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1
Adams, Peter J. Masculine empire: How men use violence to keep women in line. Auckland, N.Z: Dunmore Pub., 2012.
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2
Make poverty personal: The Bible's call to end oppression. Springvale, Vic: Urban Neighbours of Hope, 2006.
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3
Bettcher, Talia Mae. Intersexuality, Transgender, and Transsexuality. Edited by Lisa Disch and Mary Hawkesworth. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199328581.013.21.
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This essay discusses the complex relations between feminist theory and trans and intersex theory and politics. It charts the emergence of a “beyond-the binary” model of oppression that frames trans and intersex oppression in terms of a hostile binary—a binary that forces out anything in-between the categories male/man and female/woman. This chapter shows how this model has unfortunately resulted in political impasse, particularly in articulating a feminism that sees trans and intersex oppression as intersecting with sexist oppression. The chapter excavates and interrogates the roots of this model in, for example, the responses of Sandy Stone and Kate Bornstein to the transphobic feminism of Janice Raymond, and provides an alternative way of conceptualizing trans and intersex oppression more congenial to an intersectional framework. It proceeds by taking seriously a specific form of transphobic sexual violation, namely, “reality enforcement.”
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Donahue, Thomas J. Unfreedom for All. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190051686.001.0001.
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It is often said that we live in global systems of injustice. But if so, what are they, and what are their moral consequences? This book offers a theory of global injustice—“Unfreedom for All.” The theory explores and defends the old adage that “No one is free while others are oppressed” by putting five questions: Why and when ought we to combat injustices done to distant others, and does this require joining in solidarity against them? Do we live under global systems of injustice? What counts as systematic injustice or oppression? Who if anyone is made unfree by such injustices? What harms do they do? Unfreedom for All shows that the “No one is free” creed either answers or results from each of these questions. It defends that creed by considering how systematic injustices—such as global severe poverty, male supremacy, or racial oppression—are perpetuated. The book argues that where your society does such an injustice, it systematically suppresses anyone’s resistance to the injustice—including yours. It uses authoritarian tactics against everyone, so you too are subject to arbitrary power. Hence you too are unfree. This holds just as true of systematic injustices done by global society, and this should be the main reason for joining in solidarity against injustice.
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Marin, Mara. Care, Oppression, and Marriage as Commitment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190498627.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 argues that the sphere of intimate care, which takes shape around the practice of attending to each other’s needs, makes us vulnerable to each other. Providing care requires “skills of flexibility” because needs make demands at times that cannot be easily foreseen, change over time, and have to be interpreted. Under current social arrangements and understandings of value, the labor involved in exercising these skills is made invisible, and thus a condition of mutual vulnerability is disproportionately placed on caregivers. This creates two social groups, caregivers and care receivers, that stand in an oppressive, unjust social relation. Marriage law reform should be guided by the aim of remedying this form of injustice. Marriage law should be modeled on the notion of commitment, which would acknowledge the structural, social relational, and open-ended nature of the claims of justice made on behalf of caregivers.
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Lindsay, Keisha. In a Classroom of Their Own. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041730.001.0001.
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Many supporters of all-black male schools (ABMS) argue that they reduce black boys’ exposure to racist, “overly” feminized teachers. In casting black boys as victims of intersecting racial and gendered oppression, these supporters -- many of whom are black males -- demand an end to racism in the classroom and do so on the sexist assumption that women teachers are emasculating. This rationale for ABMS raises two questions that feminist theory has lost sight of. Why do oppressed groups articulate their experience in ways that challenge and reproduce inequality? Is it possible to build emancipatory political coalitions among groups who make such claims? This book answers these questions by articulating a new politics of experience. It begins by demonstrating that intersectionality is a politically fluid rather than an always feminist analytical framework. It also reveals a dialectical reality in which groups’ experiential claims rest on harmful assumptions and foster emancipatory demands. This book concludes that black male supporters of single-gender schools for black boys can build worthwhile coalitions around this complex reality when they interrogate their own as well as their critics’ assumptions and demands. Doing so enables these supporters to engage in educational advocacy that recognizes the value of public schools while criticizing the quality of such schools available to black boys and black girls.
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Marin, Mara. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190498627.003.0001.
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The introduction argues that actions aimed at transforming oppressive social structures encounter a problem it calls “the circle of powerlessness and denial,” a problem that follows from the structural character of social oppression. To address it, a conception of our obligations to transform social oppression has to adopt a methodological approach that links the normative question of our obligations to dismantle oppressive structures to the descriptive question of what makes these structures enduring. The notion of commitment is superior to its alternatives for its ability to link these two questions. “Commitment” offers terms that can describe and thus make visible the connections we have in virtue of the fact that we inhabit shared social structures, as well as the normative implications of these connections. Making these connections visible is key to addressing the circle of powerlessness and denial.
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Marin, Mara. Connected by Commitment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190498627.001.0001.
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Connected by Commitment examines our obligations to transform structures of oppression and argues that they should be understood on the model of “commitments.” Commitments are relationships of obligation developed over time through the accumulated effect of open-ended actions and responses. The book examines three spheres of social relations (legal relations, intimate relations of care, and work relations) and argues that in each of them oppressive relations are maintained by processes that make a mutual vulnerability invisible and in so doing are able to place it disproportionately on disadvantaged social groups. The notion of commitment is crucial for understanding how these processes can be undermined and oppressive structures can be transformed because it can explain how the cumulative effects of individual actions are implicated in sustaining oppressive relations. For example, understanding legal relations as commitments makes visible the continuous labor of compliance required by the law from those it governs and, in so doing, makes visible both the unequal burdens the law puts on different social groups and the possibilities of resistance intrinsic to the enforcement function of the law. The notion of commitment highlights the fact that we incur obligations to dismantle unjust social structures in virtue of our participation in them over time, of the cumulative effects of our actions, irrespective of our intentions. Commitment is essential to making sense of our collective obligations to transform oppression, and thus it offers a model of solidarity against multiple forms of oppression.
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Morris, Pam. The Waves: Blasphemy of Laughter and Criticism. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474419130.003.0005.
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The Waves enacts an immense widening of the scale of the perceptible from intestines and nerve endings to the movement of tides and seasons. Continuous with this comprehensive view of the physical world, the politics of the novel centres upon the fact of embodiment as the human condition and upon the determining disciplinary effects of that bodily being. The novel constitutes an extended palimpsest of Lucretius’ poem, De Rerum Natura. Like Lucretius, Woolf’s materialist aim is to denounce false systems of cultural belief but equally to contrast that conscripted social order with a poetic, empirical vision of the physical universe – hence the two-part structure of her novel. By associating her text with the work of a prestigious, but blasphemous, classical writer, Woolf challenges male, idealist definitions of culture and civilization that underpin gender, class and imperialist oppression.
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Faxneld, Per. Witches as Rebels against Patriarchy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190664473.003.0006.
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Chapter 6 provides a reading of how the subversive potential of the figure of the witch was utilized to attack the oppression of women. It commences with a discussion of Jules Michelet’s La Sorcière (1862), then considers how medical discourse on historical witches as hysterics was conflated with slander of feminists as hysterical and caricatures of them as witches. After that follows a treatment of American feminist Matilda Joslyn Gage, who presented the early modern witch cult as a Satanic rebellion against patriarchal injustice, and folklorist Charles Leland, who drew approbatory parallels between witches and the feminism of his day. The chapter demonstrates how Gage borrowed from both Michelet and Blavatsky in her texts. Finally, visual representations of the witch are discussed, focusing on how she was a symbol of female strength in both positive and negative ways in the sculptures and paintings of male as well as female artists.
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Hurtado, Aída. Intersectional Understandings of Inequality. Edited by Phillip L. Hammack. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199938735.013.12.
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To address the increase in social and economic inequalities requires complex paradigms that take into account multiple sources of oppression. This chapter proposes the concept of intersectionality elaborated through social identity theory and borderlands theory as a potential avenue for research and policy to speak to and solve multiple sources of disadvantage. The multiple sources of inequality produce intersectional identities as embodied in the social identities constituted by the master statuses of sexuality, gender, class, race, ethnicity, and physical ableness. By applying intersectionality to inequality one can examine both intersections of disadvantage (e.g., being poor and of Color) or intersections of both of disadvantage and privilege (e.g., being male and of Color). Intersectionality also permits the study of privilege when advantaged social identities are problematized. I conclude with reviewing the possible ways of empirically studying intersectionality and the advantages in applying it to the understanding of social and economic inequalities.
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Manne, Kate. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190604981.003.0001.
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Considers three cases in which we not only need to name a problem to do justice to girls and women, but in which male dominance is actively tied to blocking and preempting the term’s usage, or rewriting her mind to engineer agreement (known as “gaslighting”). Introduces the practices of silencing—in particular, “testimonial smothering”—theorized by the philosopher Kristie Dotson as a way of understanding what is at stake in analyzing terms such as “strangulation” versus “choking,” “rape,” and, it is subsequently argued, “misogyny.” Clarifies the book’s aims, methods, limitations, and notable omissions. Goes on to introduce a way of thinking about the logic of misogyny in functional terms—and hence, in this case, political ones. On the ensuing account, misogyny is a system that serves to enforce and police gendered norms and expectations to which groups of girls and women are subject under historically patriarchal orders, given the intersection between patriarchal forces with other systemic forms of domination and disadvantage, oppression and vulnerability.
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Manne, Kate. Exonerating Men. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190604981.003.0007.
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The flipside of misogyny’s punishment of women is exonerating the privileged men who engage in misogyny. This chapter canvasses this phenomenon, along with the flow of sympathy up the social hierarchy, away from the female victims of misogyny toward its (again, privileged) male perpetrators. This is dubbed “himpathy.” These phenomena are connected to epistemic injustice and epistemic oppression, theorized by Miranda Fricker and Kristie Dotson, among others. As a contrast with the much-discussed Isla Vista killings, the chapter considers the far less publicized case of the serial rapist police officer in Oklahoma City, who preyed on black women who had criminal records, in the belief that these women would have no legal recourse. This is an instance of systemic “misogynoir”—Moya Bailey’s term for the distinctive, in some ways sui generis form of misogyny to which black women in the United States are subject, given misogyny’s interaction with racism and white supremacy.
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Jacquet, Catherine O. The Injustices of Rape. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653860.001.0001.
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From 1950 to 1980, activists in the black freedom and women's liberation movements mounted significant campaigns in response to the injustices of rape. These activists challenged the dominant legal and social discourses of the day and redefined the political agenda on sexual violence for over three decades. How activists framed sexual violence--as either racial injustice, gender injustice, or both--was based in their respective frameworks of oppression. The dominant discourse of the black freedom movement constructed rape primarily as the product of racism and white supremacy, whereas the dominant discourse of women's liberation constructed rape as the result of sexism and male supremacy. In The Injustices of Rape, Catherine O. Jacquet is the first to examine these two movement responses together, explaining when and why they were in conflict, when and why they converged, and how activists both upheld and challenged them. Throughout, she uses the history of antirape activism to reveal the difficulty of challenging deeply ingrained racist and sexist ideologies, the unevenness of reform, and the necessity of an intersectional analysis to combat social injustice.
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Sanders, Bernie, and Shaun King. Make Change: How to Fight Injustice, Dismantle Systemic Oppression, and Own Our Future. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2020.
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Sanders, Bernie, and Shaun King. Make Change: How to Fight Injustice, Dismantle Systemic Oppression, and Own Our Future. Audible Studios on Brilliance Audio, 2020.
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Make Change: How to Fight Injustice, Dismantle Systemic Oppression, and Own Our Future. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Trade & Reference Publishers, 2020.
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18
Henry, Frances, and Dwaine Plaza, eds. Carnival Is Woman. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496825445.001.0001.
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What is most intriguing in the Carnivals today is the substantial increase in the number of women who play mas’ with some figures estimating as much as 70% of all players. This volume, probably the first of its kind to concentrate solely on women in Carnival, normalizes the contemporary Carnival especially as it is playedin Trinidad and Tobago by demonstrating not only their numerical strength but the kind of mas’that is featured. The bikini and beads or bikini and feathers or 'pretty mas' is the dominant mas’ in today’s Carnival. The players of today, mainly women, are signifying or symbolizing by this form of mas’, their own newly found empowerment as females and their resistance to the older cultural norms of male oppression. Several chapters discuss in detail the commoditisation of Carnival in which sex is used to enhance tourism and provide striking visual images for magazines and websites. Several put the emphasis on the unveiling of the female body and the hip rolling sexual movements called “winin” or sometimes just “it” as in “use your it.” What most of these chapters have in common however is the emphasis on the performance of scantily clad female bodies and their movements and gyrations. This volume provides a feminist perspective to the understanding of Carnival today.
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Illustrator), Steven Cruces (Author, and Rene Cardenache (Author Illustrator), eds. The Dark Oppressive Clamor of A Mind Made Mad : A Poetic Disturbance. Scruces Publications, 1997.
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20
Barger, Lilian Calles. The World Come of Age. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695392.001.0001.
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The World Come of Age offers a cultural history of ideas that culminated in a radical political theology forwarded by the first generation of liberation theologians. Representing those marginalized by modern politics and religion due to race, class, or sex status, liberationists built a trans-American intellectual movement. Lilian Calles Barger sets the stage in the 1960s and 1970s, as black theologian James Cone, Catholic priest Gustavo Gutiérrez, and feminists Mary Daly and Rosemary Radford Ruether led the way in bridging the gulf between the religious values of justice and equality and political pragmatism. Sharing a heightened awareness of oppression with Latin American revolutionaries, Black Power and women’s liberation movements, and a Third World consciousness, liberationists honed their theo-political impulses. They unmasked the ideas that underwrote the white/black, male/female, rich/poor ordering of the world, not only within given societies but between the political and economic center and the periphery of the modern world. Questioning the religious/political divide with its privatized religion, they reconstructed thinking about God’s relationship to the world. Combining strands of radical politics, social theory, theological antecedents, and the history and experience of subordinated groups, they challenged the legitimating role of theology that dominated the mid-twentieth century. Liberationists secularized the meaning of Christian salvation combined with enlightened notions of freedom into an integral liberation and sought to recover a religious vitalism to instigate social action. The World Come of Age demonstrates how, by redefining the theo-political public space, liberation theologians set the stage for the subsequent torrent of religious activism across the ideological spectrum.
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Wierzbicki, James. Jazz. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040078.003.0004.
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This chapter considers how in America's postwar years, the idea of Negro music (Jazz) as a somehow natural response to centuries of official oppression had currency not just with self-defined hipsters, but also with intellectuals who in most ways swam with the cultural-political mainstream. Whether praising the music or decrying it, white authors during the so-called Jazz Age of the 1920s tended to regard the period's eponymous music as something that perhaps originated in the African American community, but that, by the time of their writing, had been fully integrated into the American cultural mainstream. Jazz was essentially the product of a music industry made up of not just performers and composers but also publishers and record labels, an industry whose prime objective was to make a profit by catering to audience tastes.
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Lopes, Dominic McIver. Building Better Aesthetic Agents. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827214.003.0013.
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A theory of aesthetic value should help us to make sense of how our aesthetic commitments matter to us as members of collectives. Aesthetic policies endogenous to aesthetic practices are directly justified by the network theory. The chapter looks at what aesthetic reasons we have to adopt exogenous aesthetic policies. Many argue that aesthetic practices deserve public support because aesthetic goods are public goods. A case is made for an aesthetic opportunity principle: larger social groups have reason to foster the aesthetic opportunities available to their members. The principle is applied to arts education and to communication technologies subserving aesthetic exchanges. The chapter ends with a discussion of how aesthetic opportunity interacts with—and can potentially counteract—oppressive social structures.
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Pessoa, Marcelo. FALA SÉRIO ! AKEDIA / AMAZON, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33726/akdbooks978650026465-4v1a2021p120.
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Through a critical sociocultural analysis, the author establishes points and counterpoints that unite, in the same lineage, the biography of the socio-environmental activist, the Swedish woman Greta Thumberg, the controversial President of the Republic of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, and the Chinese oppression of ethnicity Uighur. Thus, in the sweet acidity of these seams, the texts of FALA SÉRIO! represent an indispensable production for anyone who wants to visualize, in a photograph made up of words, images and thoughts, what it has been like to live in the turbulent months of the COVID-19 Pandemic.
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Rajadhyaksha, Ashish. Indian Cinema. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198723097.001.0001.
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One film out of every five made anywhere comes from India. From its beginnings under colonial rule through to the heights of Bollywood, Indian cinema has challenged social injustices such as caste, the oppression of Indian women, religious intolerance, rural poverty, and the pressures of life in the burgeoning cities. Indian Cinema: A Very Short Introduction delves into the political, social, and economic factors which have shaped Indian cinema into a fascinating counterculture. Covering everything from silent cinema through to the digital era, it examines how the industry reflects the complexity and variety of Indian society through the dramatic changes of the 20th century, and into the beginnings of the 21st.
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Encarnación, Omar G. The Case for Gay Reparations. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535660.001.0001.
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This book makes the case for why the United States should embrace gay reparations, or policies intended to make amends for a history of discrimination, stigmatization, and violence against the LGBT community. It contends that gay reparations are a moral imperative for bringing dignity to those whose human rights have been violated because of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity, for closing painful histories of state-sponsored victimization of LGBT people, and for reminding future generations of past struggles for LGBT equality. To make its case, the book examines how other Western democracies notorious for their oppression of homosexuals have implemented gay reparations—specifically Spain, Britain, and Germany. Their collective experience shows that although there is no universal approach to gay reparations, it is never too late for countries to seek to right past wrongs.
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Keane, Adrian, and Paul McKeown. 14. Confessions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198811855.003.0014.
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This chapter discusses the admissibility of confessions under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (the 1984 Act). It considers how, under s 76(2) of the 1984 Act, confessions may be excluded as a matter of law where it is represented that a confession has been obtained by oppression or in consequence of something said or done which was likely to render it unreliable. It also considers the discretion to exclude confession under s 78(1) of the 1984 Act; the effect of breaches of the Codes of Practice issued under the 1984 Act; the voir dire; statements made in the presence of the accused; and facts discovered in consequence of inadmissible confessions.
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Timmermann, Marybeth, trans. Foreword to Deception Chronicles: From the Women’s Liberation Movement to a Commercial Trademark. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039003.003.0041.
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In 1971, when I first made contact with the MLF [Mouvement de Libération des Femmes, or French Women’s Liberation Movement] about the manifesto that 343 women signed saying that they had had abortions, I only met a few isolated representatives. Later I learned that they belonged to different groups with diverse tendencies that all coexisted without trying to get organized. The movement questioned any centralized, bureaucratic, or hierarchical militant movements, and therefore had no leader. In order to belong, it was enough to be a woman, aware of the oppression endured by women and eager to combat it. This resulted in a certain disorder, sometimes annoying, but overall enriching. Unity was realized through actions accomplished in common....
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Khader, Serene J. Gender-Role Eliminativism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190664190.003.0005.
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This chapter considers the role that political strategies based in household headship complementarian worldviews can play in transnational feminist praxis. The central contention is that such doctrines cannot furnish feminist ideals, because despite offering role-based reasons for men to promote individual women’s well-being and offering women opportunities for agency, they cannot ground moral criticisms of sexist oppression. However, the nonideal universalist position developed in this book cautions against dismissing headship-complementarian strategies altogether; in cases in which women’s well-being is very low or women only understand themselves in headship-complementarian terms, there may be provisional reasons for accepting such strategies. The argument is made partly through a discussion of whether headship complementarians can condemn norms and practices that support intrahousehold inequality.
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Zinck, Arlette. Piety and Radicalism. Edited by Michael Davies and W. R. Owens. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199581306.013.15.
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Scholars have long debated the issue of quietism and radicalism in John Bunyan’s prose and poetry. What is one to make of a minister who exhorts Nonconformists to non-violence in his prose writings yet pens imaginative fictions—one titled The Holy War (1682)—that seemingly glorify bloody acts of social and political radicalism? This chapter looks at the extensive corpus of works published by Bunyan in the 1680s, over the course of the last eight years of his life. This chapter does this through the lens of narrative theology, arguing that an appreciation of Bunyan’s pre-critical biblical hermeneutic helps to reconceptualize the apparent contradictions in his perspectives on violence, especially during the era of renewed oppression that occurred in the early 1680s.
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Caronan, Faye. Performing Genealogies. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039256.003.0005.
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This chapter considers how education is deployed in Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican performance poetry as a tool in decolonizing activist projects. It cites the work of Los Angeles-based Filipino American and New York-based U.S. Puerto Rican performance-poet activists such as Bonafide Rojas, Rebecca Baroma, and Napoleon Lustre to show how they teach their local communities to disidentify with narratives of U.S. exceptionalism and multiculturalism in order to recognize global power hierarchies that reproduce racial and class inequality. By connecting disparate subjugated knowledge, they construct a history of oppression and resistance that they make available to their local communities. Inside and outside the classroom, they promote disidentification as a repertory strategy to challenge institutionalized histories that privilege narratives of U.S. exceptionalism and marginalize alternative narratives.
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Coggeshall, John M. Liberia, South Carolina. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640853.001.0001.
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In 2007, while researching mountain culture in upstate South Carolina, anthropologist John M. Coggeshall stumbled upon the small community of Liberia in the Blue Ridge foothills. There he met Mable Owens Clarke and her family, the remaining members of a small African American community still living on land obtained immediately after the Civil War. This intimate history tells the story of five generations of the Owens family and their friends and neighbors, chronicling their struggles through slavery, Reconstruction, the Jim Crow era, and the desegregation of the state. Through hours of interviews with Mable and her relatives, as well as friends and neighbors, Coggeshall presents an ethnographic history that allows members of a largely ignored community to speak and record their own history for the first time. This story sheds new light on the African American experience in Appalachia, and in it Coggeshall documents the community’s 150-year history of resistance to white oppression, while offering a new way to understand the symbolic relationship between residents and the land they occupy, tying together family, memory, and narratives to explain this connection.
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Flood, Dawn Rae. Second-Wave Feminists (Re)Discover Rape. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036897.003.0006.
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This chapter considers how changes in gender and race relations played out in society and in Chicago rape trials during the late 1960s and 1970s. Outside the courtroom, feminists helped create victim advocacy services and provided much-needed support for women who came forward to report sexual attacks. Despite a long history of African American women's activism against racial and sexual violence, the radical feminist movement was plagued with a myopic focus on gender oppression that limited interracial cooperation in the anti-rape movement. Such limitations did not mean that black rape victims did not make use of advocacy services, reflecting the potential for interracial feminist cooperation during this period. Such cooperation did not extend to relaxed urban race relations, however, as defense strategies continued to challenge the familiar prejudices of the Chicago police well into the 1970s.
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Zehfuss, Maja. War and the Politics of Ethics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807995.001.0001.
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Contemporary Western war is represented as enacting the West’s ability and responsibility to help make the world a better place for others, in particular to protect them from oppression and serious human rights abuses. That is, war has become permissible again, indeed even required, as ethical war. At the same time, however, Western war kills and destroys. This creates a paradox: Western war risks killing those it proposes to protect. This book examines how we have responded to this dilemma and challenges the vision of ethical war itself. That is, it explores how the commitment to ethics shapes the practice of war and indeed how practices come, in turn, to shape what is considered ethical in war. The book closely examines particular practices of warfare, such as targeting, the use of cultural knowledge, and ethics training for soldiers. What emerges is that instead of constraining violence, the commitment to ethics enables and enhances it. The book argues that the production of ethical war relies on an impossible but obscured separation between ethics and politics, that is, a problematic politics of ethics, and reflects on the need to make decisions at the limit of ethics.
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Davenport, Lisa. The Paradox of Jazz Diplomacy. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038877.003.0008.
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This chapter focuses on the jazz tours that began in July 1954, which were sponsored by the State Department's Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. The jazz tours created a paradox in U.S. Cold War strategy. The cultural expression of one of the nation's most oppressed minorities came to symbolize the cultural superiority of American democracy. Policy makers considered jazz, the “authentic expression of American life,” to be an apt instrument in U.S. efforts to contain criticism about America's cultural and racial identity. The tours were suspended in the early 1960s when volatile racial conflicts in urban America and the Vietnam War no longer made them viable. These were reinstated in the late 1960s, but with more conservative jazz musicians. The chapter also examines the “moral tension” experienced by jazz performers over whether to “affirm their heritage by struggling against racial oppression or seek acceptance into white society.”
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Sorell, Tom, and John Guelke. Liberal Democratic Regulation and Technological Advance. Edited by Roger Brownsword, Eloise Scotford, and Karen Yeung. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199680832.013.5.
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This chapter considers an array of new technologies developed for bulk collection and data analysis that are sometimes connected by critics with mass surveillance. While the use of such technologies can be compatible with democratic principles, the NSA’s system of bulk collection has been likened to that practised by the Stasi in the former German Democratic Republic. Drawing on Pettit’s concept of domination, we dispute the comparison, conceding nevertheless that bulk collection carries risks of intrusion, error, and damage to trust. Allowing that some surveillance is bound to be secret, we insist that secrecy must be limited, and subject to democratic oversight. Even if NSA-type surveillance is not a modern reincarnation of Stasi oppression failures of oversight make it objectionable from the perspective of democratic theory. More generally, surveillance technologies interfere with individual autonomy, which liberal democratic states are committed to protecting, whether the agent making use of them is a state or private company.
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Khader, Serene J. Toward a Decolonial Feminist Universalism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190664190.003.0002.
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This chapter distinguishes the features that make certain feminisms complicit in imperialism from universalism and develops a nonideal universalist position that is simultaneously feminist and anti-imperialist. Characteristic of imperialism-complicit missionary feminisms are commitments to ethnocentrism, justice monism, idealization, and what this chapter calls “moralism.” Ethnocentric justice monism is the view that gender justice can only be actualized within one set of (Western) cultural forms. Idealization and moralism involve the adoption of a false social ontology according to which the West’s ostensible superiority comes from endogenous cultural factors, the West represents the desired future of all societies, and Western action is driven by concern with justice. In contrast, nonideal universalists hold that feminism is opposition to sexist oppression and recognize that transnational feminist praxis is a justice-enhancing project. Justice-enhancing projects are not monist about justice, and they recognize the practical character of judgments about what will aid transitions out of nonideal conditions.
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Forster, Michael N. Herder and Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779650.003.0013.
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The aim of this article is to reassess Herder’s complex attitude toward the Jews. The liberal image of Herder made him into a philo-Semitic humanitarian who greatly valued Jewish culture. Recently, however, Paul Lawrence Rose has argued that Herder has been misread as a protoliberal and that he did not advocate anything like Jewish emancipation; rather, Herder adopted a “statist” view which tolerated Jews in the modern state only to the extent that they were useful to it. Against Rose’s criticism, this chapter argues that although Herder did not conceive of different cultures within one state, he still insisted upon tolerance toward minorities and peoples of different cultures. While Herder did share some prevalent negative views about Jews, his general opinion was highly positive and he expressly ascribed their negative characteristics to their oppression, their compulsory confinement to trade. Herder believed that prejudices against Jews would disappear with greater political reform.
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Moane, Geraldine. Integrating Grassroots Perspectives and Women’s Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190614614.003.0005.
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This chapter considers how social psychological perspectives from feminist and liberation psychologies can enhance understandings of human rights activism, using three examples from the Irish context: abortion, poverty, and sexual orientation. The gap between institutional/state structures and grassroots community groups is apparent from the case of abortion and the use of the human rights framework in an Irish context. Possibilities for bridging this gap and for expanded understandings of human rights are considered. Firstly, Links are made between women’s human rights and structures of oppression through examples from community-based education with women living in impoverished communities. Secondly, A case study of community activism involving women from a deprived community demonstrates how a micro-level or bottom-up understanding of social change can be integrated with human rights. Thirdly, The example of LGBT women points to the need to expand individualistic concepts of personhood that underpin human rights to include relational and collective psychological processes.
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Brown, Ruth Nicole. More than Sass or Silence. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037979.003.0006.
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This chapter presents a soundtrack of Black girls' expressive culture as ethnographically documented in SOLHOT in the form of original music. To think through the more dominant categorizations of how Black girls are heard, as both sassy and silent, this chapter samples Andrea Smith's (2006) “Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy: Rethinking Women of Color Organizing” to offer a new frame called “The Creative Potential of Black Girlhood.” Music made from conversations in SOLHOT is used to emphasize how three logics of the creative potential framework, including volume/oppression, swagg/surveillance, and booty/capitalism, amplifies Black girls' critical thought to document the often overlooked creative process of Black girl music making, demonstrate how hip-hop feminist sensibilities inform girls' studies, and, most importantly, move those who do Black girl organizing toward a wider repertoire of actions and conversations that affirm differences among Black girls and differently sounding Black girl knowledge.
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Gruen, Lori, and Justin Marceau, eds. Carceral Logics. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108919210.
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Carceral logics permeate our thinking about humans and nonhumans. We imagine that greater punishment will reduce crime and make society safer. We hope that more convictions and policing for animal crimes will keep animals safe and elevate their social status. The dominant approach to human-animal relations is governed by an unjust imbalance of power that subordinates or ignores the interest nonhumans have in freedom. In this volume Lori Gruen and Justin Marceau invite experts to provide insights into the complicated intersection of issues that arise in thinking about animal law, violence, mass incarceration, and social change. Advocates for enhancing the legal status of animals could learn a great deal from the history and successes (and failures) of other social movements. Likewise, social change lawyers, as well as animal advocates, might learn lessons from each other about the interconnections of oppression as they work to achieve liberation for all. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
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Faxneld, Per. Romantic and Socialist Satanism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190664473.003.0003.
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Chapter 3 treats the fact that from the very start, literary Satanism has had a pronounced political dimension. It provides an overview of the radical Romantics who made Satan a symbol of rebellion against oppressive religious structures, and how socialists later appropriated this strategy of resistance to religious mores. Special attention is given to Percy Shelley’s The Revolt of Islam (1817), perhaps the first piece of Satanic feminism. Later, anarchists like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin took the Devil to heart and integrated the figure into their respective endeavours. Rounding off the chapter, a number of reasons why Satan was strategically attractive to Romantics and socialists are suggested.
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Baggett, Ashley. Intimate Partner Violence in New Orleans. University Press of Mississippi, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496815217.001.0001.
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Intimate Partner Violence in New Orleans: Gender, Race, and Reform, 1840–1900 examines the shifting nature of gender, race, and intimate partner violence in New Orleans—a place dramatically affected by countless social and cultural changes during six decades that encompassed the end of American slavery, the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the new and oppressive racial order that ushered in the twentieth century. The work utilizes documentation contained in local and state court cases to make new arguments about gender representation, legal reform, and the changing ways in which intimate partner violence was practiced and controlled and sanctioned and prohibited. It offers new insight to regional distinctiveness the South and race played into cultural and legal practices.
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Billies, Michelle. How/Can Psychology Support Low-Income LGBTGNC Liberation? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190614614.003.0002.
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Findings from a participatory action research project conducted by the Welfare Warriors Research Collaborative (WWRC) are used to explore the questions of whether and what kind of psychology can support racially and ethnically diverse, low-income lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and gender nonconforming (LGBTGNC) liberation. Such issues cannot be understood through lenses of gender and sexuality alone and mainstream psychology—as well as the larger LGBT movement—has tended to ignore the formative ways oppressions are made to work together. Intersectionality and homonationalism are necessary concepts in a psychology of low-income, racially and ethnically diverse LGBTGNC liberation as well as an understanding of “resistance” that broadens to include building community among individuals as well as solidarity and coalition with sister social movements. Freedom of movement and the right to housing are explored as human rights relevant for a low-income LGBTGNC psychology of liberation.
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Potter, Nancy Nyquist. Theorizing defiance. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199663866.003.0002.
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This chapter presents a general theory of defiance, both in general terms and as it pertains to patients with mental disorders. The author frames defiance as a response to authoritative norms for civility and argues that these norms are, and often should be, questioned by those who are systemically adversely affected by them. Defiance is distinguished from civil disobedience, civil resistance, and other challenges to authority. Aristotle’s virtue ethics is introduced, but with challenges to his neglect of oppressive or disabling conditions on the ability to flourish. The concept of master narratives is used to identify ways that dominant norms for reasoning make it difficult to assess properly when defiance is virtuous, vicious, or a symptom of mental illness. Examples are employed to illustrate what would count as a deficiency, an excess, and the mean. The author also introduces the framework of burdened virtues—virtues that impede flourishing and that do harm to those who develop them.
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Morales, R. Isabela. Happy Dreams of Liberty. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531792.001.0001.
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When Samuel Townsend died at his home in Madison County, Alabama, in November 1856, the white cotton planter left behind hundreds of slaves and an estate worth approximately $200,000. In life, Samuel had done little to distinguish himself from other members of the South’s slaveholding elite. But he made a name for himself in death by leaving his fortune to his five sons, four daughters, and two nieces: all of them enslaved. Happy Dreams of Liberty is the story of these former slaves, a mixed-race family that migrated across the American West and South in the second half of the nineteenth century. Searching for communities where they could enjoy their freedom and wealth to the fullest, the Townsends homesteaded in Ohio and Kansas, fought for the Union Army in Mississippi, mined for silver in the Colorado Rockies, and, in the case of one son, returned to Alabama to purchase a part of the old plantation where he had once been enslaved. Their travels map a landscape of opportunity and oppression where meanings of race and freedom, as well as concrete opportunities for social and economic mobility, were dictated by highly local circumstances. During the turbulent period between the Civil War and the rise of Jim Crow at the turn of the twentieth century, the Townsends carved out spaces where they were able to benefit from their money and mixed-race ancestry, pass down generational wealth, and pursue their dreams of advancement and equality.
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Pickren, Wade E., ed. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the History of Modern Psychology. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acref/9780190849832.001.0001.
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The history of psychology as a scholarly field has grown and diversified since the landmark volumes of E. G. Boring’s A History of Experimental Psychology (1929, 1950). It is now a site of scholarly inquiry that attracts practitioners from a range of disciplines. Psychological concepts and practices hold interest for people from all walks of life and from around the globe. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the History of Modern Psychology reflects the range of such interest. The essays found here explore topics from everyday subjective experiences to deep connections among esoteric laboratory sciences and Enlightenment philosophies. Our contributors seek to answer difficult questions about how psychology developed, not only in the Western world, but across the globe. Human history has many examples of how people have used knowledge about themselves, others, and their world to try and change or improve their lives. How did these experiences help make possible a science and profession of psychology? In turn, how has scientific and professional psychology shaped or influenced the psychology of everyday life? The reader will find in these essays key insights into the profound differences that have marked the growth of Western modernity—race, gender, sexuality among them—and what they reveal about selfhood, identity, and possibilities for human freedom and oppression. In our own time, we see the psychological, economic, and political legacy of past practices and the profound inequities that we now must address. We hope these histories will help readers find or create counter-histories that help us move toward a more equitable world.
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Lerner, Adam B. From the Ashes of History. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197623589.001.0001.
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This book theorizes collective trauma as a foundational force in international politics—a shock to political cultures that can both make and break international institutions. Though scholars of international relations and related disciplines have historically paid outsize attention to the onset of mass violence, as well as the changes it causes in the balance of power or security calculations, far less attention has been paid to its indirect longer-term impacts, particularly as they manifest as collective trauma. This book argues that collective trauma can not only shape the divisions between “us” and “them” that constitute the international system but also frame logics of interaction over the course of generations. The first half of the book develops a theoretical framework for understanding collective trauma as an emergent phenomenon, outlining both how it translates from individual to social (and vice versa) and how it interacts with diverse political conditions and competing priorities. The second half turns to three historical cases examining colonialism as collective trauma in post-independence India, the Holocaust’s constitutive role in Israeli foreign policy imaginaries, and the influence of the post-traumatic stress disorder diagnosis on the US global war on terror. Taken together, these cases demonstrate collective trauma’s foundational role in international politics, as well as the larger potential benefits of a “trauma turn” for the international relations discipline. This reorientation, the book demonstrates, is particularly vital as scholars work to combat the discipline’s Western bias and better account for the legacy of structural injustice and oppression.
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Rees, Stuart. Cruelty or Humanity. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356974.001.0001.
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Discrimination, unjust economic policies and violent regimes continue in the 21st century. This book exposes politicians' cruel motives and the resulting outcomes. The book begins with an overview of the role of cruelty in politics, in the design and implementation of state policies and in non-state responses. Cruel acts and policies are worldwide, though the United Nations has set prohibitions on cruelty which represent global standards. If truths about worldwide cruelties become evident, the elimination of such practices should become a key consideration in any future crafting of policies and in the advocacy of values which influence political cultures. Advocacy of humanitarian alternatives to cruelty would depend on the spirit of universal human rights, challenges to oppressive uses of power, and the promotion of policies to address social and economic inequalities. Understanding cruelty can be made easier by theory about patterns which persist irrespective of differences between countries and cultures. Through empirical analysis, human stories and poetic commentary, the book identifies non-destructive exercise of power, courageous public action and compelling humanitarian alternatives as the key to achieving a future in which dignity and equality flourish.
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Heckman, Alma Rachel. The Sultan's Communists. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613805.001.0001.
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Structured around the stories of five prominent Moroccan Jewish Communists (Léon René Sultan, Edmond Amran El Maleh, Abraham Serfaty, Simon Lévy, and Sion Asssidon), The Sultan’s Communists examines how Moroccan Jews envisioned themselves participating as citizens in a newly independent Morocco. It also explores how Communism facilitated the participation of Moroccan Jews in Morocco’s national liberation struggle with roots in the mass upheavals of the interwar and WWII periods. Alma Heckman describes how Moroccan Communist Jews fit within the story of mass Jewish exodus from Morocco in the 1950s and ’60s, and how Communist Jews survived oppressive post-independence authoritarian rule under the Moroccan monarchy. These stories unfold in a country that, upon independence from France and Spain in 1956, allied itself with the United States (and, more quietly, Israel) during the Cold War all while attempting to claim a place for itself within the fraught politics of the post-independence Arab world. Heckman’s manuscript contributes to the growing literature on Jews in the modern Middle East, filling in the gaps on the Jewish history of 20th-century Morocco as no other previous book has done.
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Colburn, Henry. Archaeology of Empire in Achaemenid Egypt. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452366.001.0001.
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This book is the first study of the material culture of Egypt during the period of Achaemenid Persian rule (ca. 526-404 B.C., also known as the ‘27th Dynasty’). Previous studies have characterised this period either as ephemeral and weak or oppressive and harsh. These characterisations, however, are based on the perceived lack of evidence for this period, filtered through ancient and modern preconceptions about the Persians. This book challenges these views in two ways: first, by assembling and analyzing the archaeological remains from this period, including temples, tombs, irrigation works, statues, stelae, sealings, drinking vessels and coins; and second, by using that material to study both the nature of Achaemenid rule, and how the people living in Egypt experienced that rule. The archaeological perspective permits the study of people from all walks of life, not just the elites who could afford to commission statues and; rather, by looking at the decisions made about material culture by a wide range of people in Egypt, it is possible to understand both how the Persians integrated Egypt into their empire, and how various individuals understood their roles in society during the course of this integration. It is thus a study of both imperialism and identity.