Relevant bibliographies by topics / Male chauvinism

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Male chauvinism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Male chauvinism"

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PÜTZ, MANFRED. "MALE CHAUVINISM." Notes and Queries 36, no. 3 (September 1, 1989): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/36-3-360.

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Probert, C. S., W. Maddison, and J. M. Roland. "Diet, diabetes, and male chauvinism." BMJ 301, no. 6766 (December 22, 1990): 1430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.301.6766.1430.

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Turkel, Ann Ruth. "Reflections on the development of male chauvinism." American Journal of Psychoanalysis 52, no. 3 (September 1992): 263–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01249429.

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Solomon, Kenneth. "The Psychodynamics of Male Chauvinism in an Elderly Man." Clinical Gerontologist 10, no. 3 (April 26, 1991): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j018v10n03_04.

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Rivero Santamarina, Diana. "Post-male chauvinism and the mass media: new mechanisms for old problems." Anàlisi, no. 50 (August 25, 2014): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/a.v0i50.2268.

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Ubanako, Valentine Njende. "Male Chauvinism in Cameroon Pidgin English: The Case of the Collocates of Man." World Journal of English Language 8, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v8n2p12.

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The aim of this paper is to assess the creative and dynamic uses of the collocates of man in Cameroon Pidgin English as it has picked up chauvinistic connotations in a strict and increasingly patriarchal Cameroon. Cameroon Pidgin English has been analyzed from different perspectives by different scholars, but the area of collocation has seldom been tackled. Word associations like ‘speak like a man’, ‘drive like a man’, ‘man-boy’, ‘my man’ (penis),’ he is a real man’ ‘man hand’ etc. abound in the repertoire of Cameroonian users of English. This paper thus brings out the different possible collocations with the word man as well as semantic degradations and ameliorations in the Cameroonian context and investigates if the continuous dominance of (the) man in the Cameroonian society could be a subtle case of linguistic rights violation. This study uses participant observation, interviews and questionnaires to obtain data from 100 speakers of Cameroon Pidgin English in Cameroon.This study employs the social identity theory propounded by Henri Tajfel and John Turner (1979; 1986) which explains intergroup behaviours and status differences. Results show that the domains of use cut across the domains of the traditional ruling system, titles and kinship terms, professions, traditional economic system and foodstuffs and drinks. Also, man is used in Cameroon Pidgin English for self -expression and self- identification. Most of the collocates of man reflect the sociolinguistic background of the country with most of the terms having come from background languages like French, Cameroon Pidgin English and Camfranglais.
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Singla, Sarla. "Confrontation of Protest against Male Chauvinism in Arundhati Roy’s the God of Small Things." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Culture 2, no. 3 (September 2, 2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/ijllc.v2i3.157.

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Roy portrays women’s marathon struggle for seeking the sense of ‘identity’ in male dominated conservative framework breaking the age-old snackles and constraints and to assert her right to live her own way. Roy attacks the prevailing hypocrisy of the society which builds a great barrier between man and woman. The setup of the male dominated society is such that it has little or nothing to offer to the unfortunate forsaken women like Ammu's who are literally forsaken everywhere they go and the greatest pain of it all comes when they are inflicted by ones who are so called your ‘own people’.
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Mejia, Christian R., Jordy Pulido-Flores, Dante M. Quiñones-Laveriano, Wendy Nieto-Gutierrez, and Paula Heredia. "Male chauvinism among Peruvian medical students: Related socio-educational factors in 12 Peruvian universities." Revista Colombiana de Psiquiatría (English ed.) 48, no. 4 (October 2019): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rcpeng.2018.02.003.

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Elfenbein, Anna Shannon. "Troublesome Comrades: Male Chauvinism and Revolutionary Engagement in Olive Dargan’s Call Home the Heart." Mississippi Quarterly 66, no. 2 (2013): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mss.2013.0020.

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Gopika Unni, P. "Dalit Feminism: A Voice for the Voiceless in Aruna Gogulamanda’s “A Dalit Woman in the Land of Goddesses”." Shanlax International Journal of English 8, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 42–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v8i3.2269.

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Dalit Feminism is feminism, which has great significance in the contemporary casteist society. It aims at equality, right, and justice for the lowest strata of the society, that is, Dalit Women. Aruna Gogulamanda’s “A Dalit Woman in the land of Goddesses” focuses on the double-edged swordf marginalization, which a Dalit woman has to suffer in the patriarchal casteist era, both as a woman and also as a Dalit. She is a poet who articulates her voice for the voiceless section of the society, that is, the Dalit women, who are suppressed in the hands of male chauvinism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Male chauvinism"

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Pinto, Mauricio Rodrigues. "Pelo direito de torcer: das torcidas gays aos movimentos de torcedores contrários ao machismo e à homofobia no futebol." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-12032018-205408/.

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Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)
In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)
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Uro, Yves. "Les actrices de Sacha Guitry." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030152.

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Sacha Guitry fit de sa vie le sujet principal de son œuvre brillante mais assez élégiaque et relativement mélancolique où les personnages suicidaires joués par lui sont assez fréquents. Dans son œuvre, l’osmose est quasiment complète entre le théâtre et la vie. Ses épouses actrices furent les premières à souffrir de cette osmose et de cette instrumentalisation de leur personne et elles se lassèrent presque toutes (sauf Marconi) d’être éternellement considérées comme des êtres élégants mais souvent muets, en dépit du train de vie brillant qu’il leur offrit. Il perdit ainsi périodiquement des partenaires de qualité (il ne remplacera jamais la très brillante Yvonne Printemps) car, l’une après l’autre, elles refusèrent de sacrifier leur vie personnelle au profit du programme théâtral et cinématographique d’un seul homme. Nous tenterons de voir pourquoi Guitry eut avec les acteurs-hommes de meilleures relations qu’avec les femmes érotisées comme ses cinq épouses. C’est pourquoi nous analyserons les rapports idylliques qu’il eut avec trois autres actrices (Carton, Pierry et Fusier–Gir) que le temps avait déjà marquées physiquement. Nous tenterons surtout de redonner vie à ses cinq actrices-épouses en tenant compte des études récentes relatives au "gender" au cinéma ainsi que des star-studies, même si aucune d’entre elles n’est vraiment une star. Nous nous efforcerons d’analyser les conséquences de son comportement souvent machiste et narcissique sur la vie et la carrière de ces femmes pendant 50 ans. Nous analyserons enfin ce qu’il leur apporta et ce qu’elles offrirent à son brillant cinéma par leur présence
Sacha Guitry made his own life the main topic of his apparently cheerful and brilliant plays and films which are often also sometimes elegiac and melancholy. Surprisingly in his works, quite a few characters played by him seem to be fascinated by suicide. There is no real boundary in his works between life and theatre and the actresses who were also his wives suffered from this absence of a frontier-line between those two worlds. They also disliked the way he took unfair advantage of their personality in his plays and almost all of them (except Marconi) eventually got tired of being considered as very smart but speechless creatures, although he offered them a very luxurious way of life. He thus lost quite a number of excellent partners (actually he could never really replace Yvonne Printemps, the exceptional player and singer) because, one after the other, they refused to sacrifice their personal life for the benefit of someone with exacting prospects concerning the theatre and the cinema. We shall therefore try to understand why Guitry usually kept up a better relationship with men-actors than with actresses with obvious sex appeal, like his five wives. We shall then examine the perfect friendship he formed with three elderly actresses whose growing age was becoming quite noticeable. We shall try to "bring back to life" the real personalities of the five actresses who also became his wives by resorting to the recent discoveries about "gender" and star-studies. We shall also try to analyze the influence of his narcissistic and chauvinistic attitude upon the lives and careers of these actresses. We shall eventually try to find out what he brought them by his presence and what they added by theirs to his brilliant cinema
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Barmen, Viggo. "Does Refugee Migration Make Right-wing Populists More Popular? Evidence from a Swedish Refugee Dispersal Program." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388529.

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Explaining the rising support for right-wing populist parties in Europe during the last decade is an issue that interests both economists, sociologists and political scientists. A number of theories suggest that the rising inflow of migrants to Europe has had an important causal effect on right-wing populist support. However, as migration patterns generally are not exogenous to right-wing populist support, it is difficult to interpret the estimates of a correlation study causally.  In this paper, I exploit a Swedish refugee dispersal program as a natural experiment to estimate the effect of refugee inflow on the support for the right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats using an instrumental variable strategy. Despite detailed institutional knowledge, I am not able to find support for any short-term effects of refugee inflow on the self-reported preferences for the Sweden Democrats. This goes against the findings of most previous studies.  However, the multicollinearity of some of my covariates are high. In addition, as the program was introduced in 2016, there are few years available for identification. Thus, the precision of the estimates is relatively low and the study would benefit from adding more years to the panel data set.
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Moutien, Caitan Shirley. "Tradition et modernitė dans C'est le soleil qui m'a brûlee (1987), Assèze, l'Africaine (1994) et Femme nue, femme noire (2003) de Calixthe Beyala." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22070.

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Text in French; abstract in French and English
Observatrice des réalités quotidiennes camerounaises, Calixthe Beyala a publié, en 1987, un roman intitulé C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. Dans ce roman, elle montre au lecteur comment la femme, victime de la tradition, utilise, avec l’apport de la modernité, son corps comme moyen pour reconquérir son moi profond, et retrouver sa liberté. En 1994, elle a écrit et publié Assѐze, l’Africaine. Et en 2003, elle a publié Femme nue, femme noire. Après une lecture minutieuse de ces trois livres, le lecteur peut facilement découvrir que Calixthe Beyala place la femme au centre de sa préoccupation littéraire. Et elle examine, dans sa fiction, deux thѐmes: la tradition et la modernité. Qu’entend-elle par tradition et modernité? Comment examine-t-elle ces deux thѐmes dans les ouvrages de notre corpus? Quelles solutions propose-t-elle à la femme, d’une part, pour se libérer du joug de la tradition et de la domination masculine, et d’autre part, pour (re)conquérir son corps, son moi profond et pour son émancipation?
Observer of the daily Cameroonian realities, Calixthe Beyala published, in 1987, a novel entitled C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. In this novel, she shows the reader how a woman, victim of tradition, uses her body as means to reconquer herself and to find her freedom. In 1994, she wrote and published Assèze, l’Africane. And in 2003, she published Femme nue, femme noire. After a careful reading of the three novels, the reader can easily discover that Calixthe Beyala places woman in the center of her literary preoccupation. And she examines, in her fiction, two themes, tradition and modernity. What does she mean by tradition and modernity? How does she examine these two themes in the novels of our study? What solutions does she propose to the woman, firstly, to liberate herself from the yoke of tradition and male’s domination, and secondly, to reconquer her body, herself and her emancipation?
Classics and World Languages
M.A. (French)
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Books on the topic "Male chauvinism"

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Maki, Lillian S. For freedom from male chauvinism. Oak Grove, OR: Maryatta Co., 1987.

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Printing, London College of. Photojournalism Diploma dissertation 1988: Has male chauvinism been responsible for the sorry decline of photo-journalism. London: LCP, 1988.

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All The Fire. UK: Mills & Boon, 2014.

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Sellers, Alexandra. Male Chauvinist. silhouette, 1985.

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The Apostle Paul: Male Chauvinist or Proponent of Equality. Hi-Time Pflaum, 1986.

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Davett, William. The Pick Up Artist: The Misadventures of a Male Chauvinist. New Holland Australia, 2007.

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Inc. Male Chauvinist Pigs of America. The Male Chauvinist Pig's Guide to Women: Or Everyday Is Halloween. Male Chauvinist Pigs of America Inc, 1996.

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Male Chauvinist Pigs of America., ed. The male chauvinist pigs' guide to women, or, Every day is Halloween. Santa Clarita, Calif: [MCPA Pub. Co.], 1996.

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Giles, Kennedy. Woman of God Stay in Your Place: God's Response to The Male Chauvinist. AuthorHouse, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Male chauvinism"

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Rodríguez-Darias, Alberto, and Laura Aguilera-Ávila. "'Danger Men' - effects of a post-male chauvinism campaign aimed at tourists in Spain." In Tourism and gender-based violence: challenging inequalities, 144–58. Wallingford: CABI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789243215.0144.

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Salamon, Sony. "9. "Male Chauvinism" as a Manifestation of Love in Marriage." In Japanese Culture and Behavior, 130–41. University of Hawaii Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824841522-011.

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Wong, Magdalena. "Young Men’s Pursuit of Marriage." In Everyday Masculinities in 21st-Century China, 47–66. Hong Kong University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528424.003.0003.

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The chapter looks at romance and marriage in China, from the popular portrayal in the reality dating show Feicheng Wurao, to the crucial social pressure for men and women to marry. The subjects of the two ethnographic cases are migrant workers who, although they have broken away from the humble rural backgrounds that would disadvantage them in the marriage market, nevertheless still face challenges finding wives. The chapter explicates an intrinsic tension in the hegemonic ideology of able-responsible man between the traditional values of patriarchy and the requirement that modern men are caring, romantic, and egalitarian. Tensions between money and love, male chauvinism and women’s equality, class differences, and the need for a man to be a good husband, father, and son-in-law, are all shown to affect men’s performance in romantic relationships and marriage.
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Fernández, Johanna. "The Politics of Race and Gender." In The Young Lords, 233–70. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653440.003.0009.

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Influenced by Che Guevara’s writings on revolution and self-transformation, the Young Lords launched the “revolution within the revolution”— a deliberate struggle to name and challenge manifestations of power dynamics, racism, sexism, and homophobia in their ranks. The trademark slogan of second wave feminism, “the personal is political,” articulated the challenge. Among the Lords, an increase in female membership propelled a fierce struggle against male chauvinism that well-positioned women to have their voices heard, leadership respected, and demands met. To that end, the group edited its program and platform; drafted rules against sexism; Denise Oliver was appointed to its formal leadership; and formed men’s caucus and women’s caucus to discuss gender oppression internally. Influenced by Franz Fanon, the Lords also challenged anti-black racism in the psyche of the oppressed, including widely used language that devalues curly hair, dark complexion, African facial features and the tendency among Puerto Ricans and Latinos to deny their ethnicity and blackness and distance themselves from black Americans. The Young Lords prioritized Afro-Latino leadership, including that of Felipe Luciano; theorized race ideology in Latin America; and made public a conversation about race that had been confined to hushed whispers among Puerto Ricans and Latinos.
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Phillips, Jim. "Generational Learning: from the 1920s to the 1950s." In Scottish Coal Miners in the Twentieth Century, 119–57. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.003.0005.

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Scottish miners were heterogeneous in their politics and culture. A distinct Scottish mining identity accommodated social conservatives and religious sectarians with class-conscious trade unionists and international socialists. This identity developed through political campaigning from the 1950s to the 1980s and drew upon the claimed values of the Scottish Nation as well as solidarity with working class people across Britain and the world. It emphasised the value of gender equality, and gradually undermined coalfield male chauvinism. Mining leaders related security explicitly to questions of class and nation. Solidarities of class were pursued with trade unionists across Britain, but miners in Scotland tended to see deindustrialisation as an acute and even distinctly Scottish problem. The unreformed constitutional-political structures of the UK were criticised as an obstacle to coalfield security, with policy-makers remote from the communities affected by accelerating job loss. Scotland’s national right to self-determination was asserted, and the miners persuaded the Scottish Trades Union Congress to adopt Home Rule as official policy by the early 1970s.
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Barnett, Chelsea. "Male chauvinists and ranting libbers: Representations of single men in 1970s Australia." In Everyday Revolutions: Remaking Gender, Sexuality and Culture in 1970s Australia, 295–312. ANU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/er.2019.16.

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Hughes, Emily. "Gender." In Studying Talk to Her, 31–48. Liverpool University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906733438.003.0005.

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This chapter evaluates how Pedro Almodóvar's Talk to Her (2002) plays with the idea of gender being a fixed attribute and sees gender instead as something flexible and fluid. Gender roles in Talk to Her are arguably represented as a socially constructed rather than innately determined with characters in careers typically assigned to the opposite gender. Lydia is a female bull fighter in a typically chauvinist industry and Benigno is a male nurse in a very female heavy environment. Almodóvar's blurring of the strict rigid definitions of masculinity and femininity can be viewed as postmodernist. The chapter then considers gender performativity in relation to Almodóvar's body of films. In Talk to Her, Lydia, Marco, and Benigno can be seen to perform both male and female gender characteristics at different times.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Great Serb Reaction, c. August–December 1941." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0003.

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The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as a result of the social links that bound its members to the Serb peasants who comprised the overwhelming majority of the rebels. No other political group had prepared for participation in a guerrilla uprising and the KPJ therefore enjoyed a head start over all rivals in its quest for leadership over the latter. There was, however, a latent opposition among wide sections of the conservative, patriarchal, religious, and nationally homogenous Serb peasantry to the KPJ and the values it represented: urban civilization, cosmopolitanism, internationalism, republicanism, secularism, and equality of the sexes. The Chetnik movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina arose as a Serb-nationalist, conservative, anti-Croat, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic, and anti-urban resistance to the KPJ's leadership of the uprising-in short, a ‘Great Serb’ reaction to the ‘multinational Bosnian’ resistance proclaimed by the Communist leaders. The first months of the Partisan movement saw the Communists attempting to reconcile the military necessity of an alliance with the Chetniks with the political necessity of opposing the divisive and destructive chauvinism that they stood for. As the impossibility of squaring this circle became increasingly apparent, the Partisans were gradually, reluctantly but inexorably pushed into war with the Chetniks.
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"while the opposite was expected for the latter. Men were expected to exhibit no change. In fact, no systematic change in any variable was observed for any group. Even unsystematic change was minimal. This suggests that the survey instrument is highly reliable, but it does not support the biological hypothesis for political orientations. Attempts to test biological explanations of observed political behavior are reasonable enough given the underdeveloped status of the research. Testing for biological roots of male-female political differences is justified by extant literature. Given this, what inter-pretation should be placed on the negative empirical results just reported? One might conclude that reasonable though the attempt may have been, there is little justification for further work in this field. Indeed, at least by implication, the case for cultural explana-tions of sex differences in politics is strengthened. If negative results can stimulate more imaginative inquiry into cultural explanation, they still serve a very useful purpose, for there is much to be done here. Similarly, though they should not have been deterred by positive findings, persons who seek more equitable status for women through modification of the cultural environment may take heart from this, for it does underscore the likely efficacy of their strategy. There are other implications to this effort. First, it is possible to do actual research about the importance of biological variables in political behavior. The process does not have to be difficult; ques-tions generated by the literature are amenable to straightforward research. One study producing negative results in a single area can-not represent closure across the whole broad question of biology and political behavior. Hopefully this work will stimulate further think-ing on related concepts in the discipline. Finally, it is unlikely that the question of whether there are biological roots to male-female political differences will be regarded as definitively settled at any time in the near future. Perhaps this will encourage measured, re-sponsible research into the matter; it would not do to leave this area of inquiry entirely to chauvinists and polemicists. NOTES." In Biopolitics and Gender, 152–220. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203056301-7.

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