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1
Mehden, Fred R. Von Der, and Zakaria Haji Ahmad. "Government and Politics of Malaysia." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 3 (1988): 550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760506.
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Ostwald, Kai, and Muhamad M. N. Nadzri. "Malaysia in 2022." Asian Survey 63, no. 2 (March 2023): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.291.
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Malaysia held a general election in 2022 that was expected to resolve ongoing political instability. Instead, it produced a hung parliament, reflecting a deeply divided electorate and growing support for Islamist politics. Following a royal intervention, Anwar Ibrahim’s progressive coalition formed a unity government with the long-dominant UMNO and East Malaysian parties; this unprecedented arrangement faces evolving social, political, and economic challenges that will test its stability and the very nature of Malaysian politics.
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Harun, Ruhanas. "The Politics of Accommodation and the Problem of National-Building in a Plural Society: The Case of Malaysia." ICR Journal 1, no. 4 (July 15, 2010): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i4.703.
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The issue of pluralism in Malaysia has attracted keen interest among scholars and commentators from this country as well as from outside the region. It is an issue that has pre-occupied the Malaysian government since Malaysia’s independence from British colonial rule in 1957. Since then the Malaysian state has been concerned with containing and managing the ‘vulnerabilities’ that can cause conflicts among diverse ethnic and religious groups in the country. The method used to manage ethnic relations has been termed the ‘politics of accommodation’ which is essentially based on the principles of bargaining, cooperation and accommodation among different ethnic groups. It is argued that while it has contributed to the peaceful - albeit precarious - coexistence between them, it also has had an impact of delaying the nation-building process in Malaysia. The pre-occupation of the state with ‘national unity’ and ‘national integration’ and the constant reminders to the public on the importance of ‘unity’ are proof that the ‘politics of accommodation’ as a tool for keeping the country and its diverse segments together are faced with serious challenges. This article attempts to look at the functioning of the ‘politics of accommodation’ as strategy for managing politics and society in a multiethnic society and its impact on nation-building in Malaysia.
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Wenxuan, Chu, and Mohd Nizam Osman. "The Roles of New Voters Towards National Elections in Malaysia." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 8, no. 6 (June 30, 2023): e002365. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v8i6.2365.
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In 2022, Malaysia held the 15th General Election (GE15), which allowed new voters to participate in voting for the first time. The research objective of this study is to explore the role of new voters in GE15. To achieve this objective, this study used the qualitative research method to conduct 2 focus group discussions on 7 Selangor’s new voters, aged between 22 and 24, with bachelor's degrees. They are 3 Malays, 2 Malaysian Chinese, and 2 Malaysian Indians. This research utilized NVIVO12 for thematic analysis of data. The findings show that Informants believe that they play many roles in GE15, they mainly support democracy, change politics, influence politics, promote political participation, and fulfill responsibilities and obligations. In addition, Informants believe that their votes have a significant influence on the political situation, mainly influencing the economy, influencing politics, and promoting democracy. These findings emphasize the role and influence of new voters in Malaysia’s politics, and emphasize the importance of democracy, diversity, and government attention to public opinion.
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Xia, Nan, and Yanan Yang. "Role of Malaysian Non-Governmental Organizations in Malaysia-China Educational Exchange under Malaysian Ethnic Politics." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v3i3.477.
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Educational exchange between Malaysia and China has an important interaction with the Chinese education in Malaysia and the political relations between Malaysia and China. Chinese education in Malaysia is twisted with Malaysian ethnic politics. Malaysian Chinese students were lack of opportunities at the public institutions of higher learning due to the preferential and affirmative action policies implemented by Malaysian government under the egis of New Economic Policy (NEP).Thus, Malaysia NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) carried out educational exchange with China to open up a more spacious study channels for students. The objective of this article is to investigate the role of Malaysian NGOs towards educational exchange between Malaysia and China under Malaysian ethnic politics. Primary data were collected through interviews and the informants were selected based on purposive sampling and snowball sampling. Totally, fourteen informants were selected and interviewed based on evidence of data saturation. Secondary data were collected from journal articles, newspapers, website pages and online resources. Meanwhile, structuration theory was used to guide the researcher to get the suitable answer. Findings of this study indicate that, there are three main important NGOs that play a significant role in promoting educational exchange between Malaysia and China, which are Dong Jiao Zong (the collective name of Dong Zong and Jiao Zong), the Association of Graduates from Universities and Colleges in China, Malaysia (AGUCCM) and Malaysia-China Friendship Association (MCFA). As the purposive actors, they conduct their actions based on different levels, which are to develop Chinese education in Malaysia, to continue and inherit Chinese culture. Their unconsciousness reason is based on Malaysian Chinese’s deep feeling to China. Moreover, the educational exchange in the aspect of Chinese education is conducted under the structure of Malaysian ethnic politics, which led to a dichotomy. Nowadays, with the rise of China and the promotion of “the Belt and Road”, educational exchange between Malaysia and China will become better and better.
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Zook, Darren C. "Making Space for Islam: Religion, Science, and Politics in Contemporary Malaysia." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 4 (November 2010): 1143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810002925.
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In October 2007, Malaysia celebrated sending its first astronaut into space, as part of a cooperative venture on board a Russian space mission. As Malaysia's first astronaut was a Muslim, the Malaysian government commissioned, through its Department of Islamic Development, a project to create a definitive set of guidelines for the practice of Islam in outer space, specifically on board the International Space Station. What may on the surface appear to be a practical exercise in clarifying religious practice reveals upon closer examination to be a complex restructuring of Malaysia's domestic and international politics, with the role of Islam as the catalytic and somewhat controversial centerpiece.
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Robinson, Francis. "Piety and Politics:." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i2.1259.
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For much of the twentieth century, race and ethnicity formed the basis ofMalaysian politics and, therefore, dominated its discourse. This book exploreshow over the past thirty years the politics of Malaysia, which wasonly approximately 60 percent Muslim, moved strongly in an Islamist direction,indeed, “how Islam—in particular its ideological and institutionalexpressions—informs the configuration of power, the nature of legitimacy,and the sources of authority in Malaysian politics and society today” (xii).To do so, Liow first examines the genesis of the Islamist agenda from theperspective of the two major political parties—the Islamist oppositionParti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS) and the dominant United Malay NationalOrganisation (UMNO)—showing how the latter went through severalchanges as it evolved to place Islamism at the center of its sociopoliticalagenda. He then proceeds to show how the UMNO-led government of Malaysia began to create institutions of Islamic governance, a process heterms the “bureaucratization” of Islam, which formed the basis for PrimeMinister Mahathir’s claim in the 1990s that Malaysia, constitutionally asecular state, was an Islamic state. As he does so, he notes the tensions thatthese developments caused between the federal and state administration onthe one hand and civil and religious law on the other. Liow moves on toexplore the debate from the 1990s between PAS and UMNO, and withinPAS itself, on how Islam might be expressed as the organizing principlefor society and politics in a religiously plural Malaysia and how the non-Muslim communities responded to the parties’ endeavors ...
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Kananatu, Thaatchaayini. "Framing Death Penalty Politics in Malaysia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2476.
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The death penalty in Malaysia is a British colonial legacy that has undergone significant scrutiny in recent times. While the Malaysian Federal Constitution 1957 provides that ‘no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty save in accordance with law’, there are several criminal offences (including drug-related crimes) that impose the mandatory and discretionary death penalty. Using Benford and Snow’s framing processes, this paper reviews death penalty politics in Malaysia by analysing the rhetoric of abolitionists and retentionists. The abolitionists, comprising activist lawyers and non-government organisations, tend to use ‘human rights’ and ‘injustice’ frames, which humanise the ‘criminal’ and gain international support. The retentionists, such as victims’ families, use a ‘victims’ justice’ frame emphasising the ‘inhuman’ nature of violent crimes. In addition, the retentionist state shifts between ‘national security’ and ‘national development’ frames. This paper finds that death penalty politics in Malaysia is predominantly a politics of framing.
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Soltani, Fakhreddin, Jayum A. Jawan, and Ahmad Tarmizi Talib. "Development: The Malaysian Experience." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.6914.
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Politics in Malaysia is dominated by ethnic considerations; hence, the most critical challenge of development in the country has been the issue of national unity. The Malaysian government has attempted to include all ethnic groups in the process of development regardless of their ethnicity or religion especially since the ethnic riots of 1969. Therefore, the Malaysian government designed economic programs such as the New Economic Policy (NEP) and New Economic Model (NEM) to facilitate this process through state- oriented policies and also include all ethnic groups in the process of development. In fact, Malaysia has followed non-conventional theories of development because of the role of government in the development process. This article seeks to explain the ambitious grand programs of the Malaysian government and demonstrate how these programs have followed non-conventional theories of development.
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Milner, Anthony. "Malaysia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.174.
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The Najib government continued to consolidate its political hold on Malaysia in 2017. Various factors, including a moderately improved economic situation and a relatively generous 2018 budget, suggested that it had good prospects for winning the next election, to be held at the latest in August 2018. Beyond party politics, however, there were indications of deep change taking place in Malaysian society—deep enough to raise questions about the nation’s identity.
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Ismail, Mohammad Azziyadi, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Anti-Federal Sentiment in Sabah and its Impact on Malaysian Politics." Akademika 92, no. 3 (October 28, 2022): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/akad-2022-9203-18.
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The conflict between the federal government and the state of Sabah has occurred since 1963 stemming from the dissatisfaction of the people of Sabah towards the implementation of their autonomy rights as contained in the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63). This dissatisfaction led to an anti-federal sentiment among the people of Sabah towards the federal government, which threatened the stability of the Federation of Malaysia. Hence, this study examines the factors leading to the emergence of anti-federal sentiment in Sabah and assesses the impact of such sentiment on Malaysian politics utilising the concept of federalism as an analytical tools. The primary source of this artile comprised interviews, whereas books, journals, official government reports, articles and news portals were used as its secondary sources. Findings revealed that the factors promoting the anti-federal sentiment among Sabahans are the dissatisfaction with the implementation of autonomy rights and MA63, the imbalance in infrastructure development, the socio-economic gap between Sabah and the states in the Peninsula, distribution of oil royalties and the presence of illegal immigrants. This anti-federal sentiment has createda strained relationship between the federal government and Sabah, the demand for self-government, the fading of patriotism, the threat to national harmony and unity, the rise of state nationalism and the decline of the people’s nationalism. Consequently, this sentiment threatens the stability of the federation and therefore requires an immediate solution to maintain national unity and sovereignty. Keywords: Federation of Malaysia; Malaysia Agreement 1963; Sabah; state nationalism; anti-federal
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Idris, Asmady, Asri Salleh, and Mohd Rizal Mohd Yaakop. "KUPASAN ARTIKEL ‘MALAYSIA: THE 2020 PUTSCH FOR MALAY ISLAM SUPREMACY’." Jurnal Pengajian Melayu 32, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jomas.vol32no1.8.
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The 2018 General Election (PRU) marked a significant point in the history of Malaysian politics when the major opposition bloc Pakatan Harapan (PH) ended Barisan Nasional (BN) rule of 60 years since gaining independence in 1957. However, the PH government, led by ex-premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, only lasted 22 months. Accordingly, the sudden collapse of the PH government drew many to offer their respective analyses. James Chin (2020) wrote one of them titled ‘Malaysia: The 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy’. He argued that, amongst the many reasons attributable to its sudden collapse, one stood out – the position of Islam and Malay supremacy in Malaysia. Since Malaysia is predominantly a Malay-Muslim country, such a profound claim warrants a thorough response. Thus, this study’s objective is to analyse and offer critiques on Chin’s work based on the three main factors, namely the concept of Malay supremacy, unreadiness of Malays to share power with non-Malays and the position of non-Malays in the top government positions. This study utilised documentary analysis to uplift the discussion to fit the social contract concept and the Federal Constitution and strike a balance between extremist and utopian ideas that best suit Malaysia’s political development reality. The study’s main findings can be narrowed down to show the actual picture of Malaysian political genesis’ uniqueness based on its own identity, which constantly rejuvenates and evolves across time and space. Keywords: General Election 2018, Pakatan Harapan, Islam, Malay supremacy, Malaysian political genesis.
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SHAMSUL JIHAR, SHAUQAT ADAM. "Mahathir’s Leadership Post-general Election 14: Perspectives of the Malay Community in West Malaysia." Trends in Undergraduate Research 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): h33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/tur.2727.2020.
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New history is created in Malaysia. After over six decades of Federal rule, the Barisan Nasional (BN) government has been replaced by a coalition of opposition parties, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the most recent general election. PH also managed to form several state governments traditionally held by BN in Peninsular Malaysia. This study aims to seek the perception of the Malays in West Malaysia in accepting the return of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad into power. It focuses on the so-called political comeback of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad – the first leader to be appointed Prime Minister twice considering this rarely happens in Malaysia. This study was conducted in West Malaysia involving eighty-eight respondents using the 5-point Likert-scale survey questionnaire. Respondents were given an option to answer the questionnaire in Bahasa Malaysia or English. The general result showed that perception towards political issues in Malaysia, especially with regard to Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s comeback drew mixed reactions. On the same note, it showed that people could have lost their hopes and direction of Malaysian politics.
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Kristina Sianturi, Yanti, and Irza Khurun'in. "Amnesty International dan Penghapusan Hukuman Mati di Malaysia." Transformasi Global 7, no. 2 (December 25, 2020): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2020.007.02.4.
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Malaysia is a country where the death penalty is still present and frequently practiced. It is due to different understandings of the death penalty itself. The absence of the Malaysian government in various international human rights treaties also increases unfair trials on death row inmates. The high number of death row inmates in Malaysia represents a severe human rights violation. The abolition of the death penalty is one of the current global human rights agendas. It goes against the right to live regulated by various international human rights instruments, such as the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and the Declaration of Human Rights. One of the INGOs actively advocating the abolition of the death penalty in Malaysia is Amnesty International. This study looks at Amnesty International’s transnational advocacy tactics in encouraging the death penalty abolition in Malaysia from 2015 to 2018. The method used is descriptive research by collecting primary and secondary data and using transnational advocacy networks by Keck and Sikkink. The results of this research show that the efforts used by Amnesty International in this advocacy include information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics, and accountability politics.
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Awang Besar, Junaidi. "THE GEOPOLITICS OF WOMEN IN MALAYSIAN ELECTORAL POLITICS." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 7, no. 29 (September 9, 2022): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.729014.
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The role of women in electoral politics around the world, including in Malaysia, is undeniable. They play an important role in electoral politics either as members of the political party machinery or included in the list of key leaders of a country or even in major world organizations such as the United Nations and so on. Therefore, it is the purpose of writing this article to study the geopolitics or the influence or role of women in politics by making Malaysia as a case study. Based on general election results in Malaysia and secondary sources such as journal articles, academic books, seminar papers and research reports, the findings show that women do play a role or influence in determining geopolitics in Malaysia despite not being able to control the majority or full of in terms of candidate determination and decision-making in the country. Women act as voters, vote appellants, campaign machinery, objects to win votes (facial beauty and softness of speech), political party members, political party speakers, political party strategists, advisers to husbands as leaders, leadership in political parties, candidates in elections, people’s representative and as a key leader in government. Therefore, the role of women in electoral politics cannot be ruled out because they can determine the victory of political parties and the effectiveness and success of a political structure such as political parties and governments.
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Lee, Raymond L. M. "The Transformation of Race Relations in Malaysia: From Ethnic Discourse to National Imagery, 1993-2003." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2004): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209041641804.
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Abstract Malaysians are under no illusion that they have shed their racial identities to embrace a single national identity. Yet the multiculturalism practiced in contemporary Malaysia seems to be compatible with a patriotic nationalism espoused by the government. This compatibility has the appearance of multiculturalism surviving the ordeal of postcolonial racial politics. The turbulence of racial politics seems to have been surpassed by a revitalized nationalism that does not blatantly erase racial heritage. The question of race relations in Malaysia is therefore a question of how multiculturalism and nationalism are successfully presented as icons of integration, overshadowing the more gritty issues of racial politics. These issues are not denied, but have become less transparent as national identity is developed in an arena of new images.
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Nizar, Moh. "BEHIND CULTURAL LEGACY CONFLICT BETWEEN INDONESIA AND MALAYSIA." SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya 19, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/sosiologi.v19i1.28.
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Based on results of research, the background of cultural legacy conflict (2007-2009) between Indonesia and Malaysia contained two aspects: economy and socio-political ones. Firstly, with respect to economy, Malaysia started to develop its economy through tourism industry based on cultural legacy. In this case, the diversity of Malaysia culture economically disregarded before, was expanded for tourism industry by performing cultural shows, festivals and exhibitions. As Indonesia society know these developments, it became heated, due to almost all of cultural legacies in archipelago societies inherited by Indonesia ancestors, were claimed by Malaysia. Indonesia local and central governments, therefore, countered it by advancing the patent rights of their cultural legacy without delay. Secondly, in terms of socio-politics, in addition to tourism promotion, tourism advertisements are aimed to get sympathy of Malay ethnic following national election in 2008 and retain dominance of United Malays National Organization (UMNO) in Malaysian government. As Malaysian government under Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi (2004-2008) faced dissatisfaction of Malaysia society to UMNO that gave opportunity to Anwar Ibrahim as opposition figure to engage the succeeding election, UMNO found out the political campaign based on tourism industry to maintain its power and blocked Anwar involvement in the election. At the same time, political vested interests exploited the bilateral dispute to shake the elected Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as Indonesia President for 2009-2014. Political arena in Indonesia, then, became heated as mass media all together published the Indonesia cultural legacy claimed by Malaysia. It caused Indonesia society angrier due to it watched on Malaysia plundering its cultural identity, so that bilateral relationship.
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Md Ali, Muhammad Syahir Bin, and Imtiyaz Yusuf. "Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (Pas) in Malaysia Politics: A History of Tuan Guru Nik Aziz’s Scholarship and Leadership in Establishing an Islamic State in Kelantan." Ulumuna 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v25i1.433.
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The study seeks to examine the brief history of political Islam in Malaysia with a focus on Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party/Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). The emergence of PAS in the early 1950s marks the beginning of the involvement of Islamic Movements in politics as a platform for the revivalism of Islam in the region. In addition, the role of PAS leaderships also briefly discussed with a great emphasis on the leadership of PAS political maestro, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz bin Nik Mat. His piety in Islam is translated into his political thought which are influential during his involvement in politics. Tuan Guru’s upbringing and his education background had biggest influence towards his worldview on politics. This study described his contribution on Islam and in Malaysian politics, especially his grand idea on the establishment of Islamic state in Kelantan. The idea of ideal Islamic model of a state was established in Kelantan. It is in line with his perspective of how a society should operate and the functions of government in micro-managing the society. As a conclusion, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz plays an important role within PAS and to the establishment of the model of Islamic State in Kelantan.
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Liu, Amy H., and Jacob I. Ricks. "Coalitions and Language Politics: Policy Shifts in Southeast Asia." World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 476–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711200010x.
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Why is it that some governments recognize only one language while others espouse multilingualism? Related, why are some governments able to shift language policies, and if there is a shift, what explains the direction? In this article, the authors argue that these choices are theproduct of coalitional constraints facing the government during critical junctures in history. During times of political change in the state-building process, the effective threat of an alternate linguistic group determines the emergent language policy. If the threat is low, the government moves toward monolingual policies. As the threat increases, however, the government is forced to co-opt the alternate linguistic group by shifting the policy toward a greater degree of multilingualism. The authors test this argument by examining the language policies for government services and the education system in three Southeast Asian countries (Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand).
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Malay, in the shadows." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 32, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00084.had.
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Abstract Wayang Kulit performance, the art of shadow puppetry, has long embodied and conveyed political and secular voice throughout South and Southeast Asia, significant for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Throughout Malaysia’s modern history, Wayang as a dominant medium of education has mediated shifts in language ideologies and socialization, to the extent where changes to the Wayang correlate highly with changes to the Malay language. In the 1980s, the Malaysian government sought to attack and hence curtail Wayang performance, and to obscure its lineage, claiming that the Wayang defiles Islam and Malaysia as an Islamic state. The government sought to discontinue the Wayang, or at least to alter it significantly, and to persecute its adherents. With its attempts to mobilize the economy through neoliberal politics and the adoption of new non-poetic language registers, the Malaysian government altered Malaysian vernacular, cultural practices, and ideologies. Yet, little scholarly work, particularly through an Anthropological lens, has discussed the correlations and influences to these shifts. This paper addresses the significance of Wayang Kulit to the Malay language, that is, its contiguity with standardized language and vernacular, its semiotic complexities during performance and in larger society, and its junctures with Malaysian politics. The study unearths changes in the Wayang, its stylizations, symbolisms and performativities, in the latter 20th century, where these changes have aligned with cultural and language shifts, yet which the government has legitimated as pro Islamic and neoliberal. The data set includes a multi year ethnography of the Wayang, and a corpus of discussions, documentations, and scripts of Wayang performances and narratives.
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Venkiteswaran, Gayathry. "Media Reforms and Politics in Malaysia." Bandung 7, no. 2 (September 4, 2020): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00702007.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the political changes that have taken place in Malaysia leading to and resulting from the 14th general elections in May 2018. The political change offered an opportunity for changes and reforms in the media sector, especially in light of the promises made by the new government to free up the laws and rules on censorship and access to information. To date, the implementation of reforms has met hurdles, U-turns and the realities of structural and political barriers that see continuity of policies, rather than outright transformation. Reflecting on the experiences of media reforms and assistance, this paper argues that initiatives focused at media work and laws are expected to have limited results given the partisan and conservative nature of the mainstream media. It will also be difficult for Malaysia’s news media to regain public confidence after years of declining trust, especially as the media community has yet to come together reclaim and defend its rights.
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Ali, Muhamad. "The Conceptions of Sharia and Citizenship in Indonesia and Malaysia." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.12.
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Indonesia and Malaysia offer comparative perspectives concerning the relationship between loyalties to the Muslim umma, local ethnicity, and the modern nation-state, and how interpretations of the sharia and modern constitution, laws, politics, and policies intersect in multiple and changing ways. This article seeks to compare and contrast some of the contemporary discourses on sharia and citizenship as demonstrated by Indonesian and Malaysian scholars, politicians, and activists. Both Indonesian and Malaysian constitutions were born out of the modern notion of citizenship that recognizes religious diversity. On the one hand, the Constitution of Indonesia does not specify Islam as the state religion, but the government promotes official religions. On the other hand, the Constitution of Malaysia makes it explicit that Islam is the state religion while recognizing religious diversity. The Indonesian government does not conflate particular ethnicity with Islam, whereas Malaysia integrates Islam and Malay ethnicity amidst Malaysian religious and ethnic plurality. Both cases prevent us from categorizing each case as either an Islamic legal conservatism or a modern legal liberalism. These two cases resist the binary opposition between sharia conservatism deemed against citizenship and modern legal liberalism deemed against religious laws. There are ambiguities, contradictions, as well as compromises and integration between conflicting ideas and systems concerning Islam and citizenship.
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GOMEZ, EDMUND TERENCE. "Monetizing Politics: Financing Parties and Elections in Malaysia." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 5 (April 5, 2012): 1370–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000200.
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AbstractThis paper assesses the patterns of financing of political parties and elections in Malaysia. The poor regulation of the activities of parties and of all forms of political elections has contributed to allegations of covert funding of politicians, from both Malaysian and foreign sources. Since parties have grossly unequal access to funds, this has led to unfairness in federal and state elections. This paper also deals with two fundamental issues in the financing of politics. First, Malaysia is one of very few countries where parties own corporate enterprises, a trend known as ‘political business’. Second, money-based factionalism, known as ‘money politics’, is threatening the existence of parties and undermining public confidence in government leaders. Party factionalism is based not on ideological differences but on which political leader has the greatest capacity to distribute funds to capture grassroots-level support. Two core issues contribute to the extensive monetization of politics. First, existing disclosure requirements do not adequately restrict the covert funding of politics or ensure electoral fair play. Second, public institutions that oversee electoral competition are not sufficiently autonomous to act without favour. Finally, this paper reviews the levels of transparency built into current legislation, the pattern of financing of parties and electoral campaigns, and the relevant regulatory bodies’ institutional capacity to ensure fairness and accountability during elections. The paper proposes legislative and institutional reforms to ensure electoral fairness, within and between parties.
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Abdullah, Mohd Firdaus, Sharifah Nursyahidah Syed Annuar, Siti Noraini Hamzah, and Frankie Marcus Ata. "Politics of Floods and Fear During Pre-15th General Election in Malaysia: An Analysis." SEJARAH 31, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 184–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol31no2.10.
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UMNO's call to put pressure on the Malaysian government, under the leadership of Ismail Sabri, to hold the GE15 during the flood season, which is expected to start in November 2022 until March 2023, was observed to have surprised many parties. In fact, this call was responded to by Ismail Sabri's announcement in the UMNO assembly stating that the parliament will be dissolved in the near future to make way for the GE15, which also confirmed that it was likely that the election would be held during the flood season in Malaysia. Finally, on October 10, 2022, Ismail Sabri announced the dissolution of the 14th parliament and confirmed that the GE15 will be held during the flood season in Malaysia. This announcement has created an atmosphere of panic and fear among the people because Malaysia will generally be hit by a flood season during the specified period. Therefore, this research aims to identify how the flood season affects the ideas for the GE15. The conceptual framework proposed in this research is political distrust of the government and the setting of political agendas that will influence voters’ behaviour. This research is relevant and has its own importance due to the fact that research related to floods during the general election in Malaysia has not been carried out before. It provides a new approach when focusing on how floods affect the course of elections in Malaysia, in addition to introducing a new landscape in national politics. The results of this study found that the GE15 in Malaysia will most likely not represent the true voice of the people of this country because it is held during the flood season. This is because it would have reduced the voting percentage due to weather factors that may cause people to refuse to go out to vote. In conclusion, the politics of flood and fear have the potential to influence voters’ behaviour of going out to vote or otherwise, and would have an impact on the outcome of the election results.
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Yusof, Noraini Md, and Z. J. Esmaeil. "Reconstructing Multiculturalism in Malaysia through Visual Culture." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0078.
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Abstract The terms ‘ethnicity’ and ‘race’ bear social and political importance in a multicultural society. Introduced in Malaysia by the British back in the colonial era, these terms have been influencing the politics of the state and everyday life of the grassroots. Since the early days of independence, Malaysia has been witnessing ethnic conflict and right from the very beginning of making a new Malaysia, the Malaysian governments have introduced concepts and plans to eradicate the ethnic conflict but it has not been very successful although the country boasts of its racial stability. Multiculturalism in Malaysia still remains an ambivalent nationalist project. In fact, the road to a collective national identity through multiculturalism is paradoxical. This paper examines how visual culture can help reconstruct a multicultural society and argues that Malaysia’s plan in creating a national identity will remain a myth as long as one ethnicity and its values are more important than other ethnicities. It also investigates whether a collective identity is really needed for a multicultural country such as Malaysia.
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Azwar, Azmiera Izzati, and Suet Nie Kho. "Factors Influencing Young Malaysians’ Political Information Seeking Behaviour on Twitter." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 38, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2022-3803-06.
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Youth participation in political discourses is an important element that needs to be looked into urgently in Malaysia. This is especially so with the historical milestone of the Undi18 constitutional amendment allowing youth from 18 years old to vote in the 15th General Election. This research was initiated to investigate the youth's behaviour in terms of attitude, awareness, and involvement in politics via social media, specifically Twitter. In this study, involvement in politics is described as youths' political information seeking behaviour on Twitter in relation to political attitudes such as political self-efficacy, situational political involvement, government trust, and processing of information, that is perceived information quality. An online survey form was disseminated across Twitter using snowball sampling for Klang Valley Twitter users aged between 18 to 30. The results garnered from 314 respondents revealed significant relationships between independent variables (self-efficacy, situational, political involvement, government trust, and information quality) and the dependent variable (Twitter motivation). It was hoped that this study would help researchers better grasp the pattern on how Malaysian youth use Twitter to get political information. This study may also provide important information on the online diffusion and consumption of political information through social media like Twitter. Keywords: Political information-seeking behaviour, processing information, youth, Twitter, Malaysia.
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Awang Besar, Junaidi. "GENERAL ELECTION-15: THERE IS NO POLITICAL PARTY THAT WON A SIMPLE MAJORITY OF 112 PARLIAMENTARY SEATS TO FORM THE MALAYSIAN FEDERAL GOVERNMENT." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 8, no. 31 (March 7, 2023): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.831008.
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The year 2022 is an important year for democratic politics in Malaysia. This is because a General Election (GE) was held to elect representatives to form a stronger and more stable government after the country experienced political turmoil with the appointment of three Prime Ministers to the extent that foreign investors were confused by Malaysia's political position. After the GE was held, Malaysian politics was still at a standstill because no single political party coalition won the GE with a simple majority of 112 parliamentary seats, therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the results, which is the first time in Malaysian political history that there is no political party won the GE just like the previous 14 GEs. Based on data analysis of the 2022 GE results, observations in the field and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that Pakatan Harapan (PH) won 82 seats, Perikatan Nasional (PN) won 74 seats, Barisan Nasional (BN) 30 seats , Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) 23 seats, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) 6 seats, Parti Warisan Sabah (WARISAN) 3 seats, Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM) 1 seat, Social Democratic Prosperity Party (KDM) 1 seat and Independent 2 seats. The results of this general election show that no single party managed to get a simple majority of 112 seats to dominate Parliament and the Federal Government. This result is due to BN's failure to win a simple majority due to the large shift of Malay votes to PN. This large shift in votes is a factor in the awareness of Malay voters to choose clean political parties and leaders who can be expected to fight for the rights of Malays and Muslims. As a result of the wisdom of His Majesty the Yang Dipertuan Agong's orders and advice, a Unity Government was formed from 148 members of Parliament which is a 2/3 majority of the 222 members of the Malaysian Parliament consisting of PH, BN, GPS, GRS, WARISAN, KDM, PBM and 2 Independent Members of Parliament. PN (74 members of Parliament) did not join the Unity Government and acted as the opposition. With that as well, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim from PH has been appointed as the 10th Prime Minister. Therefore, political parties in this country do not have the best option as long as they need Malay-Muslim votes to control as many Parliament seats as possible and be able to form a strong and stable Government.
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Mohamad Zin, Siti Aisyah, Mohd Firdaus Md Zain, and Mohd Syariefudin Abdullah. "THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN DEVELOPING COMMUNITY PROSPERITY – A LITERATURE REVIEW." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 7, no. 29 (August 22, 2022): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.729034.
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On 21 August 2021, Bera MP Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob was sworn in as the ninth Prime Minister of Malaysia. With the new government under the leadership of the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob has introduced the concept of "Malaysian Family". The Malaysian Family approach is appropriate in the context of the well -being of the nation and the people when it offers noble values in the family institution such as respect, love, harmony, understanding and sacrifice. If you look at the previous leadership or government, each leader has their own slogan, call and logo. Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, for example, came up with Vision 2020, while Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi introduced the concept of Islam Hadhari, Datuk Seri Najib Razak used 1Malaysia, Pakatan Harapan (PH) came up with New Malaysia and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin with Malaysia Cares. This study aims to examine the role of political parties in Malaysia that represent politics in the country, in terms of approaches in facing the challenges of today and the challenges in the future in building a prosperous society. This study is a content analysis that uses the document analysis method approach in the data collection process. The collected data were analyzed through descriptive and comparative approaches. The results of the study found that there are similarities between all political parties in terms of policies related to efforts to develop the people and the country in forming a prosperous society. While still emphasizing the welfare aspect and the promise of providing a clean government from corrupt practices, the big challenge of political parties in the future is in gaining the support of the people as a whole and being able to address any obstacles and challenges. The results of the study also have implications, namely dynamic and mature political thinking can evolve in line with the movement of time. The progress and weakness of the country’s political experience can be the basis for the development of political thought as a whole towards especially in promoting the role of religion in the process of development prosperous society.
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Arip Purkon and Mujar Ibnu Syarif. "MALAYSIAN GOVERNMENT POLICY TO ERADICATE THE ISLAMIC HERETICAL SECTS." Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 34 (June 2, 2023): 2375–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v34i.1511.
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This article aims to examined policy of Malaysian Government to eradicate the Islamic heretical sects. The research method used in this research is qualitative research with normative legal study and oral history approach. The main data sources is fatwas issued by the Ulama Council in Malaysia. This research concluded 3 results, namely: first, the criteria for Islamic deviant sects used in Malaysia are sects that adhere to contradictory beliefs about the true teachings of Islam as outlined in Quran and Hadith. Second, the pattern of ijtihad fatwas issued by the Ulama Council in Malaysia based on the concepts of theology, sharia and morality in the school of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jamā'ah. Third, there are two kinds of policies by the Malaysian Government to tackle the spread of misleading religious teachings. Fisrt, preventive policies, such as designing educational curricula against heretical teachings and preparing a Friday sermon on the need for Malaysian Muslims to avoid heresy. Second, curative policies, namely building faith restoration centers in order to guide followers of heretical teachings who have repented so that they can live according to true Islamic tenets.
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Hilton, Matthew. "The Consumer Movement and Civil Society in Malaysia." International Review of Social History 52, no. 3 (November 21, 2007): 373–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003045.
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This paper examines the consumer movement in Malaysia, especially the Consumers' Association of Penang and the Federation of Malaysian Consumer Associations. It traces their history from the late 1960s, through a period of rapid social and economic change associated with the New Economic Policy of the 1970s and 1980s. Partly because of the absence of other NGOs in Malaysia (due to government clampdowns on civil society), consumer groups were able to take a prominent position and to develop socio-political campaigns on behalf of the poor and the disadvantaged. This proved an inspiration to consumer organizing globally, especially in the developed world, but it is not clear that consumerism as a social movement can be sustained. Since the mid-1980s, other NGOs have emerged, eclipsing the influence of consumerism, and promoting a human rights agenda which has overtaken the politics of consumption as the dominant oppositional rhetoric of non-governmental groups.
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Idrous Ahmed, Osama Ahmed. "SMART PARTNERSHIP IN ACTION: SUDAN'S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS MALAYSIA 1989-1999." TAFHIM: IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 1, no. 1 (May 18, 2015): 81–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol1no1.3.
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When the army came to power in 1989, many observers recognized it not only as a reaction to the critical situation in the country, like its predecessor coups, but also as a change from "old politics" to "new politics". The Revolutionary Command Council of National Salvation" RCC-NS" was signifying an alternative to civilian mismanagement, but with a definite ideology. Internally, under Omar al-Bashir, all the secular institutions were dissolved and the government started a Comprehensive Call program for Islamization that encompasses all aspects of life.
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Sharifah Sara Hasliza Syed Hamid and Elmira Akhmetova. "Islam and Politics in Malaysia: The Realisation of Islam as a State Religion in Sabah (Islam dan Politik di Malaysia: Realisasi Islam sebagai Agama Negeri di Sabah)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 2 (May 24, 2019): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i2.734.
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This paper analyses the process of independence in Sabah and the consequent Islamisation of its population, which caused the amendment of the State Constitution in 1973. The first part of the paper states that the unification of Sabah with Malaya into the Federation of Malaysia guaranteed its independence from the British colonial rule as well as saved it from the communist threat. The next part of the paper suggests that the Islamisation activities were highly associated with the political needs of the government where the Muslim political leaders strived for increasing the number of their supporters in order to maintain their seats as the ruling government in Sabah. Thus, the paper finds the strong relationship between Islam and politics in modern nation-states, and concludes that the rapid growth of the number of Muslims in Sabah later created the quality problem as their religious education was not seen as the priority by the ruling government.
Keywords: Malaysia, Constitution, Islam in Sabah, Independence of Malaya, Islam and Politics, Federation of Malaysia.
Abstrak
Makalah ini menganalisis sejarah kemerdekaan di Sabah dan proses Islamisasi penduduknya yang menyebabkan pindaan Perlembagaan Negeri pada tahun 1973. Bahagian pertama makalah ini menyatakan bahawa penyatuan Sabah dengan Tanah Melayu ke Persekutuan Malaysia menjaminkan kebebasannya dari penjajahan British serta menyelamatkannya dari ancaman komunis. Bahagian seterusnya menunjukkan bahawa aktiviti pengislaman sangat dikaitkan dengan keperluan politik kerajaan di mana pemimpin politik yang Muslim berusaha meningkatkan jumlah penyokong mereka untuk mengekalkan kerusi mereka sebagai pemerintah di Sabah. Oleh itu, makalah ini mendapati hubungan kuat antara Islam dan politik di negara-negara moden, dan menyimpulkan bahawa pertumbuhan pesat bilangan umat Islam di Sabah kemudiannya menimbulkan masalah kualiti kerana pendidikan agama mereka tidak dilihat sebagai keutamaan oleh kerajaan pemerintah.
Kata Kunci: Malaysia, Perlembagaan, Islam di Sabah, Kemerdekaan Malaya, Islam dan Politik, Persekutuan Malaysia.
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Singh, Bilveer. "Malaysia in 2008: The Elections That Broke the Tiger's Back." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.156.
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The March 2008 general elections fundamentally altered Malaysian politics. The ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority in the national Parliament and five state assemblies, and Prime Minister Abdullah was forced to announce his resignation. The opposition also stands the chance of forming the national government in the near future.
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Moten, Abdul Rashid. "MALAYSIA AS AN ISLAMIC STATE: A POLITICAL ANALYSIS." TAFHIM: IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2015): 1–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol1no2.1.
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Is Malaysia an Islamic State? The legitimacy for this question is derived from the fact that Islam serves as a core element of Malay identity and culture and that traditionally in the Malays states, almost all aspects of government were rooted in Islamic sources and principles and were cloaked with an aura of religious sanctity. Islam was a source of legitimacy for sultans, who assumed the role of head of religion, defenders of faith, and the guardians of Islamic and customary law, education, and values. With colonization, the Shari' ah became subservient to British legal codes and enactments and the sultans were subjected to the control of British Residents and Advisers. The integral relationship of Islam to politics, law, and society was suppressed by the colonial government, which also restricted the juristic, political and philosophical discourse pertaining to an Islamic political order. With the departure of the British and the coming of independence in 1957, the question of the Islamic identity of Malaya and later the Malaysian state resurfaced. There emerged a good deal of discussion on the desirability of an Islamic political order which eventually culminated, especially among an increasing segment of the Malay-Muslim community, with the call for the establishment of an Islamic state in Malaya/Malaysia.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Decline and Fall of Malaysia's Dominant-Party System Meredith L. Weiss and Ibrahim Suffian." Pacific Affairs 96, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2023962281.
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Malaysia's 15th general election in November 2022 decisively ended the country's dominant-party system. What might take its place, however, remains hazy—how competitive, how polarized, how politically liberal, and how stable an order might emerge will take some time to become clear. The opposition Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope), having secured a plurality of seats, but with a sharply pronounced ethnic skew, formed a coalition government with the previously dominant, incumbent Barisan Nasional (National Front) and smaller, regional coalitions. This settlement resolved an immediate impasse, but relied upon obfuscation of real programmatic, ideological, and identity differences, raising questions of longer-term durability or results. Examining this uncertainty, we broach three broad queries, with resonance well beyond Malaysia. First, we examine the fragmentation and reconsolidation of Malaysian party politics to explore how party dominance transforms or collapses. Second, we explore the extent to which its dominant party defined or confirmed Malaysia as electoral- authoritarian, and whether we should still consider it so.Third, we ask what possibilities Malaysia's apparent party-system deinstitutionalization opens up for structural reform beyond parties. Does the deterioration of that system—more than simply the previous dominant party's electoral loss—clear the way for more far-reaching liberalization? All told, we find that Malaysia's incremental dismantling of its dominant-party system does not also spell the end of electoral authoritarianism. Party and party-system deinstitutionalization leave the system in flux, but illiberal reconsolidation is as plausible as progressive structural reform.
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Yacob, Shakila. "Government, Business and Lobbyists: The Politics of Palm Oil in US–Malaysia Relations." International History Review 41, no. 4 (May 2018): 909–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2018.1457556.
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Awang Besar, Junaidi. "PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT (PKR) IN THE GENERAL ELECTION AND PKR INTERNAL ELECTION 2022: IMPACT AND FUTURE ON MALAYSIAN GEOPOLITICS." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 7, no. 29 (September 15, 2022): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.729024.
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Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) is a multi-racial political party in Malaysia that fights for social justice for all communities but supports the Malaysian Constitution. This party was formed in conjunction with the dismissal of Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim in the Government and UMNO to demand justice for him and the persecuted people. The party has undergone a rebranding from Parti KeADILan Nasional (PKN/KeADILan) to Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) as a result of a merger with part of the leadership of Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM). From the 1999 General Election to 2018, the party participated in elections and experienced ups and downs in its performance. The party also held internal leadership elections which saw the participation of a large number of members in the party's elections. In the end, both elections have an impact on Malaysia's geopolitics from time to time. Therefore, it is the purpose of writing this article to analyze the performance of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) in the general election and the PKR 2022 election that has an impact and the future on Malaysian geopolitics. Based on primary sources, namely the results of the general election in Malaysia and secondary sources, namely journal articles, academic books, seminar papers and research reports, the findings show that PKR’s performance in the 1999-2018 GE is volatile based on current issues and voters’ confidence in the leadership. PKR. The results of the PKR 2022 internal election show that PKR members choose leaders who are experienced, competent and strong in administration as the government as well as leaders who are idealistic, far-sighted, visionary and independent in acting in politics. As a result, Malaysia's geopolitics is still stable with anything that happens in PKR but with the image as a multi-racial party and constantly facing internal and external conflicts then this will influence voters, especially Malay voters to support the party towards the next GE. Although there are various challenges and obstacles that this multi-racial political party has to go through, the future of this party is still bright if the strategy of attracting voters is in line with the current situation.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, and Rashaad Ali. "Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.
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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.
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Davidson, Jamie S. "Stagnating yields, unyielding profits: The political economy of Malaysia's rice sector." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (January 16, 2018): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463417000716.
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Since the 2008 rice crisis, Malaysia's rice policies have been caught between government efforts to raise production and its support of the country's monopoly rice importer (Bernas). This article argues that when the politics behind the country's policies are revealed, the paradox is more apparent than real. The three principal policy components — gratifying Barisan Nasional's coalition partners in East Malaysia by expanding the acreage devoted to rice; buttressing the rural Malay economy by providing subsidies through a yield-enhancing programme; and relying on big business for financial support (Bernas's new owner is one of Malaysia's richest businessmen) — aim to serve the same end: to perpetuate UMNO's political power amid increasing electoral competition.
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Badron, Mohd Sani. "INTER-FAITH RELATIONS IN MALAYSIA: ISSUES OF JUSTICE AND ETHICS." TAFHIM : IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 10, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.56389/tafhim.vol10no1.1.
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This article aims to offer some insights on how the issue of justice overrides inter-faith relations in Malaysia. Materials used for logical analysis include relevant verses of the Qurʾān and Ḥadīths and their authoritative interpretations including Ethics; official government records; and, baseline data of recent research. Of concern here is Justice in all its dimensions, such as the national language, democratic politics, fair economics, and acceptance of rich multi-cultural traditions. A brief analysis of the imperative character traits of courtesy and kindness—kesopanan dan kesusilaan in Rukun Negara or the Malaysian national principles—is carried out in the context of the Malaysian term muhibbah, identified as “affectionate friendship” The origin of such a friendship is the notion of “biological brotherhood” in the worldview of Islam. The article shall also examine social disunity and enmity from the moral and ethical lens, arguing thus that disunity is an effect of the moral vice of envy, which is caused by rancour, which in turn, resulted from anger.
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Dwijayanto, Arik, and Yusmicha Ulya Afif. "Religous and Political Role of Javanese Ulama in Johor, Malaysia." Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 4, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jish.42.5222.
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The migration of Javanese Muslim community to Malaysia in the past was not only dominated by groups of workers such as labours and miners but also from religious Muslim groups (¬ulama). Javanese ulama as Muslim religious scholars formed an integral part of Muslim communities in Malaysia. Their role as religious leaders often means that they are consulted in all areas of Muslim life, including the realms of politics, social affairs and economics. However, there was sufficient appreciation of their role in Muslim society in various scholastic works. It is also only in recent years that interest has been shown in the study of Javanese ulama in Malaysia. This article argues that for most of Malaysia’s history, Javanese ulama have been largely apolitical and it was only in the 20th century that they attempted to carve a larger religious space for themselves in an attempt to assert their authority and influence. It briefly highlights the historical relationship between Javanese ulama and various government authorities in Malaysia focuses on their religious and political influence in relation to the role they played and the contribution they made, and shows how the Javanese ulama have tried to involve in the religious and political role in Johor, Malaysia. In order to contribute to the existing studies, this article aims to explore the impact of migration and religious contribution of Javanese Ulama in Johor, Malaysia.
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Case, William, and Harold Crouch. "Government and Society in Malaysia." Pacific Affairs 70, no. 1 (1997): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761263.
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Tai, Wan-Ping, and Samuel Ku. "State and Industrial Policy: Comparative Political Economic Analysis of Automotive Industrial Policies in Malaysia and Thailand." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2013): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v1i1.61.
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Numerous differences exist between the neoclassical and national development schools of economics on how an economy should develop. For example, should the state interfere in the market using state resources, and cultivate certain industries to achieve specific developmental goals? Although the automotive industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with considerable government involvement, they have evolved along very different lines. Can these differences be traced to different interactions between the state and industry in these two countries? This paper examines this issue and finds that although industries in developing countries need government assistance, the specific political and economic contexts of each country affect the policies adopted and their effectiveness. The choice between “autonomous development” (Malaysia) and “dependent development” (Thailand) is the first issue. The second issue is that politics in Malaysia has deterred the automotive industry from adopting a “market following” position. This paper finds that the choice of strategy and political interference are the two main reasons the automotive industry in Malaysia is less competitive than that in Thailand.
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Mohd Nizah, Mohd Azmir, and Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar. "Persepsi Pengundi Muda Terhadap Memes Politik, Undi18 dan Isu-isu 3R pasca Pilihan Raya Umum 15." Sains Insani 9, no. 1 (May 31, 2024): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol9no1.605.
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Abstrak: Ikhtiar Malaysia Madani hasil idea PMX adalah merupakan satu lagi hasrat pengukuhan pembinaan negara bangsa Malaysia. Konsep ini memberikan penumpuan kepada tadbir urus yang baik, pembangunan mapan dan juga keharmonian masyarakat majmuk di negara ini. Namun Malaysia Madani ini akan hanya tinggal sebagai retorik politik semata-mata jika politik memes yang negatif, manipulasi ke atas Undi 18 dan isu berkaitan 3R tidak dapat dikawal dengan baik oleh pihak kerajaan. Dengan penggunaan media sosial sebagai medium perantaraan, pengundi muda adalah merupakan taruhan terbaik parti-parti politik menyebarkan politik propaganda mereka. Ia menjadi semakin parah apabila ketiga-tiga faktor yang disebut kerap dimainkan oleh pihak-pihak yang tidak bertanggungjawab semasa pilihan raya. Makalah ini secara kolektif akan melihat persepsi pengundi muda terhadap ketiga-tiga faktor tersebut berdasarkan pasca PRU 15 dan PRN 2023. Menggunakan rekabentuk kajian kuantitatif, soal selidik secara rentas digunakan terhadap 400 orang responden berumur 18 sehingga 25 tahun. Dapatan kajian menunjukkan bahawa persepsi pengundi muda terhadap memes politik adalah sederhana positif, manakala persepsi terhadap Undi 18 adalah positif yang tinggi, dan persepsi terhadap isu-isu 3R adalah negatif. Maka dapat disimpulkan bahawa ketiga-tiga dimensi yang dikaji ini mempunyai magnitudnya yang tersendiri. Malah adalah tidak dapat dinafikan bahawa ia merupakan antara cabaran getir yang perlu diberi perhatian yang serius oleh kerajaan dalam pengukuhan agenda Malaysia Madani. Abstract: Malaysia Madani, the idea of PMX is another intention to strengthen Malaysia’s nation-building. This concept focuses on good governance, sustainable development, and the harmony of the plural society in the country. However, Malaysia Madani will only remain as political rhetoric if the politics negative of memes, manipulation of the Undi 18 and issues related to 3R cannot be controlled adequately by the government. With social media as an intermediate medium, young voters are the best bets for political parties to spread their propaganda politics. It worsens when unscrupulous parties regularly play all three so-called factors during elections. This article will collectively look at young voters’ perception of all three factors based on the post-GE 15 and the recent PRN 2023. Using the quantitative study design, the cross-examination was used on 400 respondents aged 18 to 25. The findings found that young voters’ perception of political memes was moderately positive, perception of Undi 18 were positive, while perceptions of 3R issues were negative. As conclusion, these three dimensions studied have their own magnitude. In fact, it is undeniable that it is one of the challenges that the government must face in the strengthening of Malaysia Madani.
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Boyman, Siti Noranizahhafizah, and Nurul Fathihah Mazlan. "Politics and Election Studies in Terengganu Darul Iman: A Preliminary Study of Systematic Analysis Literature Review." 12th GLOBAL CONFERENCE ON BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 12, no. 1 (October 8, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2021.12(45).
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This article is a preliminary study using systematic analysis of literature review for politics and election studies in Terengganu. Based on Table 1, the party that ruled Terengganu had changed thrice from 1959 to 2018. This started from the first general election until the 14th general election. At the beginning of 1959, Terengganu is governed by the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS; Parti Islam Se-Malaysia). Nevertheless, the state ruling was taken over by Perikatan or BN in 1964 to 1995 and was seized by PAS in 1999. In 2004, BN managed to occupy the government seat once more, but it lasted for only 15 years compared to the years before because, in 2018, PAS managed to win the hearts of the Terengganu people to rule the state back again. The purpose of this study is to identify the number of studies and research themes in the studies on politics and election in Terengganu. Apart from that, the voting pattern in Terengganu from 1959 to 2018 is also included as the basis of knowledge about the election in Terengganu. Keywords: Elections; Politics; Terengganu; PAS; Systematic Review.
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Tayeb, Azmil. "Malaysia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.99.
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It was a tumultuous year for Malaysia. As the country was experiencing the onset of the first wave of COVID-19 in late February 2020, the majority coalition, the Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan) that formed the federal government at the time broke apart due to defections, symbolized by the so-called Sheraton Move. A new government led by the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) coalition came into power after the king appointed its leader, Muhyiddin Yassin, prime minister, replacing Mahathir Mohamad. The PN government immediately faced two severe challenges: the global pandemic threat and the crisis of legitimacy due to weak coalition building. This article mainly focuses on the second challenge, namely the ways the PN government has been able to avoid a parliamentary vote of no confidence and keep its coalition intact, albeit precariously.
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Ismail, Maria Mohd, and Raja Noriza Raja Ariffin. "Political Leadership in Policy Implementation: Case Study of Rural Transport Accessibility in Kuala Krai, Kelantan, Malaysia." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 1 (January 16, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i1.17961.
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Politics plays a major role in every aspect of the government development plan. Kelantan is an interesting case in understanding the different political leadership involved in the implementation process. This study reports how politics influenced the development of rural transport accessibility in Kuala Krai, Kelantan. In-depth interviews were conducted among 33 respondents; 13 policymakers from the federal, state and local level and 20 villagers covering all the three sub-districts in Kuala Krai, Kelantan, Malaysia. The findings were presented based on the emerging themes emerged from the analysis. The findings confirmed that politics is the primary mover in formulating and implementing any transport accessibility plan in the study area. The findings also provided ultimate insights for policymakers at multiple decision-making level involved in formulating and implementing for an accessible rural transport system for the rural communities.
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Warganegara, Arizka, Muhammad Febriansyah, and Lee Kuok Tiung. "New Media, Incumbency and Malaysian Politics: The Defeat of the Barisan Nasional (BN) in GE14 (2018)." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 15, no. 1 (January 22, 2023): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v15i1.8883.
Full textAbstract:
The Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) has ended the political domination of Barisan Nasional (BN) of the last 61 years and resulted in a new discussion in Malaysian politics. The main purpose of this study is to explore the factors that caused BN to fail in the last election and to refine the incumbency theory posited by Hirano and Snyder Jr (2012) and Torcal (2014). We argue that various factors have contributed to the defeat of the BN government in the 14th GE, namely the 1MDB corruption scandal, the implementation of the progressive Good and Service Tax (GST), the rise of living costs, and the China-oriented foreign and economic policies, as well as the Mahathir factor. Our results also contribute to further developing incumbency theory. Instead of relying on traditional factor of incumbent defeat in election such as scandal and economic factors, the role of new media in spreading the news about the corruption scandal and the government’s economic underperformance have also contributed to a political shift in Malaysia.
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Yen, Yuen Yee, Lai Jing Wen, Suganthi Ramasamy, and Muhammad Farooq. "Sustainable petrol subsidy program in Malaysia." Asian Development Policy Review 12, no. 1 (December 22, 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5008.v12i1.4948.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to propose a sustainable petrol subsidy program to enhance the effectiveness of the Malaysian government in subsidizing petrol to B40 and M40 households. B40 and M40 households, which suffered from poverty due to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, at the present moment, there is very limited study on the sustainable petrol subsidy program for B40 and M40 households. This research adopts a quantitative research method. One hundred and fifty questionnaires were disseminated to Malaysian B40 and M40 households. Sixty households responded to the questionnaire. This paper utilized cross-sectional design to test hypotheses that contribute to the sustainability of the petrol subsidy program in Malaysia post-COVID-19 pandemic. This paper has unique and important findings: household welfare, fiscal and macroeconomic issues, and environmental pollution are the most important factors that contribute to the sustainability of petrol subsidies in Malaysia. This research is the pioneering research in Malaysia that provides comprehensive insights on sustainable petrol subsidy, leading to a significant implication on the socio-economic wellbeing of the B40 and M40 households. It provides unique contributions to the government petrol subsidy in Malaysia, as it is one of the very limited studies in Malaysia post-COVID-19 pandemic.
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Lee, Poh Ping. "Malaysia in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.101.
Full textAbstract:
The government of Najib Razak in Malaysia came increasingly under siege in 2015 from within his party, the opposition, and many NGOs. Najib managed to survive, but his hold on power is not solid. Meanwhile, Malaysia’s chairmanship of ASEAN was uneventful, relations with U.S. and China remained good, and GDP growth slowed compared with 2014.