. The role and influence of the press in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are examined in Chapter Three. The second section of the thesis (Chapter Four) looks at the Town Council of Edinburgh, the lynchpin of government in the city. The third section of the thesis examines the impact which growing popular political consciousness had on the pattern of politics and government in Edinburgh. Chapter Five examines the municipal and parliamentary elections of 1780, in which disputes within the political establishment helped fuel growing politicisation out-of-doors. Chapter Six examines the radical Friends of the People reform movement of the 1790s and the reaction to it within the community. Chapter Seven discusses the origins and development of the Edinburgh Police Commission, which was set up in 1805. The role of the Commission is discussed in depth, as are the social and political themes which the controversies surrounding the Commission helped develop. Chapters Eight and Nine chart the course of reform in Edinburgh between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the coming of the great reforms of the 1830s.
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Kilcline, Cody Mary. "The trial of Mrs Proudlock : law, government and society in British Malaya, 1911." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150011.
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